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christopher j. smith
The Creolization
of American Culture
william sidney mount and the roots
of blackface minstrelsy
The Creolization of American Culture
Smith_Creolization_txt.indd 1 5/6/13 8:18 AM
music in american life
A list of books in the series appears at the end of this book.
Smith_Creolization_txt.indd 2 5/6/13 8:18 AM
The Creolization
of American
Culture
William Sidney Mount
and the Roots of
Blackface Minstrelsy
Christopher J. Smith
university of illinois press
urbana, chicago, and springfield
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Publication supported by the Barry and Claire Brook Endowment of the
American Musicological Society and by the H. Earle Johnson Fund of the
Society for American Music.
© 2013 by the Board of Trustees
of the University of Illinois
All rights reserved
Manufactured in the United States of America
c 5 4 3 2 1
∞ This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Smith, Christopher J. (Christopher John), 1959-
The creolization of American culture: William Sidney Mount and the roots of
blackface minstrelsy / Christopher J. Smith.
pages cm. — (Music in American life)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 978-0-252-03776-4 (cloth : alk. paper)
isbn 978-0-252-09504-7 (e-book)
1. Minstrel music—United States—History and criticism.
2. Minstrel shows—United States—History.
3. Blackface entertainers—United States.
4. Mount, William Sidney, 1807–1868.
I. Title.
ml1711.s63 2013
781.640973'09034—dc23 2012050436
Smith_Creolization_txt.indd 4 5/6/13 8:18 AM
This book is dedicated to Old Corn Meal,
“Bobolink Bob” Rawley, Juba Lane, John J. “Juba” Clark,
John “Picayune” Butler, Banjo Joe Sweeney,
Thomas “Daddy” Rice, George Dixon, Dan Emmett, Shep Jones,
Robert Nelson Mount, “Ferguson,” “Pot Pie” Herbert, Bob Farrell,
Joe Blackburn, John Diamond . . . and all the rest of them.
In memory of Bobby Smith Thomas.
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Smith_Creolization_txt.indd 6 5/6/13 8:18 AM
Contents
preface ix
acknowledgments xv
1 Recovering the Creole Synthesis:
The Roots of Blackface Minstrelsy 1
2 The Creole Synthesis in the New World:
Cultures in Contact 28
3 Long Island and the Lower East Side:
Mount’s Background, Youth,
and Apprenticeships 79
4 Minstrelsy’s Material Culture:
The Evidence of Mount’s Portraiture 122
5 Melody’s Polyrhythmic Polysemic Possibilities:
The Bodily Evidence of Mount’s Music 148
6 Akimbo Culture: Dance and
the Participatory Pleasures of the Body 173
Conclusion: The Creole Synthesis
in American Culture 210
Appendix: Blackface Scholarship 217
notes 235
index 299
Illustrations follow page 124.
Smith_Creolization_txt.indd 7 5/6/13 8:18 AM
Smith_Creolization_txt.indd 8 5/6/13 8:18 AM
Preface
The cr eolization in the title of this book connotes a process of
cultural exchange identifiable in many aspects of antebellum life. In the early-
nineteenth-century United States, this exchange was particularly rich and par-
ticularly visible in the expressive arts; most specifically, in the sounding and
bodily performance genres of participatory Anglo-African music-and-dance.
While black-white exchange has long been recognized as a major element in
shaping North American vernacular music, the extent, geographic distribu-
tion, breadth of time span, diversity, and terminus post quem of that exchange
have sometimes been misunderstood. Minstrelsy, conventionally understood
since the 1840s as a significantly new synthesis of vernacular forms, was in
fact not the inception but rather the culmination of an exchange, rooted
in the combination of culture-crossing vernacular idioms that significantly
predate the first theatrical blackface performances.
The Afro-Caribbean elements whose entry into Anglo-American music-
and-dance made both blackface minstrelsy and the creole synthesis possible
in the United States can be identified not only in textual descriptions or music
notations, but also through reconstruction of performances and in the body
vocabularies depicted in a range of iconography. The paintings and drawings
of William Sidney Mount, the eponymous focus of this book, present particu-
larly rich, detailed, and reliable portrayals of instrumental music making and
dance, and as a result provide particularly solid and comprehensive evidence
for the presence of the creole synthesis among the African American and
Anglo-Celtic populations he represented.
But Mount’s evidence, especially considered in light of parallels between
his life experience and those of his musician and artist contemporaries, also
confirms the presence of the creole synthesis beyond his own localities of
Long Island and of Manhattan’s Lower East Side. Contemporaneous demo-
graphics, iconography, biography, and other data reveal that analogous con-
ditions, conducive to the creole synthesis, existed in riverine and maritime
contexts all over the early-nineteenth-century United States. Evidence for
such conditions can be identified from New York, Albany, and Boston in the
North; Charleston and Savannah in the Southeast; Cincinnati and Louisville
Smith_Creolization_txt.indd 9 5/6/13 8:18 AM
on the frontiers; Mobile, Natchez, and New Orleans on the Gulf Coast; and
out into several islands of the West Atlantic and the Caribbean. Therefore, in
order to fully understand both the musicological significance of Mount’s own
works, and of what those works reveal about the Afro-Celtic creole synthesis
across the wider realms of U.S. music, it is necessary to situate Mount in a
nuanced and overlapping combination of cultural-historical contexts.
The musicological scholarship on blackface minstrelsy is rich but has typi-
cally focused on one or another subset of primary-source evidence—most
commonly, on either period descriptions or printed sheet music. Conversely,
while blackface iconography and antebellum vernacular painting have been
widely studied, these studies have tended to employ analytical methods de-
rived from semiotics or art history; as a result, the musicological implications
of artworks have not been fully explored.
This book argues that a cross-referencing of evidence—music notations,
textual descriptions, iconography, and vernacular art, along with demograph-
ics and other primary sources—reveals an Anglo-African cultural exchange
that was much wider, more ubiquitous, and more influential than even the
specialist blackface scholarship has previously suggested. Such analysis sug-
gests that the conditions for the creole synthesis existed across a wide geo-
graphical distribution from as early as the mid-seventeenth century, and thus
far predate the moments or locations of origin conventionally attributed to
minstrelsy. Seen in this light, nineteenth-century blackface becomes, not a
radical new invention, but rather the codification and theatricalization of a
cluster of working-class performance idioms that were already familiar from
the boundary zones of streets, wharves, decks, and fairgrounds.
Recognizing the wider conditions and distribution of the earliest roots of
the creole synthesis conversely helps us situate Mount in a wider range of
immediate contexts and experiences than have previously been attributed
to him: for example, while he died in 1867, his artistic, musical, and political
consciousnesses were formed in a postrevolutionary cultural environment
strongly influenced by Dutch, English, Scottish, and Afro-Caribbean musical
elements. Similarly, Mount’s early manhood in the 1820s made him a wit-
ness to the historical moments at which the creole synthesis began to move
from streets, decks, and wharves to theatrical stages. In terms of geography,
the conditions that brought about the creole synthesis in riverine and mari-
time environments across the Caribbean and West Atlantic were mirrored
in Mount’s home regions of Long Island and Manhattan’s Lower East Side;
that blackface minstrelsy first took root on the theatrical stage in New York
City (with Rice and Dixon in the early 1830s, and the Virginia Minstrels in
x pr eface
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the winter of 1842–43) is a product of unique visibility and reportage, not of
unique or atypical conditions.
It is a happy accident that Mount was active as an apprentice, fan, musi-
cian, and visual chronicler in this same period. His unique suitability as close
and accurate musical and visual reporter raises this happy accident to the
level of nearly miraculous, but should not be taken to mean that the creole
synthesis occurred only where Mount, the “flash” press, or Charles Dickens
were present to describe it. Mount’s reportage is uniquely valuable, as we will
see—but its range and specificity of detail should not blind us to the copious
evidence for the creole synthesis found elsewhere across the West Atlantic.
Mount was born into a creolizing environment, in close maritime proxim-
ity to Manhattan, with a strong aptitude and interest for music and a circle
of musical acquaintance, into a family whose Long Island and Lower East
Side connections (most notably in the person of his musician uncle Micah
Hawkins) provided Mount extensive exposure to the street musics of the
Jacksonian period. His interest and skills in music, his habit of sketching
from life, and his biographical and geographical proximity to cross-cultural
environments, all make him a particularly useful and reliable reporter on
the musical elements of the creole synthesis. Circumstantial, archival, and
iconographic evidence all confirm this reliability.
Additional confirmation of Mount’s accurate and informed observation is
found in the musical repertoires represented in his personal papers—letters,
music manuscripts, autobiographical fragments, and family recollections—
that confirm the central role that music played in his life as player, listener, and
professional artist. In this area, the materials held by the Long Island Museum
of American Art, History, and Carriages and the New-York Historical Society
are crucial.
What we know of Mount’s biography, interests, experiences, and musi-
cal circles encourages us to look for evidence of the creole synthesis not
only in these materials (notations, recollections, and so on) but also in the
iconographic information contained in his paintings and drawings—the lat-
ter almost always sketched from life subjects. The genres of and markets for
vernacular and popular art experienced explosive growth with the rise of
Jacksonian politics and the opening of the “frontiers,” and this market in
turn generated artworks (by Mount, but also George Caleb Bingham, Daniel
Claypool Johnson, James Henry Beard, and others, all discussed ahead) some
percentage of which contain kinesthetic evidence of dance idioms identifiable
as creole—and thus, of the “creolization” of U.S. movement vocabularies in
the antebellum period.
pr eface xi
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The book thus follows a gradually tightening focus, situating Mount in
nested historical and geographic contexts. We begin with a wide geographic
and historical span, gradually tightening in time and space to frame the more
immediate context for Mount’s own life, works, and potential contributions to
the historical record. Following the introduction in chapter 1 of the problem
(further enriched by a methodological appendix that surveys the existing
literature), chapter 2 identifies elements of the “creole synthesis” throughout
the Caribbean and the British colonies of North America, essentially from
first black-white historical contact. Chapter 3 tightens the focus again, to the
Long Island and Lower Manhattan geographical locations and the postrevo-
lutionary generation into which Mount would be born.
The scene having been set, chapters 4 through 6 address Mount’s evidence
directly. Their topics include: the material culture and professional experi-
ence of the musicians he portrayed (chapter 4); the melodic and polyrhyth-
mic implications of the musical repertoires he collected (chapter 5); and the
physical and participatory implications of the dance cultures he depicted
(chapter 6). Chapter 6, in addition to addressing the breadth and complexity
of the movement vocabularies that reveal the influence of Afro-Caribbean
ethnochoreology in Mount’s subjects, then opens out the discussion again,
referencing analogous examples of iconography, and using the ubiquity of
these vocabularies to trace the heretofore unrecognized scope and spread of
the creole synthesis.
For some readers, the material on black-white contact and the street roots
and theater roots of blackface may be familiar, while less familiar for others.
Chapters 1 and 2 thus establish a central narrative, situating Mount in wider
chronological and geographic contexts, and exploring the ways in which his
life and works illuminate both contexts and musical expression within those
contexts. I hope in this fashion to invite the expert to see familiar data in a
new interpretive light, and the novice to experience a clear, persuasive, and
engrossing storyline.
This book’s analysis of specific artworks, situated within a very wide geo-
graphic and historiographic range of contexts, helps us see both the con-
crete evidence and the wider implications of the creole synthesis, not just
for understanding the roots of theatrical blackface minstrelsy (arguably, the
first American “pop music craze”), but for understanding the ubiquitous,
long-standing, and essential aspects of cross-community and class cultural
exchange as well, within the wider span of U.S. history. Mount is a particu-
larly rewarding subject for cultural history, but the unusually concrete and
detailed visual and biographical data in his case should not blind us to the
xii pr eface
Smith_Creolization_txt.indd 12 5/6/13 8:18 AM
ways in which his experience reveals that of other less well documented
contemporaries, both artists and musicians.
My personal motivation and preparation for doing this scholarship likewise
implicate a range of autobiography and activities appertaining to these musical
traditions. I have experience as a learner—a participant observer—seeking to
cross cultural boundaries in order to acquire a desired musical idiom: as a
musician, most of the genres I have played have required me to engage in a
degree of quasi-ethnographic activity. I have long-standing research interests
in the history of U.S. immigrant groups’ use of music as a tool for maintain-
ing and protecting cultural identity—and in the collision of those groups at
the roots of American popular culture. In addition, I have experience in the
craft of historical performance, which develops practical music-reconstructive
methodologies between, and drawing on, both musicology and ethnography:
in this sense, as a historical performer I have also been required to engage in
the “ethnography of the past” that I undertake in this book. At the same time, I
am strongly influenced by the synthesis of methods and perspectives employed
by the seminal blackface scholars, W. T. Lhamon Jr., Eric Lott, Dale Cockrell,
and William Mahar among others, who identify the semiotic, expressive, and
symbolic elements of the idiom, and situate its attraction and immediacy for
audiences in the appeal of these factors. Finally, there is an element of the
political in my motivation, which derives from my sense that, as with many
other musics I have studied and loved, the story of the creole synthesis has
largely been omitted from wider musical histories due to prejudices of eco-
nomic class, social hierarchy, and racial discrimination.
This book arises from all these factors.
My topic and methodology have implications across a range of scholar-
ship. This would include studies addressing the histories of oral-tradition
(especially dance) music, and most particularly those for which iconographic
evidence is stronger than notated materials. In such cases, wherein histori-
ography infers there was a rich, non-notated, oral-tradition performance
practice not fully represented in the written record, reconstruction of the
actual sound and kinesthetic experience of the resulting music can be chal-
lenging. The methodologies described in this book, particularly those ad-
dressing the rhythmic and kinesthetic analysis of iconography, enrich such
reconstructions, as the “frozen motion” of the bodies depicted in images can
tell us things about how dance rhythm sounded, worked, and felt, and about
the social communities it made possible.
In addition, this book provides useful perspectives on the study of Ameri-
can popular culture processes, particularly those by which dance music
pr eface xiii
Smith_Creolization_txt.indd 13 5/6/13 8:18 AM
idioms have migrated and amalgamated across geographical, historical, and
ethnic boundaries. Such situations are complex, implicating many different
factors, but in these pages I have suggested both a model and a set of tools for
addressing these factors to yield more sophisticated and nuanced historical
interpretations.
The book creates a historiographic approach to, and a framework for un-
derstanding, a group of American popular cultural idioms that arise pre-
cisely because of the nature of the (sometimes difficult) interaction between
class, race, and cultural exchange in this hemisphere. Beyond my particular
historical and geographical example, I would argue that the earliest roots
of Appalachian, Cajun, Zydeco, and brass-band musics, for example, might
respond well to a similarly multidisciplinary approach to the creole synthesis.
Moreover—and here I am especially indebted to previous blackface scholar-
ship—the book situates the cultural history of conflict between nativist and
immigrant groups, and the complexities of those groups’ cultural interac-
tions, as embodying a fluid, contested dynamic of appropriation, derogation,
emulation, exploitation, greed, theft, and inspiration. It makes clear that,
over the history of U.S. culture, the creole synthesis, while unquestionably
engaging all these dynamics both positive and negative, has also been a source
of empowerment, enrichment, engagement, and positive cultural change.
Understanding the dynamics of the creole synthesis thus provides essential
insights for understanding the dynamics of American popular culture, and
of American cultural identity.
xiv pr eface
Smith_Creolization_txt.indd 14 5/6/13 8:18 AM
Acknowledgments
The origins of this research arise from a combination of intuition
and conversation: my intuition, as an American musician and long-time
practitioner of both Anglo-Celtic and African American vernacular styles,
that these immigrant musical traditions might share complex and tightly
intertwined social histories. The conversation, on the other hand, took place
on a hot day in July 1999 on the shaded porch of an antebellum tavern, built
by slave masons, at the old river port of Weston, Missouri: talking with new
friends and fellow roots musicians Roger Landes and Chipper Thompson
about the Missouri River painter George Caleb Bingham and the New Yorker
William Sidney Mount.
My thanks go also to my root musicology teachers J. Peter Burkholder, the
late Austin Caswell, Jeffrey Magee, Thomas Mathiesen, and the late George
Buelow; and to the remarkable medieval music specialist Thomas Binkley,
who located for me an experiential and analytical portal between old music
and vernacular music. I am deeply grateful to these giants for their profes-
sional example and their personal friendship. I am grateful likewise to my
undergraduate professors Robert Prins, Joseph Dyer, and Dianthe Myers-
Spencer, who opened for me the world of academic music scholarship, and
to the staff of the inaugural class of the New School’s Freshman Year Program
(1976–77), who first introduced me to the wider pleasures of scholarly inquiry.
More distantly, I thank the authors George MacDonald Fraser, Mark Twain,
David Halberstam, and Natalie Goldberg, for their shining example, and for
teaching me that the very most riveting stories of all are rooted not in fiction
but in history.
It has been a pleasure and a privilege to be welcomed into the ranks of
musicologists specializing in American vernaculars; special appreciation
goes to my friends and rigorous discussants Paul Wells, Dale Cockrell, Jeff
Todd Titon, and Scott DeVeaux. This book would likewise have been impos-
sible without the superb work of those scholars who, with insight, rigor, and
scholarly courage led the way to a reenvisioning of what blackface was and
means: Hans Nathan, W. T. Lhamon Jr., Eric Lott, Dale Cockrell, William J.
Mahar, Robert Carlin, and Robert Winans. I have also been inspired by many
Smith_Creolization_txt.indd 15 5/6/13 8:18 AM
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