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The Heroic Slave
This page intentionally left blank
Frederick Douglass

The Heroic Slave

A C u lt ural an d Critica l Edition

Edited by
Robert S. Levine,
John Stauffer, and
John R. McKivigan

New Haven & London

 Published with assistance from the National Historical Publications and
Records Commission.
Published with assistance from the Louis Stern Memorial Fund.

Copyright © 2015 by Yale University. All rights reserved.

This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including
illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107
and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public
press), without written permission from the publishers.

Yale University Press books may be purchased in quantity for educational,

business, or promotional use. For information, please e-mail
[email protected] (U.S. office) or [email protected] (U.K. office).

Printed in the United States of America.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Douglass, Frederick, 1818–1895.
The heroic slave / Frederick Douglass ; a cultural and critical edition ; edited by
Robert S. Levine, John Stauffer, and John R. McKivigan.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 978-0-300-18462-4 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Washington, Madison—
Fiction. 2. Slaves—United States—Fiction. 3. Creole (Brig)—
Fiction. 4. Slave insurrections—United States—History—19th
century—Fiction. 5. Mutiny—United States—History—19th century—
Fiction 6. Douglass, Frederick, 1818–1895 Heroic slave. I. Levine, Robert S.
(Robert Steven), 1953– editor. II. Stauffer, John, 1965– editor. III. McKivigan,
John R., 1949– editor. IV. Title.
PS1549.D66H47 2015
813'.3—dc23  2014029869

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48–1992

(Permanence of Paper).

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
 Contents

Acknowledgments ix
Introduction xi

Part 1: The Text of Frederick Douglass’s

The Heroic Slave
Frederick Douglass, The Heroic Slave 3
A Note on the Text 53

Part 2: Contemporary Responses to the Creole

Rebellion, 1841–1843
“Another Amistad Case—What Will Grow Out of It?” 59
“The Creole Mutiny” 62
Protest of the Officers and Crew of the American
Brig Creole 66
“The Hero Mutineers” 75
Deposition of William H. Merritt 81
“Madison Washington: Another Chapter in His History” 85
Daniel Webster, Letter to Edward Everett 88
William Ellery Channing, from The Duty of the Free
States, or Remarks Suggested by the Case of the Creole 99
vi Contents

Joshua R. Giddings, Resolutions 104

Henry Highland Garnet, from “An Address to the Slaves of the
United States of America” 107

Part 3: Douglass on the Creole and

Black Revolution
Frederick Douglass, from “American Prejudice
against Color” 113
Frederick Douglass, from “America’s Compromise with
Slavery and the Abolitionists’ Work” 116
Frederick Douglass, from “American and Scottish Prejudice
against the Slave” 118
Frederick Douglass, from “Meeting in Faneuil Hall” 121
Frederick Douglass, from “Address at the Great
Anti-Colonization Meeting in New York” 123
Frederick Douglass, from “What to the Slave
Is the Fourth of July?” 127
Frederick Douglass, from “West India Emancipation” 133
Frederick Douglass, “A Black Hero” 138

Part 4: Narratives of the Creole

Rebellion, 1855–1901
William C. Nell, “Madison Washington” 145
Samuel Ringgold Ward, “Men and Women of Mark” 147
William Wells Brown, “Slave Revolt at Sea” 150
Lydia Maria Child, “Madison Washington” 161
Robert Purvis, “A Priceless Picture: History of Sinque,
the Hero of the Amistad” 168
Pauline E. Hopkins, “A Dash for Liberty” 178

Part 5: Criticism
Robert B. Stepto, from “Storytelling in Early
Afro-American Fiction” 191
Contents vii

William L. Andrews, from “The Novelization of Voice in

Early African American Narrative” 202
Richard Yarborough, from “Race, Violence, and Manhood” 207
Maggie Montesinos Sale, from “The Heroic Slave” 220
Celeste-Marie Bernier, from “‘Arms like Polished Iron’” 226
Ivy G. Wilson, from “Transnationalism, Frederick
Douglass, and ‘The Heroic Slave’” 231
Carrie Hyde, from “The Climates of Liberty” 238

Chronology of Frederick Douglass, Madison

Washington, and Resistance to Slavery 251
Selected Bibliography 263
This page intentionally left blank
 Acknowledgments

For their assistance with documents and images, we would like to

thank the Harvard University librarians Emily Bell (in Government
Documents), Gregory Eow (Widener Library), and Peter Accardo
(Houghton Library); the University of Maryland librarian Patricia
Herron; and the knowledgeable staff at the Library of Congress. For
their helpful suggestions along the way, we are grateful to Celeste-
Marie Bernier, Deborah Cunningham, David Brion Davis, Henry Louis
Gates, Jr., Howard Jones, Jim Oakes, Robert Paquette, Manisha Sinha,
Robert Stepto, and Zoe Trodd. Offering crucial assistance with the text
of The Heroic Slave, which was developed at the Frederick Douglass
Papers at Indiana University–Purdue University Indianapolis, were
Eamonn Brandon, Kate Burzlaff, James A. Hanna, and Rebecca Pattillo.
Their work was supported by the National Historical Publications and
Records Commission and the Indiana University School of Liberal Arts
at Indianapolis. Robert S. Levine did much of his work on the edition
while a Guggenheim Fellow, and he is grateful for the support of the
Guggenheim Foundation. For their encouragement and advice, we
are pleased to thank Sarah Miller, Heather Gold, and Margaret Otzel,
our editors at Yale University Press. Our thanks as well to the Press’s
anonymous readers and to our skillful copy editor, Kip Keller.

ix
This page intentionally left blank
 Introduction

O
n 25 October 1841, the slave ship Creole left Richmond,
Virginia, for New Orleans, the largest slave-trading mar-
ket in North America. The brig carried 13 sailors and
crew, 6 white passengers, numerous boxes of tobacco, and
135 slaves, worth about $100,000 (around $3 million in 2014 currency).
Eight days later, as the Creole sailed through the northern Bahamas,
19 slaves rose up in revolt. Within a few hours they had taken control
of the ship and forced a crewman to sail the brig to the Bahamas. They
put into port on New Providence at Nassau, the largest settlement in
the Bahamas, populated chiefly by blacks who had been freed by Great
Britain’s 1833 Emancipation Act. The Creole reached Nassau on 9 No-
vember. The mutineers appealed to the British authorities, who within
a week had freed the 116 slaves not participating in the rebellion, but
detained the mutineers; in March 1842, they, too, were freed. The re-
bellion was comparatively civil: 1 crewman and 2 slaves were killed.
Taking into account the numbers liberated versus those killed, it was
one of the most successful slave revolts in North America.1
Twelve years after the rebellion, Frederick Douglass published

1. For good historical overviews of the Creole rebellion, see Howard Jones, “The
Peculiar Institution and National Honor: The Case of the Creole Slave Revolt,” Civil

xi
xii Introduction

The Heroic Slave, a historical novella about the Creole mutiny, in

the 1853 Autographs for Freedom, a fund-raising volume edited by
Julia Griffiths, a British friend and the managing editor of his news-
paper.2 Douglass then serialized the novella in March 1853 in his
newspaper, Frederick Douglass’ Paper. His only work of fiction, The
Heroic Slave is one of the earliest examples of African American fic-
tion, and it is part of an American canon that was profoundly shaped
by the historical fiction of Sir Walter Scott, James Fenimore Cooper,
Catharine Maria Sedgwick, Nathaniel Hawthorne, and many others.
The Creole rebellion not only was important in American h ­ istory and
politics, but also had an impact on Douglass’s career, moving him to-
ward a more radical position on the uses of violence to achieve black
freedom. In The Heroic Slave, Douglass addressed the abolitionist
movement, the trans-Atlantic history of slavery, interracial friend-
ship, black leadership, and the relationship between journalism, fic-
tion, and history. With his skillful use of setting, point of view, and
stylized theatrical dialogue, Douglass also offered a rousing good
read, making one almost lament that this was his only work of fic-
tion. It is not surprising that over the past thirty years, The Heroic
Slave has emerged as an essential text in the nineteenth-century
American literary canon. This cultural and critical edition provides,
for the first time, an authoritative text of The Heroic Slave, along
with primary and secondary materials that will help readers explore
the novella’s historical, biographical, and literary contexts.

The Creole mutiny electrified the nation and helped escalate sec-
tional tensions over slavery. Southerners (and some northerners)
were outraged that British authorities chose to free U.S. slaves, espe-

War History 21, no. 1 (1975), 28–50; George Hendrick and Willene Hendrick, The
Creole Mutiny: A Tale of Revolt aboard a Slave Ship (Chicago: Dee, 2003). An im-
portant recent reassessment is Walter Johnson, “White Lies: Human Property and
Domestic Slavery aboard the Slave Ship Creole,” Atlantic Studies 5, no. 2 (2008):
237–63.
2. Copies of the 1853 Autographs for Freedom were distributed at antislavery
meetings as early as December 1852.
Introduction xiii

cially those who had taken violent action against their masters. They
viewed the British as endorsing slave insurrections—their worst
nightmare—while also denying Americans their legal right to the
domestic slave trade. In response, many southerners demanded
war with England and threatened to start it themselves. The ab-
olitionist newspaper the Liberator, reprinting an article from the
Portsmouth, New Hampshire Journal, summed up their position
by imagining a particularly boisterous southerner who announces
to the nation: “‘If you will not go to war to defend us in this right of
slave-trading, we will begin the fight ourselves, and plunge you into
a war, whether you will or no.’”3
Additionally fueling southern fury was the decision by the U.S.
Supreme Court just a few months before the Creole rebellion to
liberate 54 African slaves who, having been illegally imported to
Cuba, mutinied on the Spanish slaver Amistad before drifting into
Long Island Sound. The leaders of the rebellion were jailed in Con-
necticut, and between 1839 and 1841 became celebrities of sorts
as they were interviewed in their cells and then involved in court
trials that made them sympathetic to many northerners. The char-
ismatic leader of the rebellion, Cinqué, a Mendi village leader from
West Africa, helped make the Amistad a cause célèbre in the United
States and abroad. The black abolitionist Robert Purvis argued that
Cinqué helped inspire the leader of the Creole rebellion (see the
Purvis selection in part 4 of this volume). In both the Amistad de-
cision and the Creole case, many southerners, along with proslav-
ery northerners, concluded that judges in England and the United
States endorsed slaves’ rights to rebel against their masters.4
The Creole mutiny underscored for southern planters that their
peculiar institution was under siege. Although they produced two-
thirds of the world’s cotton and were the wealthiest Americans, they

3. “Case of the Creole,” Liberator, 7 January 1842, 2.

4. Don E. Fehrenbacher, The Slaveholding Republic: An Account of the United
States Government’s Relations to Slavery (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001),
195.
xiv Introduction

nevertheless felt deeply threatened by the swift rise of antislavery

sentiment throughout the New World. For millennia, slavery had
been an almost unquestioned institution, recognized as a byproduct
of civilization. When the United States was founded, slavery was
legal everywhere in the New World. But in little more than two gen-
erations, the northern states and most of Central and South Amer-
ica had emancipated their slaves. Southern slave owners increas-
ingly saw themselves as living on an island of slavery in a growing sea
of freedom, and it horrified them.
Southern leaders sought to reverse this trend. Envisioning a future
slave empire that would extend into the Caribbean, they succeeded
in annexing the slave republic of Texas in 1845, which helped spark
a war with Mexico that brought millions more acres of slave territory
into the United States. Additionally, many leaders wanted to annex
the slave colony of Cuba. To support their dreams of expansion,
southern writers articulated a powerful proslavery ideology, drawing
heavily on the Bible and other canonical texts, from Aristotle and
St. Augustine to John Locke and Thomas Carlyle, to support their
claim that slavery was socially and ethically beneficial to the expand-
ing nation.5
Because they recognized how powerful antislavery testimony
could be, southern politicians did everything they could to censor
antislavery writings and speeches. Their efforts to suppress civil lib-
erties in the northern free states largely failed. But throughout the
slave states, where there already was a de facto understanding that
antislavery thought was anathema, they banned the circulation of
antislavery literature and criminalized antislavery utterances. In the
U.S. Congress, southern politicians during the 1830s worked with
their northern allies to implement the “gag rule,” a procedure that
automatically tabled thousands of antislavery petitions in an effort to
prevent debates over slavery in the House and Senate. This effort to

5. See Matthew Pratt Guterl, American Mediterranean: Southern Slaveholders

in the Age of Emancipation (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2008).
Introduction xv

cut off debate, which was strongly opposed by the former president
and now congressman John Quincy Adams, further heightened sec-
tional tensions and produced exactly what southerners didn’t want,
which was more debate about slavery in Congress.6
Ironically, southerners’ outrage over the Creole rebellion helped
repeal the gag rule, which had been implemented in 1836. Joshua
Giddings, an antislavery congressman from Ohio, joined with John
Quincy Adams to protest the suppression of antislavery debate. In
the wake of the Creole uprising, Giddings proposed resolutions sup-
porting the black rebels. In response, southern congressman cen-
sured Giddings, who immediately chose to resign in protest. Two
months later, his constituents expressed their outrage over the sup-
pression of free speech by reelecting Giddings in a landslide. When
he reissued his resolutions, southerners no longer tried to silence
him, having recognized that “gagging” politicians greatly antago-
nized northern voters. Although the gag rule remained on the books
until 1844, it “morally ceased to operate” after the controversy over
Giddings’s resolutions.7
Southerners’ belligerent responses to the Creole mutiny high-
lighted to antislavery northerners the degree to which the “Slave
Power,” an oligarchy of the South’s most powerful leaders, sought to
nationalize slavery. Southerners expected the federal government
(and foreign powers) to support their peculiar institution. But anti-
slavery northerners viewed such support as an affront to democratic
and Christian values. William Ellery Channing, among the nation’s
most prominent ministers and intellectuals, was especially troubled
by northern “doughface” politicians, who placated southerners as
an expression of their loyalty to the Union. Southerners expected

6. See William Lee Miller, Arguing about Slavery: The Great Battle in the United
States Congress (New York: Knopf, 1996).
7. Joshua Giddings, History of the Rebellion: Its Authors and Causes (New York:
Follet, Foster, 1864), 197; James Brewer Stewart, Joshua R. Giddings and the Tactics
of Radical Politics (Cleveland: Press of Case Western Reserve University, 1970), ch.
4; Miller, Arguing about Slavery, 444–54. A selection from Giddings is included in
part 2 of this volume.
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