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RETHINKING ROMA
IDENTITIES, POLITICISATION
AND NEW AGENDAS
IAN LAW AND MARTIN KOVATS
M A P P I N G G LO B A L R A C I S M S
Mapping Global Racisms

Series editor
Ian Law
University of Leeds
Leeds, UK
There is no systematic coverage of the racialisation of the planet. This
series is the first attempt to present a comprehensive mapping of global
racisms, providing a way in which to understand global racialisation and
acknowledge the multiple generations of different racial logics across
regimes and regions. Unique in its intellectual agenda and innovative in
producing a new empirically-based theoretical framework for under-
standing this glocalised phenomenon, Mapping Global Racisms consid-
ers racism in many underexplored regions such as Russia, Arab racisms in
North African and Middle Eastern contexts, and racism in Pacific con-
tries such as Japan, Hawaii, Fiji and Samoa.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14813
 Ian Law • Martin Kovats

Rethinking Roma
Identities, Politicisation and New
Agendas
Ian Law Martin Kovats
University of Leeds Budapest University of Economic Sciences
Leeds, UK and Public Administration
Budapest, Hungary

Mapping Global Racisms

ISBN 978-1-137-38581-9    ISBN 978-1-137-38582-6 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-38582-6

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017962516

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

The author(s) has/have asserted their right(s) to be identified as the author(s) of this work in accordance
with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of
illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and trans-
mission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or
dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or
the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any
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The registered company is Macmillan Publishers Ltd.
The registered company address is: The Campus, 4 Crinan Street, London, N1 9XW, United Kingdom
 Acknowledgements

This book has been a long time in the writing. I began my doctoral thesis
in 1995 on the emergence of Roma politics in Hungary with the gener-
ous support of the University of Portsmouth, the Harold Hyam Wingate
Foundation and the British Association of Slavonic and East European
Studies. I continued my research with a postdoctoral grant from the
Economic and Social Research Council and further fellowships at the
University of Birmingham and at Corvinus University, Budapest. From
2010 I had the privilege to work as a Special Advisor to László Andor, the
EU Commissioner for Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion during
the period when the EU launched its Roma integration framework. For
the last three years I have sought to practically apply what I have learned
to managing a Gypsy & Travellers service for a UK local authority.
Over the last 25 years I have benefitted from the advice and insights of
numerous scholars, activists and officials to whom I am sincerely grateful.
In particular I would like to thank Professor Thomas Acton, Dr Will
Guy, Dr Nidhi Trehan, Attila Balogh, Aladár Horváth, the late Nicolae
Gheorghe, Christian Petry, Deyan Kolev, Valeriu Nicolae, Professor
Yaron Matras, Dr Elena Marushiakova, Veselin Popov, Eva Sobotka and
Paul Langford. Most of all, I would like to thank Andrea and Max for
their uncomplaining love and support.
Martin Kovats

v
vi Acknowledgements

It has been a great pleasure to work with Martin on this project and he
must take the main credit for this work. My work on theory and evidence
on Roma, Gypsy and Traveller communities really began with my 2010
book, which sought to place these debates at the centre of racism and
ethnicity studies, and which went on to explore these issues in schooling
in the UK (2011), in post-communist contexts (2012, 2017) and in the
Mediterranean region (2014). I have many people to thank over the years
who have assisted me in researching these topics and who have all been
previously acknowledged. Here I just wish to personally thank Martin for
the opportunity to participate in this new project.
Ian Law
 Contents

1 The Rise of Roma Politics in Contemporary Europe   1

2 Roma Identity and Diversity  21

3 The Gypsy Legacy and Roma Politics  65

4 Roma Activism  97

5 Roma Policy 137

6 Deracialisation 167

References  191

Index 213

vii
 Introduction

In recent times a new word has entered the political lexicon across Europe
and beyond—Roma. When the first World Romany Congress met in the
London suburb of Orpington in 1971, it would have been hard to
encounter the public use of the word outside of a small number of aca-
demics and activists. Since the late 1980s, the situation of Roma has risen
up national and international political agendas, producing thousands of
political initiatives costing hundreds of millions of euros. At the same
time, Roma has been transformed into a dynamic political identity cham-
pioned by hundreds of organisations, thousands of activists and applied
to millions of people throughout Europe and beyond.
Economic, social, political and other changes since the Second World
War have increased the political saliency of domestic Roma populations.
This is most vividly the case in the dramatic impoverishment of large
Roma minorities in Eastern Europe following the collapse of Communism,
but also expressed in greater public attention given to communities in
Western Europe. The politics of Roma has been influenced by migration
from east to west, which has encouraged the intervention of transnational
political institutions. At the same time, the capacity of Roma people
themselves, that is, the subjects of the public discourse about Roma, to
participate in public life has increased. Greater numbers, higher educa-
tion, material and institutional support and other factors mean that
Roma can no longer be excluded from the state and society, but have
ix
x Introduction

acquired (greater and growing) agency to engage in public affairs. The

degree to which this agency can be expressed reflects a fundamental break
with the past, creating much more dynamic relationships between Roma
and political authorities than has traditionally been the case.
The political significance of Roma today reflects both pragmatic and
ideological needs—to discuss and address objective issues, for example,
unemployment, poor housing, discrimination and so on requiring gov-
ernmental attention, and choosing to do so through a specific, ethnic
discourse, which has become discursively and institutionally integrated
under the category label Roma. This process is far from complete and
there remain many alternative, but associated, identities, yet Roma has
become by far the most widely used public identity applied to particular
communities throughout Europe.
The evolution of the politics of Roma reached a new stage in 2011
with the adoption of the EU Framework for National Roma Integration
Strategies. The Framework brings together specific Roma policy actions
from across Europe in a single institutional process and encourages
Member States to adopt further Roma-specific measures. Though the
objects of policy (the Roma) are vaguely defined and some key countries
refuse to use the term for policy purposes, the Framework and associated
discourse emphasise and promote Roma as a distinct, collective political
identity. In effect, a political community has been defined and institu-
tionalised bringing together highly diverse and diffuse minority popula-
tions through political initiatives linked by the Framework.
Addressing Roma politics as distinct phenomenon touches directly on
the question—to whom and/or what does Roma refer? At face value it is
the politics of a particular group of people called Roma, though it is well
recognised among specialists in the field that the Roma people of the
European Framework and other institutional documents denote a
notional population rather than one defined by sharing a unique or
exclusive defining cultural or other characteristic. The integration of the
narrative of the Roma people into wider debates about historical and
contemporary exclusion arising from ethnoracial difference allows Roma
politics to be understood as reflecting both the empowerment of the
Roma and the recognition of their needs by public authorities.
Ideologically and systemically, this is the Time of the Gypsies and now
 Introduction
   xi

only sustained commitment is required to overcome historically rooted

prejudices and discrimination for the Roma to finally enjoy equality with
their fellow citizens throughout the continent. Roma has become a sym-
bol of the enlightenment of mainstream politics.
This book challenges this conventional conceptualisation of Roma in
order to examine the political factors that have produced contemporary
politicisation. Rather than assuming Roma as a single and distinct group
whose specific characteristics mean that they can and should be treated as
a transnational policy object, we choose to emphasise the diversity
embraced within Europe’s notional Roma population in order to illus-
trate on the wider political factors that have determined the politicisation
process. We do not make any claim that Roma is not an authentic com-
munal identity, nor that there are no distinct cultural characteristics or
exclude the possibility of applying specific and objective criteria (such as
Romani language or self-identification) to politically defining who is and
is not Roma, but to focus attention on the fact that Roma identity has
been mobilised for political purposes.
This book is novel in combining the insights of Ian Law’s work on the
racialisation of the planet (Law 2010, 2012; Law et al. 2014; Tate and
Law 2015; Zakharov and Law 2016), and the Roma inside and outside
Europe with Martin Kovats’ Roma scholarship (Kovats 1996, 1997;
Surdu and Kovats 2015) and his experience as Special Advisor on Roma
issues to the EU Commissioner for Employment, Social Affairs and
Integration during the development of the EU’s Roma policy frame-
work. Informed by global race theory, the book offers a new critical
framework for understanding the rise of contemporary Roma politics.
For a long time Zoltan Barany’s (2002) The East European Gypsies was the
only book about European Roma politics and described the emergence
of Roma politics in the early post-communist period. There are several
multi-­authored books on Roma politics (Guy 2001; Sigona and Trehan
2009; Marsh and Strand 2006) presenting chapter-sized analyses of
aspects of Roma politics—case studies, policy analyses and theory. Of
single-authored works, Klimova-Alexander’s (2005) The Romany Voice in
World Politics focused on elite Roma activists’ attempts to gain recogni-
tion for Roma at the United Nations. McGarry’s (2010) Who speaks for
the Roma? is based on his doctoral thesis comparing the development of
xii Introduction

Roma politics in Hungary and Romania. Vermeersch’s The Romani

Movement updates and develops Barany’s east European focus, but with
more specific attention given to regional political context and theory.
The book takes the literature on Roma politics to the next level in pre-
senting an analysis of Roma as a distinct and definable political phenom-
enon, bringing together the politics of Roma in both Eastern and Western
Europe, including the growing role of European institutions in promot-
ing Roma policy and politics. It defines Roma identity not as the marker
of a distinct people, that is, the Roma, but as a politicised label broadly
and variously applied. This allows for analysis and explanation of the
characteristic paradox of the Roma political phenomenon: the rapid rise
of both Roma self-organisation/interest representation and dedicated
Roma integration policies alongside the deterioration and stagnation in
the living conditions and life chances of many of the people now publicly
defined as Roma.
As David Mayall (2004) has argued, ‘this idea of a single race … allows
the group a worldwide identity which unites Gypsies across all national
borders’ (Mayall 2004, p. 6). The progressive value of the construction of
a Roma ‘people’ facilitates cross-national, cross-group identity formation
which can provide a unified form of strategic essentialism, a basis for uni-
fied political action, claims for recognition and redress, as well as a narra-
tive for emancipation. Nevertheless, in demonstrating the influence of
mainstream governance interests, this book highlights the risk of Roma
identity becoming a straitjacket of artificial commonality, submerging
diversity and complexity while promoting a necessary essential separation
from the rest of the nation or population with its consequences of nam-
ing, furthering and reproducing that separation particularly when this
has resulted from state activity and when it has become increasingly
embedded in political and policy discourse through the interconnections
of group and state formation.
The conceptualisation of racism presented here involves two key breaks
with contemporary accounts. Firstly there is a core focus on the ‘colonial
genealogy of racialised governmentalities’ (Hesse 2004, p. 26, see also
Hesse 2011), constructing racism not as exceptional ideologies, but as a
social force at the core of polities and their forms of social administration
implemented through specific technologies of racial rule. This challenges
 Introduction
   xiii

an earlier hegemonic Eurocentric account which failed to problematise

Western modernity and its universalist narratives of human rights and
democracy. Fundamental recognition of the intrinsic racialisation of lib-
eral democracies is a key starting point here. In Europe and elsewhere
racism is being reduced to a problem of human rights and these frame-
works and discourse are not only inadequate for the task at hand but are
also working to obscure and deny the contemporary power and signifi-
cance of racism. This argument has been developed fully in research out-
put from a recent three-year EU FP7 research project: Racism, Governance
and Public policy, beyond human rights (Sian et al. 2013). This theoretical
break derives from the long sociological tradition placing race at the cen-
tre of the making of Western modernity, from Du Bois, Cesaire and
Fanon to contemporary theorists including Hesse, Sayyid, Goldberg and
Winant, and this book examines many aspects and implications of this
set of arguments in relation to the Roma, not least in relation to EU
Roma policy. This framework carries within it an explanation of the
racialisation of the world, a ‘diffusion model’ (Dikötter 2011) whereby
racism began in the West and then spread outwards operating primarily
with negative attributions of blackness and positive attributions of white-
ness subordinating non-Western cultures and cognitive traditions. This
model ‘ultimately fails’ as it has a Eurocentric bias and presents a monora-
cism account making it unable to explain different forms of racial dis-
course such as anti-Gypsyism which originated inside Europe not through
the relations between the ‘West and the rest’ (Miles 1993). Frank Dikötter
(2011, p. 24) advocates an ‘interactive model’ for understanding racial
globalisation examining the relationships between external structures of
racialisation and the active ‘indigenization and appropriation of racist
belief systems’.
Roma identity is associated with a wide variety of different communi-
ties found across Europe and beyond stretching back more than half a
millennium, providing a deep well of social experiences and cultural
expressions to inform public discourse. This book focuses on key contem-
porary political innovations, such as the emergence of Roma activism and
the internationalisation of a policy discourse of Roma marginality.
Relationality is important here (Goldberg 2002, 2009) and attention
needs to be given to the transnational relations between forms of Roma
xiv Introduction

discourse across differing national and local contexts where a plurality of

Gypsy identities and traditions has become aggregated into the overarch-
ing Roma account. Polyracism theory (Law et al. 2014) has a set of key
implications for opening up critical analysis of the racialisation of Gypsy
and Roma categories. It sets up a framework which facilitates the critical
interrogation of these processes in pre-modern and medieval contexts. It
also opens up the analysis of the construction of Gypsy and Roma catego-
ries and policies in the context of other varieties of modernity such as
within Islamic, feudal and Communist contexts, extending evaluation of
these processes outside Europe, taking a global perspective. Lastly it also
breaks the dominant progressive representation of Roma discourse and
policy, explaining this as one further problematic type of racialised gover-
nance, which requires strategies of deracialisation if it is not to further
wrap up these communities in the race-making web of modernising
statehood.
As David Goldberg has argued, in the context of a geo-regional map-
ping of racialisations and a developing theory of racial states, ‘the consti-
tution of “Gypsy” [and Roma] in Europe is a product of state racial
management in interaction with group self-formation’ (Goldberg 2002,
p. 196). Such racialised governance operates not to provide a framework
for emancipation and liberation from racial categorisation but to contain,
constrain and fix these populations in differentiated and inferiorised
positions. So where this is the case all such constructions, aggregations
and objectifications are fundamentally problematic and necessarily work
to define and reproduce Roma as a separated, differentiated grouping in
political contexts, subject to the continually renewing divisions, segrega-
tions and exclusions of nationally inflected racial neoliberalism. As mar-
kets drive and reproduce complex structural intersectional social and
economic divisions, ‘integration’ remains an absurd political goal in the
face of forces and processes that undermine the effectiveness of EU,
national and local policy initiatives. Therefore, a theoretical framework
drawing on critical race theory and expanded into a global account can
provide a foundation for developing a set of positions which inform a
fundamental critique of the Roma category and associated policy frame-
works which then has a set of transformative implications for progressive
change and the envisioning of post-Roma futures.
 Introduction
   xv

Placing processes of race and racialisation as a ‘foundational pillar’

(Goldberg 2009) of modernising globalisation enables them to be identi-
fied as constituting a new and renewing pattern of modern state and
regional arrangements for managing populations. The increasing shift to
neoliberal states, where their role becomes one of securing conditions for
the maximisation of privatised interests and corporate profits has pro-
vided a new terrain for configurations of race. The renewed critical debate
on the role neoliberalism plays in contemporary forms of racialisation
provides an important dimension in developing analysis of policy and
governmentality (Goldberg 2009; Hall 2011; Bhattacharya 2013).
Neoliberalism has provided a hegemonic framework within which people
have been bound into political projects which carry through a range of
strategies and techniques of governance and managerialism involving
securitisation, military occupation and penalising the poor.
The transformation to forms of neoliberal governmentality has had
profound consequences for those categorised as Roma (van Barr 2012),
particularly in Eastern Europe, which include economic restructuring
and associated loss of work, governance through decentralisation, priva-
tisation of public services, the mobilisation of civil society agencies and
associated claims for neoliberal conceptions of human rights. Huub van
Barr confirms that neoliberalism is ‘a flexible and contestable technology
of governing that has migrated globally and been re-shaped by different
regimes, be they authoritarian, democratic, post-colonial or post-­
Communist’ (2012, p. 1293) with different consequences for Roma pop-
ulations. Peter Vermeersch (2012) has also identified the differing ways in
which Roma and their ‘problems’ have been conceived in public policy
debates across European countries. Therefore the new term ‘polyracial
neoliberalism’ (Law and Tate 2015) is used here to denote the variety of
contemporary contexts which have driven Roma technologies of rule.
Discussing the breadth of Roma politics across Europe confronts the
inconsistency and ambiguity of how Roma identity is publicly applied
and requires consideration of the distinction between self and external
labelling and between subjective and objective categorisation. In this
book ‘Gypsy’ is used (particularly when discussing the past) when refer-
ring to communities and organisations that call themselves Gypsy, as well
as when reporting how it has been used by others. Following recent
xvi Introduction

c­ onvention and the fact that in a growing number states Gypsies/Roma

have been officially recognised as national or ethnic minorities, Gypsy is
usually capitalised, though this must not be taken as implying that those
referred to as such have enjoyed such a status across time and space. Roma
is used more in respect of contemporary identity politics. In order to
distinguish between the direct reporting of references to Roma, or self-­
ascribing Roma people or organisations, the word is italicised when used
as a discursive category label for a wide range of communities in a politi-
cal context.
Chapter 1 presents an overview of how Roma emerged as an increas-
ingly significant political subject across the continent. It examines the
differences in political development and context between Eastern and
Western Europe and the importance of European integration in expand-
ing opportunities for Roma identity politics. Both Gypsy and Roma are
used, reflecting the still incomplete process of transition from one inclu-
sive label to another.
Chapters 2 and 3 examine the identities and the diversity attributed to
communities included in the broadest, European (political) definition of
the Roma and the nature of the historical record and historical narratives
applied to a large number of socially, culturally, economically and politi-
cally diverse communities for whom there is no universal objective marker
of Roma-ness. Chapter 4 discusses the emergence and development of
Roma political activism, while Chap. 5 examines the growth and interna-
tionalisation of explicit Roma policy and how this has politicised Roma
identity in ways that effectively promote economic and social exclusion.
The final chapter (Chap. 6) brings together the discussion of the sub-
jectivity of Roma identity with the apparent failure of Roma policies, the
weakness of Roma self-organisation and the public hostility towards
Roma to question the dominant narrative that the contemporary politi-
cisation of Roma identity represents an emancipatory break with the
past. It argues that since the end of the Cold War, Roma identity has been
politicised primarily as a means of justifying and managing poverty and
exclusion rather than in order to overcome these, exacerbating the ten-
sion between citizenship-based and ethnic/identity politics, but also
maps out the prospects and scope for the development of alternative
agendas.
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