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Studies of Video Practices

A unique and insightful collection of essays, carefully crafted video-based

studies of video practice, that reveal how visual media increasingly inform
and enable everyday social interaction, be it interaction between friends
and family, collaborative video games, or the production of highly com-
plex, organisational activities. This book is an important and original
contribution to contemporary studies of technology in action and our
understanding of language use and social interaction.
—Christian Heath, King’s College London

The last two decades have seen a rapid increase in the production and con-
sumption of video by both professionals and amateurs. The near ubiquity
of devices with video cameras and the rise of sites like YouTube have lead
to the growth and transformation of the practices of producing, circulating,
and viewing video, whether it be in households, workplaces, or research
laboratories.
This volume builds a foundation for studies of activities based in and
around video production and consumption. It contributes to the interdisci-
plinary field of visual methodology, investigating how video functions as a
resource for a variety of actors and professions.

Mathias Broth is Associate Professor of Language and Culture at Linköping

University, Sweden.

Eric Laurier is Senior Lecturer in Geography and Interaction at Edinburgh

University, UK.

Lorenza Mondada is Professor in General Linguistics and French Linguistics

at the University of Basel, Switzerland.
Routledge Research in Cultural and Media Studies

33 Branding Post-Communist 40 Sport Beyond Television

Nations The Internet, Digital Media and the
Marketizing National Identities Rise of Networked Media Sport
in the “New” Europe Brett Hutchins and David Rowe
Edited by Nadia Kaneva
41 Cultural Technologies
34 Science Fiction Film, Television, The Shaping of Culture in Media
and Adaptation and Society
Across the Screens Edited by Göran Bolin
Edited by J. P. Telotte and Gerald
Duchovnay 42 Violence and the Pornographic
Imaginary
35 Art Platforms and Cultural The Politics of Sex, Gender,
Production on the Internet and Aggression in Hardcore
Olga Goriunova Pornography
Natalie Purcell
36 Queer Representation, Visibility, 43 Ambiguities of Activism
and Race in American Film and Alter-Globalism and the
Television Imperatives of Speed
Melanie E. S. Kohnen Ingrid M. Hoofd
37 Artificial Culture 44 Generation X Goes Global
Identity, Technology, and Bodies Mapping a Youth Culture in
Tama Leaver Motion
Christine Henseler
38 Global Perspectives on Tarzan
From King of the Jungle to 45 Forensic Science in
International Icon Contemporary American
Edited by Annette Wannamaker Popular Culture
and Michelle Ann Abate Gender, Crime, and Science
Lindsay Steenberg
39 Studying Mobile Media
Cultural Technologies, Mobile 46 Moral Panics, Social Fears,
Communication, and the iPhone and the Media
Edited by Larissa Hjorth, Historical Perspectives
Jean Burgess, and Ingrid Edited by Siân Nicholas and
Richardson Tom O’Malley
47 De-convergence in Global Media 56 International Perspectives
Industries on Chicana/o Studies
Dal Yong Jin “This World is My Place”
Edited by Catherine Leen and
48 Performing Memory in Art Niamh Thornton
and Popular Culture
Edited by Liedeke Plate and 57 Comics and the Senses
Anneke Smelik A Multisensory Approach to
Comics and Graphic Novels
49 Reading Beyond the Book Ian Hague
The Social Practices of
Contemporary Literary Culture 58 Popular Culture in Africa
Danielle Fuller and DeNel The Episteme of the Everyday
Rehberg Sedo Edited by Stephanie Newell and
Onookome Okome
50 A Social History of
Contemporary Democratic 59 Transgender Experience
Media Place, Ethnicity, and Visibility
Jesse Drew Edited by Chantal Zabus and
David Coad
51 Digital Media Sport
Technology, Power and Culture in 60 Radio’s Digital Dilemma
the Network Society Broadcasting in the Twenty-First
Edited by Brett Hutchins and Century
David Rowe John Nathan Anderson

52 Barthes’ Mythologies Today 61 Documentary’s Awkward Turn

Readings of Contemporary Culture Cringe Comedy and Media
Edited by Pete Bennett and Julian Spectatorship
McDougall Jason Middleton

53 Beauty, Violence, Representation 62 Serialization and Popular

Edited by Lisa A. Dickson and Culture
Maryna Romanets Edited by Rob Allen and Thijs
van den Berg
54 Public Media Management for
the Twenty-First Century 63 Gender and Humor
Creativity, Innovation, and Interdisciplinary and International
Interaction Perspectives
Edited by Michał Głowacki and Edited by Delia Chiaro and
Lizzie Jackson Raffaellla Baccolini

55 Transnational Horror Across 64 Studies of Video Practices

Visual Media Video at Work
Fragmented Bodies Edited by Mathias Broth,
Edited by Dana Och and Kirsten Eric Laurier, and Lorenza
Strayer Mondada
This page intentionally left blank
Studies of Video Practices
Video at Work

Edited by Mathias Broth, Eric Laurier,

and Lorenza Mondada
First published 2014
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
and by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group,
an informa business
© 2014 Taylor & Francis
The right of the editors to be identified as the author of the editorial
material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted
in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and
Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
Trademark Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Studies of video practices : video at work / edited by Mathias Broth, Eric
Laurier, and Lorenza Mondada.
pages cm — (Routledge research in cultural and media studies)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Industrial cinematography. 2. Audio-visual materials. 3. Motion
pictures—Production and direction. I. Broth, Mathias, editor of
compilation. II. Laurier, Eric, editor of compilation. III. Mondada,
Lorenza, editor of compilation.
TR894.S78 2014
777—dc23
2013049675
ISBN: 978-0-415-72839-3 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-85170-9 (ebk)

Typeset in Sabon
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
Contents

Introducing Video at Work 1

MATHIAS BROTH, ERIC LAURIER, AND LORENZA MONDADA

PART I
Shooting

1 Shooting as a Research Activity: The Embodied

Production of Video Data 33
LORENZA MONDADA

2 Pans, Tilts, and Zooms: Conventional Camera

Gestures in TV Production 63
MATHIAS BROTH

3 The Surgeon as a Camera Director: Manoeuvring

Video in the Operating Theatre 97
LORENZA MONDADA

PART II
Showing

4 Mundane Video Directors in Interaction: Showing One’s

Environment in Skype and Mobile Video Calls 135
CHRISTIAN LICOPPE AND JULIEN MOREL

5 The Use of Video in Dental Education: Clinical

Reality Addressed as Practical Matters of Production,
Interpretation, and Instruction 161
OSKAR LINDWALL, ELIN JOHANSSON, HANS RYSTEDT,
JONAS IVARSSON, AND CLAES REIT
viii Contents
6 Cameras in Video Games: Comparing Play
in Counter-Strike and Doctor Who Adventures 181
ERIC LAURIER AND STUART REEVES

7 The Televisual Accountability of Reality TV: The Visual

Morality of Musical Performances in Talent Shows 208
ALAIN BOVET, PHILIPPE SORMANI, AND CÉDRIC TERZI

PART III
Assembling

8 The Mediated Work of Imagination in Film Editing:

Proposals, Suggestions, Reiterations, Directions, and
Other Ways of Producing Possible Sequences 237
ERIC LAURIER AND BARRY BROWN

9 Dealing with Time, Just in Time: Sense-Making

and Clip Allocation in Multiperson, Multistream,
Live Replay TV Production 262
MARK PERRY, OSKAR JUHLIN, AND ARVID ENGSTRÖM

Contributors 287
Index 291
Introducing Video at Work
Mathias Broth (Linköping University)
Eric Laurier (University of Edinburgh)
Lorenza Mondada (University of Basel)

1. INTRODUCTION

Although film has been available for research, leisure, and commercial pur-
poses since the end of the 19th century, and even though the television and
the VCR have been with us for more than a generation, the last decade has
seen a new and quite distinct proliferation, transformation, and redistri-
bution of video. Indeed, video, in this loose definition, is now at work in
consumer smartphones, car seats, desktop computers, children’s toys, traffic
warden’s shoulders, the tools of dentistry, sports coaching, probes for sewer
systems, and, of course, film production (where more films are now shot in
digital video than in film stock). It is this very proliferation and transforma-
tion of video as it traverses settings from the everyday to highly specialized
workplaces that provides the motive for this collection.
Part of the reason for the steady dispersal and integration of video into a
profusion of expected and unexpected places has been the reduction in the
cost of screens, lenses, and storage technologies, as well as the miniaturiza-
tion and usability of devices. Once prohibitively expensive and technically
intimidating, the editing and manipulation of video are built into phones,
photographic cameras, tablets, and almost all current computers. Of equal
import has been the rise of new networks for the distribution of video such
as Youtube, Facebook, and online newspaper reporting, in tandem with the
long promised video telephony of Skype and other systems. Video has come
to a point of ubiquity and commonplaceness in the more affluent regions
of the world, reminiscent of the spread of paper and pens. And, like pen
and paper, it is becoming enfolded into the routine documentation, com-
munication, and reception of all manner of human (and more than human)
practices. The point of comparison is worth pursuing further because, if we
begin to think about how we might want to study pen and paper, it becomes
apparent that we could say only limited things about them as media in and
of themselves. A richer line of inquiry is around what we do with paper
and pens. What they are used for could take us to the desks of international
aid organizations, shoppers making lists of groceries, pharmacists annotat-
ing prescriptions, state officials marrying individuals, architects adjusting a
2 Mathias Broth et al.
wall length, teenagers writing song lyrics, and so on and so on. In fact, the
sheer diversity of what is done with paper and pens would make such a col-
lection seem foolhardy. Perhaps, though, we have caught a moment a little
earlier in the spread of video where its uses are not yet so common as to
go unnoticed and the skills required to shoot it, edit it, and show it remain
arcane enough to be restricted in their distribution.
The aim of this collection, then, is to begin to capture what different
groups do with video in everyday, leisure, and workplace practices. In other
words, the collection aims at focusing on a selection of social, cultural, and
professional activities that involve video practices and on how the shooting,
assembling, viewing, editing, and showing of video are now also involved
in the organization of those practices. In some cases, such as endoscopy, the
activities could not be undertaken without video.
A long and complex tradition of studying video practices in media studies
has ranged from encoding/decoding (Hall, 1973), via the interplay between
new media (Jenkins, 2006), the integration of video into various everyday
settings (Buckingham and Willett, 2010) and, more recently, the cultures of
video production (Mayer, Miranda & Caldwell 2009; Caldwell 2008). As
a disciplinary field in itself with a long history of approaches (see Scannell,
2007), we cannot hope to summarize the broad field of media studies here,
even though the studies in this chapter have been influenced by it in par-
ticular ways. What we would like to compare media studies with is the
approaches to video that have grown out of ethnomethodology and con-
versation analysis (EMCA) (Garfinkel, 1967; Sacks, 1992). It is a body of
interdisciplinary work that has utilized video for the purposes of the close
analysis of ordinary practices. In other words, on the one hand, we have
the changing traditions of approaching video in media studies that have
those media as their object, and, on the other hand, we have studies in, for
example, sociology, anthropology, and linguistics that utilize video to anal-
yse other practices as their object. Until recently, these two bodies of video
research, one on video and the other using video, had little to do with one
another. As the first of its kind, this collection marks a point where there
is now a body of studies that both analyse video practices and use video to
analyse those practices. This collection offers, in short, video analyses of
video practices. What is distinctive to this new approach is that, taking video
practices as its object of research, it is based in the detailed description of the
step-by-step, moment-by-moment organization of these practices allied with
the explication of their situated organization. This type of organization rou-
tinely brings together talk, gestures, facial expressions, camera operation,
and orientation towards screens in the concerted and ongoing production
of video practices, such as the live-editing of a TV broadcast, video game
playing, or endoscopic surgery.
In this chapter, we would like to set the scene for the studies in this book
by sketching out the extensive fields in which both the topic of the book and
its approach are situated. This will involve traversing some of the fields that
 Introducing Video at Work 3
have long had video as their object and our own approach that has video as
its equipment, empirical material, and analytic medium.

2. BACKGROUND

In this section, we will provide a sketch of the two broad areas of existing
research that have inspired this book. The first area is concerned with the
emergence of the analysis of video recordings in the social sciences and, in
particular, EMCA. The second is a growing interest in EMCA in using video
recordings to study other practices involving video, directly and indirectly.
In these historical notes, we describe first how film has been used in the
social sciences since its discovery and then how film has been gradually
supplanted by video and its new potentialities (miniaturization, digital for-
mats, storability, cheap prices, etc.). Meaningful distinctions can be drawn
between film and video, not least between different technologies (e.g. cam-
eras, editing machines, projectors, etc.) but also in terms of indexing histo-
ries, genres, academic disciplines, and so on. When the differences between
video and film are relevant in what follows, we will draw upon them, but in
general we will use the term “video” to encompass a wide variety of media
practices, some of which would usually be referenced by “film” (also taking
into account the fact that many “films” are today, in fact, produced by video
technology).

2.1. Video Analysis

Since its introduction at the end of the 19th century, film has been used
for anthropological and sociological research. For instance, Felix-Louis
Regnault, visiting the Exposition Ethnographique de l’Afrique Occidentale
in Paris in 1895, used Marey’s chronophotography to capture the move-
ments of a Wolof woman. This early form of motion picture was employed
only six months before the Lumière brothers made their first public projec-
tion of cinematograph films. Film was also used for ethnographic purposes
by Alfred Cort Haddon, who trained Malinowski and was influential in
developing the sense of fieldwork of his student. During the Cambridge
Anthropological Expedition to Torres Strait in 1898, Haddon shot various
films of natives dancing, performing ceremonies, and living their everyday
lives. These early uses of film in anthropological studies for the first time
documented the duration and flow of embodied human practices.
But later on, after a series of other major attempts (such as those of
Mead and Bateson in Bali [Mead & Bateson, 1977] and after the advent
of synchronized sound recording), film made available, for detailed study,
talk, and embodied conduct in naturally occurring social interactions. In this
respect, the Natural History of an Interview, a project initiated by Bateson
in 1955 (see McQuown, 1971), is an important landmark. It consists of a
4 Mathias Broth et al.
film recording of an entire therapy session in which Bateson himself talks
with a patient, Doris. It was a landmark in using film to record naturalistic
rather than experimental settings and in using film to investigate the details
of embodied communication in real time (Leeds-Hurwitz, 1987). The film
also led to the development of transcription techniques and in-depth analy-
ses from a variety of disciplinary perspectives. Over the long term, Bateson’s
project led to new studies on kinesics (Birdwhistell, 1970), context analysis
(Scheflen, 1972), and gesture studies (Kendon, 1990, 2004).
Although not a direct development from the use of film in anthropology,
EMCA analyses have pursued parallel and sometimes divergent analyses of
the details of social interactions (Sacks, 1984). Although audio recordings of
telephone calls characterized the beginning of conversation analysis in Sacks’
work on calls to a suicide prevention centre (1966) and Schegloff’s work on
calls to the police (1967), video was also used early on. As early as the 1960s,
David Sudnow was experimenting with film recordings (Hill & Crittenden,
1968), and at the beginning of the 1970s, Charles and Candy Goodwin
began videotaping everyday encounters (Goodwin, 1979, 1981) and making
their videotaped recordings available to others for research. They were used
at a series of seminars at Penn University, where the Goodwins were joined
by, among others, Harvey Sacks, Emmanuel Schegloff, Gail Jefferson, Erving
Goffman, William Labov, and Dell Hymes. Their recordings were also used
at the Linguistic Institute held in 1973, where the Goodwins worked with
Sacks and Schegloff, who later presented a paper on the “home position” of
body movements based on these tapes (Sacks & Schegloff, 2002). Further,
Charles Goodwin’s doctoral dissertation (Goodwin, 1981) was based upon
these same tapes. Goodwin has subsequently developed and inspired a rich
tradition of studies of embodied conduct in EMCA (Goodwin, 1996, 2000,
2007, etc.).
Although there are other traditions of work on embodiment, especially
within gesture studies (see Kendon [2004] for a historical account), EMCA
has provided one of the most extensive literatures reliant on video record-
ings of interaction. Its inquiry into embodied practices is characterized
by a number of aspects. First, video is used to record “naturally occur-
ring” social interactions. Given that interaction is treated by EMCA as
being accomplished in a locally situated way by the participants, central
to capturing any social phenomenon is recording activities that are not
orchestrated or elicited by the researcher but rather unfolding as they
would whether the researcher is present or not (Potter, 2002). It is a form
of video-recording-as-fieldwork that follows rather than directs the action
(Heath, Hindmarsh, & Luff, 2010). It is aimed at identifying the relevant set-
tings of action to be recorded and using the relevant devices for capturing
situated, embodied, material, and environmental features. Second, aspects
of the action recorded on video are then rendered in detailed transcripts
of talk and of visual conduct that carefully represent the temporal unfold-
ing of talk and other conduct. These fine-grained specificities of emergent
 Introducing Video at Work 5
trajectories of action are vital because these details are considered in and as
the interactional resources that participants actively mobilize, arrange, and
adjust for the production of the shared intelligibility (the “accountability,”
Garfinkel, 1967) of what they are doing together. Third, the produced video
recordings are examined—together with their transcripts, for the analysis
of the ways in which talk, gesture, body movement, the handling of objects
and so on—and are collectively mobilized to achieve recognizable actions
in situated social interaction.
These three characteristics—recording, transcription, and analysis of
recorded and transcribed data—reflect the importance of locally situated,
endogenous orders of action in EMCA. The constant return to recordings
and transcripts is motivated by a desire to describe the in vivo order of how
members of particular settings do the things that they do. Where other
social sciences tend towards producing “ironic” descriptions of human
practices—in which researchers’ reasoning tends to supplant members’
reasoning—EMCA analyses prioritize understanding the endogenous per-
spectives of those practices, from the inside and in members’ own terms.
It answers the abiding question of social order by showing how the order
itself is locally produced at source. Where many other social sciences
theorize a world driven by essences or by foundational forces, EMCA has
instead demonstrated how it is produced through practice, in an emergent
situated way. In so doing, it has been distinctive in using its recordings
and transcripts to show both that this is so and how the members of
particulars settings make it so. This has generated original and specific
techniques for video recording particular social actions, a distinct style for
transcribing relevant details, and, of course, original studies arising out
of them, in the form of both single case studies and systematic collection-
based studies.
This EMCA video-based approach has been developed out of, and for, a
variety of settings and topics. On the one hand, everyday conversations—
considered as the primordial locus of socialization and achievement of
social order as well as of language and grammar (Ochs, Schegloff, &
Thompson, 1996)—have been extensively documented, often by videos
focusing on mealtimes (Goodwin, 1981). On the other hand, professional
activities have also been studied: medical encounters (Heath, 1986), con-
trol rooms in airports (Suchman, 1993, 1996, 1997), underground control
rooms (Luff & Heath, 1999), operating rooms (Mondada, 2003, 2007),
TV studios (Broth, 2004, 2008a), and airplane cockpits (Nevile, 2004).
Relatedly, institutional settings have also been investigated, such as care
homes (Antaki, Walton, & Finlay, 2007; Lindström & Heinemann,
2009), management meetings (Svennevig, 2012), and educational settings
(Lindwall & Lymer, 2005). These studies have produced a rapidly expand-
ing body of findings on both the role of multimodality in the organization
of joint action and how action and context are mutually constitutive of one
another.
6 Mathias Broth et al.
In terms of the former, studies using video have begun to uncover how
language, gesture, gaze, body posture, and other forms of embodied conduct
are synchronized and coordinated, mutually informing each other. In terms
of the latter, video recordings make available for analysis not only embodied
conduct but also how it configures and is configured by material environ-
ments, technologies, and objects.
EMCA studies themselves use video and thus depend on camera tech-
niques, adaptations of recording devices to site specificities, organization
of video data, and, finally, transcriptions of video recordings, but these
research techniques have themselves remained largely unstudied. The prac-
tices of EMCA video analysis are predominantly transmitted in hands-on
seminars and everyday teamwork, though they have also been inscribed
in a handful of methodological textbooks and chapters (Goodwin, 1993;
Heath & Hindmarsh, 2002; ten Have, 1998; Heath, Hindmarsh, & Luff,
2010; Knoblauch, Schnettler, Raab, & Soeffner, 2006; Mondada, 2006a,
2012a). There are good reasons why EMCA has not formalized its research
procedures, given that the heart of EMCA is not about building its own
normative and general methodologies but rather about studying the myr-
iad ethnomethods at work in the world (Lynch, 1993). The video practices
of EMCA are usually only briefly presented as a precursor to scrutinizing
the specific settings and practices that they have recorded (e.g. classrooms,
airports, cafes, family mealtimes, business meetings, etc.). Video is treated
as a window opened onto social interaction and generally not discussed
per se in terms of the configuring and reflexive effects they have on the
very social order they are supposed to exhibit (Laurier & Philo, 2006).
Consequently, the practices in which video plays a part have largely been
overlooked.
A prime ambition in this collection then is to turn video analysis towards
studying the increasingly varied video practices we find in the contemporary
world. In this collection, we have sought out a variety of settings that rely
upon video in one way or another to learn more about what video practices
might be, how they are accomplished, and what they achieve. The book aims
at casting new light upon exactly how video is at work in the world, whether
it is as part of ethnomethodologies of the everyday, of workplaces, of media
production, of gameplay, or of scientific activities. In pursuing exactly what
it is we do with video through studying video recordings of it, we never-
theless also aim to continue to explore social actions such as conversing,
arguing, disagreeing, assessing, and so on that video is at work within and
without. We do this because a deeper understanding of how video is used
contributes to our knowledge of the increasing role of video in the contem-
porary scene not only in media production but, more importantly, in a grow-
ing collection of other situations. Studying the production and consumption
of video in detail provides a sense of how enthusiasm, skill, craft, affection,
memory, humour, augmented vision, evidence, and the like are achieved in
and through video.
 Introducing Video at Work 7
2.2. Video Analysis of Video Practices
The precursors to this book are two classic essays, one by Lena Jayyusi
(1988) on the intelligibility of filmic structure and the other by Douglas
Macbeth (1999) on the continuous shot in cinema verité. Although neither
of these essays used video recordings to analyse other settings where video
was a feature, they established the relevance of EMCA for studying film
and video. Jayyusi drew upon existing work on sequence organization and
category analysis to show how film editing practices drew upon these yet
also structured them in its own particular filmic way. Macbeth meantime
was concerned with the camera shot as a particular form of looking with a
camera, one that is “both a record of the affairs witnessed, and a record of
the witnessing too, where the work of looking itself is sometimes especially
in view” (Macbeth, 1999: 164). It was not just that these investigations
would take EMCA into film and media studies; the reverse was also true.
Jayyusi proposed that “sustained empirical-analytic investigation, at least in
the area of visual narratives . . . will prove very rich indeed, in diverse ways,
for our understanding not only of film, but of accounting and communica-
tive practices and of the informal logic of our culture” (1988: 292).
One of the pioneering studies that brought together both the EMCA per-
spective and video recordings of video practices was the analysis of “pro-
fessional vision” offered by Charles Goodwin (1994). It is one of the first
studies that focused on video with regard to how it is consequential for a
setting’s ongoing activity. In the study, the analysis of video recordings of
an earlier set of events is relevant for the participants themselves as part
of their professional work. Goodwin provides a description of the sharply
alternate interpretations offered by the courtroom defence and prosecution
of the same video clip shown as evidence in the famous Rodney King trial in
1992. The unedited video footage of the violent arrest of Rodney King had
been recorded by a bystander. Invoking different “coding schemes,” each
party provided a reasonable and yet incompatible set of instructions to see
what was recorded on video as either evidence of a group of police officers
clearly beating up a defenceless black man or standard police procedure for
a suspect visibly resisting arrest. The very possibility of securing such incom-
patible viewings of the same video clip demonstrates that even unedited
video does not just show, in a transparent and straightforward way, “what
happened.” Instead, it becomes clear that, as Jayyusi had earlier argued,
the intelligibility of video is not given but is achieved. However, Goodwin
extends and complicates Jayyusi’s work in his examination of the incompat-
ible alternate instructions on how to see the recording given by the two sides
in the courtroom. Moreover, because he is drawing upon video recordings
of the setting, he was also able to examine the practical mobilization of
talk, gesture, and artefacts (like the coding scheme itself) within a context
of activity and interaction (e.g. a courtroom trial) that locally produce the
sense of what the video displays.
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