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 T CYRIL OF ALEXANDRIA AND
HRISTOLOGICAL CONTROVERSY

:ome book on a big and powerful theme... whose

ughout the Church in antiquity and remain with
in rich detail with admirable lucidity.
- L. WICKHAM, The Scottish

deserves to be addedto the list of standard works on its theme.

- G. GOVLD,Journal ofTheological Studies

judicious account ofthe compiicated events at Ephesus in 431.

, G. HALL,Journalof Ka'lesiusticalHistory

libraries where the history of Christian doctrine is studied.

- NONNAVEB.NAHARRISON,ReligiousStudies Review 4

in these matters this book provides an excellent introduction;

3se more advanced in theological studies, here they will find a SAIN
>sition, which concisely leads the reader into a new consideration
ological controversy at the beginning of the
- J.D., c

[cGuckin isProfessor ofEarly ChurchHistory atUnion

AL RIA
NewYork.Heisalsotheauthorof STG REGORY o F N AZ11A ;\
LECTUALBIOGRAPHYandthetranslatorofStCyrii^ A^sndrw
THE UNITYOFCHRIST,bothpublishedbyS\'S
CHRISTOLOGICA.
Cover icon of St Cyril of Alexandria
from the collection of Kirill Sokotov ISBNa-fl6141-E5[1-7 C i TR RSV
Cover design: AmberJ. Schley 90000

BT
198 ICK,
fv;i :c
SKIMT St. Cyril of Alexandria
THE CHRISTOLOGICAL CONTROVERSY

Its History, Theology, and Texts

by

JOHNA. McGucKiN

' 's'
^^
^:'^
4-

0]r ^.E:><^.ND^1^. I

\OL ST VLADIMIR'S SEMINARY PRESS

^ CRESTWOOD, NEW YORK 10707

2004
^

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-PubllcatlonData

McGuckin,John Anthony.
St. Cyril of Alexandria : the Christological controversy : its history, theology, and
texts / byJohn A. McGuckin.
p. cm.
Originally published: Leiden ; NewYork : E.J. Brill, 1994, in series: Supplements
to Vigiliae Ghristianae ; v. 23.
Includes bibliographicalreferences and index.
ISBN0-88141-259-7(alk. paper)
1. Jesus Christ-History of doctrines-Early church, ca. 30-600. 2. Cyril, 'A(pi£povTai
Saint, Patriarch of Alexandria, ca. 370-444. I. Title: Saint Cyril of Alexandria. Ell; T7/V 7TpO C7(plAs(7TdTf]V (TV^VyOV j^OV
II. Cyril, Saint, Patriarch of Alexandria, ca. 370-444. Selections. English. 2004. Elp^vr/v
III. Tide.
BT198. M3994 2004
273'.5-dc22
2004004375

EXUBP^
u^^s'WTLS
GENSIS
MO\flOMW ,

Copyright © 2004 byJohn A. McGuckin

ST VLADIMIR'SSEMINARY PRESS
575 Scarsdale Road, Crestwood, NY 10707
1-800-204-2665

ISBN 0-88141-259-7

All Rights Reserved

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

Let us keep the tide 'Pharoah', for it conveys well both the power of
the bishop of Alexandria and that imperious and vehement character
we see in Cyril himself, although all this energyis tempered, one must
say, by a Christian grandeur of spirit and channelled by a mind of
genius. In the historyof dogmaCyril's role canonly be comparedwith
that of Athanasius, and St. Augustine is the only other figure in the
history of theology who is his equal in terms of the authority afforded
to his teachings. Standing against Origenism, and against the
Antiochenes, he represents a definidvetheology, even more so than the
CappadocianFathers.
-P. Battifol, La Litterature Grecque

Let Your Holiness be assured that we follow the opinions of the holy
Fathers in all things, especially our blessed and all-renowned Father
Athanasius. We refuse to difFerfrom them in any respect. Let no one
doubt this.
-Cyril of Alexandria, Letter to John of Antioch

It is one and the same Holy Spirit, which the Fathers at Nicaea had
within them as they defined the faith, which was in the soul and voice
of our most holy andvenerable Fatherthe Archbishop Cyril when he
dictated this for the correction of the errors that the reverend
Nestorius introduced to the church.
-Bishop Hermogenes of Rhinocourouros,
Acclamation at the Council of Ephesus
 CONTENTS

Preface ........................................................................................... xi
Abbreviations ................................................................................. xin

I. The Context of the Ephesus Crisis ...................................... 1

1. The early life and writings of Cyril, 378-428 .......... 1
2. The Nestorian controversy:
The prelude to an oecumenical crisis, 428-431 ....... 20
3. A year of intrigues:
The Council of Ephesus, 431 ................................... 53
4. The long search for peace, 432-444 ......................... 107
II. The Ghristology of Nestorius ............................................... 126
1. Sources for the reconstruction of
Nestorius' teaching .................................................... 126
2. Nestorius' theological presuppositions
and method ................................................................ 130
3. Prosopic theory:
Associative difference in Christ ................................. 151
III. The Christology of Cyril ...................................................... 175
1. Redemptive Deification:
Cyril's presupposidons and major concerns .............. 175
2. Henosis Theory:
Cyril's Ghristological argument ................................. 193
3. The Cyrilline Construct ............................................ 223
IV The Oecumenical Reception of Cyril's Theology .............. 227
1. From Dioscorus to Chalcedon ................................... 227
2. Cyril and the Chalcedonian setdement .................... 233
3. Cyril in the Chalcedonian aftermath ........................ 240
V Translated Texts .................................................................... 244
Cyril's Letter to the Monks of Egypt .............................. 245
The Second Letter of Cyril to Nestorius ........................ 262
The Third Letter of Cyril to Nestorius ........................... 266
Cyril's Letter to Pope Gelesdne ....................................... 276
Homily given at Ephesus on St.John's day.
In the Church of St.John ............................................ 280
x CONTENTS

Explanadon of the Twelve Chapters ............................... 282

Scholiaon the Incarnationof the Only Begotten .......... 294
Cyril's Letter to Acacius of Beroea ................................. 336
Cyril's Letter toJohn of Antioch ..................................... 343
Cyril's Letter to Eulogius ................................................. 349
PREFACE
First Letter of Cyril to Succensus .................................... 352
Second Letter of Cyril to Succensus ............................... 359
Nestorius' Reply to Cyril's Second Letter ................. 364 In the ten years since I first wrote St. Cyril of Alexandria and the Christo-
The Synodical Deposidon of Nestorius .................... 369 logical Controversy, there has been a considerable renewal of interest in
Appendix 1. Athanasius'Letter to Epictetus ......... 379 the teachings of this giant of patristic theology. Several closely argued
word studies and doctoral dissertations have been added to the ever-
Appendix 2. Gregory Nazianzen's
Letter to Gledonius ............................ 390 accumulating evidence of his masterly command of biblical, christo-
logical, soteriological, and sacramental theology. New collecdons of
Study Bibliographies ..................................................................... 401 translated texts have also appeared (Russell, 2000), amplifying those of
Editions and Translations of St. Cyril ............................. 403 Wickham (1983), McEnerney (1987), and myself (1994), thus allowing
BibliographyA. General Historical and the English-speakingreader to access more of his opus.
Theological Studies ............................ 406 What had been the constant belief of the Eastern Churches-
Bibliography B. Gyrilline Studies ................................. 408 namely that St. Cyril represented a "seal" over all the other Fathers
Bibliography C. Studies on Antiochene Christology.... 416 (that is the sphragis, or authoritative stamp that capped them)-has
Bibliography D. Further Gyrilline Studies .................... 419 come to be a perspective shared more widely in European theological
scholarship, which had unquestionably been hostile to him, both
Index of ancient names ................................................................ 421
doctrinally and historically, in most commonly available treatments
Index of themes.............................................................................. 423
throughout the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. I have
Scriptural index.............................................................................. 425 reflected this extending interest in Cyril's achievements by updating
Maps the list of Gyrilline studies in the bibliography.
I am delighted that St. Vladimir's Press is offering a new printing of
this book. My work was designedfrom the outset as a student-friendly
introduction to the fascinating events surrounding the Council of
Ephesus (431), as well as a serious theological reassessmentof Cyrilline
theology. Brill of Leiden first produced my text in a very fine cased
library edition, but this paperback version suits my initial vision for it
as a popular textbook. It was meant to be usable and useful: not a
definitive "last word," but more an argument for what patristic
theology looked like in full swing, as well as a major gathering of the
primary texts to allow readers to research material and form their own
opinions. Besides being an introduction to major events in christology
and church history of the fifth century, it is (and was by design meant
to be) an introduction to the contextual exegesis of patristic writings.
I hope that a new range of readerswill be attracted to the story and
find this book illuminating-discovering in the process the inner
Xll PREFACE

vitality of Orthodox christology and patristic thought. Theology in the

hands of the great masters exceeds a desiccated "quest for accuracies";
it becomes a spiritual quest after the divine truth that liberates and
transfigures, and thereby validates its own authenticity. Cyril himself
understood this with great clarity, and the issue certainly retains its ABBREVIATIONS
importance in the contemporary scholarly environment.
AB Analecta Bollandiana.
Fr. John A. McGuckin AGO Acta Concilionim Oecumenicorum, Ed. E.
January 2004, New York Schwartz, Berlin, Leipzig, 1927f.
Feast of Saints Athanasius
BiNJ Bijdragen van de Philosophische en Theologische
and Cyril of Alexandria Faculteiten der Nederlandschejezuiten. Roermond
& Maastricht. 1938f.
BLE Bulletin de Litterature Ecclesiastique. Toulouse.
GHR The Catholic Historical Review, Washington,
1915F.
CSGO Corpus Scriptorum Chrisdanorum Orientalium.
Paris, Louvain.
DCB Dicdonary of Christian Biography, London, 1877.
DHGE Dicdonnaire d'Histoire et de Geographic Eccles-
iastique. Paris 1912f.
Dom Stud. Dominican Studies. Oxford.
DOP Dumbarton Oaks Papers. Cambridge, Mass.
DTC Dictionnaire de Theologie Catholique. Paris 1909f.
EE Estudios Ecclesiasticos. Madrid. 1922f.
EO Echos D'Orient. Paris, 1897-1942.
E Ph Ekklesiastikos Pharos. Alexandria.
Eph Th Louv. Ephemerides Theologicae Lovaniensis. Louvain.
E.T. English Translation.
GOTR Greek Orthodox Theological Review. Brookline,
Mass.
HGO Histoire des Conciles Oecumeniques. Ed. G.
Dumerque. Paris.
Hefele. CJ. Hefele (with annotations by Dom. Leclercq,
Histoire des Gonciles, Vol.2. pt. l. (Council of
Ephesus), Paris, 1908.
ITQ^ Irish Theological Quarterly, Maynooth.
JEH Journal of EcclesiasticalHistory, Cambridge.
JTS Journal of Theological Studies. Oxford.
Kopt. Akt. Kopdsche Akten zum ephesinischen Konzil vom
Jahre431. Transl. W. Kraatz. TU 26.2.
XIV ABBREVIATIONS ABBREVIATIONS XV

LXX Septuagintal version. (LXX after a biblical ref- 62) & Oxford 1987f. (Proceedings of the Oxford
erence doesnot signifyCyril's use of the Septuagint, Internal. Conferences on Patristic Studies, 1987f).
which is his habitual text, rather those instances TU Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der
where the LXX version departs substantively from altchrisdichen Literatur. Leipzig, Berlin, Oxford.
the Masoretic text of the OT). ZKG Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte. Gotha-Stuttgart.
MSR Melanges de Science Religieuse. Lille. ZNW Zeitschrift fur die Neutestamendiche Wissenschaft
MTZ Munchener Theologische Zeitschrift. Munich. und die Kunde der alteren Kirche, Berlin.
MUS Le Museon. Louvain.
NRT Nouvelle Revue Theologique. Tournai.
oc Orientalia Christiana. Rome.
OCA Orientalia Christiana Analecta. Rome.
OOP Orientalia Christiana Periodica, Rome.
OECT Oxford Early Christian Texts.
Or Chr. Oriens Christianas. Leipzig 1901-1941, Wiesbaden
1953f.
PER Patristic and Byzantine Review. New York.
PL Patrologiae Cursus Gompletus. Ed. J.P. Migne,
Series Latina, Paris, 1844-1855.
PG Ibid. Series Graeca, Paris 1857-1866.
PO Patrologia Orientalis.
RAG Reallexicon fiir Antike und Ghristentum.
REB Revue des Etudes Byzantines. Paris.
RES Revista Espanolade Teologia. Madrid 194If.
Rev Et Aug. Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes. Paris.
Rev SR Revue des Sciences Religieuses. Strasbourg, Paris.
Rev Thorn. Revue Thomiste. Paris.
RHE Revue d'Histoire Ecclesiastique.
RIT Revue Internationale de Theologie.
ROC Revue de L'Orient Chretien. Paris
RSPT Revue des Sciences Philosophiques et Theologiques.
Paris.
RSR Recherchesde ScienceReligieuse. Paris.
SG Sources Chretiennes. Paris.
SCA Studiesin ChrisdanAntiquity. Washington,194If.
SGH Studiesin Church History. Cambridge.
Schol. Scholastik. Freiburg.
SJT ScotdshJournalof Theology.
ST Studi e Testi. Rome.
StG Studia Gatholica. Roermond & Nijmegen, 1924f.
Stud. Pat. Studia Patristica. (TU 63-64, 78-81, Berlin, 1957-
 CHAPTER ONE

THE CONTEXT OF THE EPHESUS CRISIS

1. THE EARLY UFE AND WRITINGS OF CYRIL, 378-428

Cyril ofAlexandriawas not only one ofthe finest Christiantheologians

of his day, he also stands out in the ranks of the greatest patristic
writers of all generations as perhaps the most powerful exponent of
christology the church has known and, after Athanasius, the writer
who has had the greatest historical influence on the articulation of
this most central and seminal aspect of Christian doctrine. When one
adds to this the polidcal aspects of his life, the fact that he occupied
thethrone ofoneofthemostimportantseesoftheByzantineOecumene
and was, by virtue of that office, in the select ranks of the most power-
ful men in the world of his time, then the extraordinary range of
his life and work stands out all the more vividly and in relief. Cyril
is, without doubt, a profound and controversial figure.
For the Eastern church he is the father of Orthodox christology
par excellence; a great exegete as well as a spiritual guide, a saint
in the full range of his doctrine and his life's energy and focus, the
two aspects being inseparable in the Orthodox understanding of the
nature of theology and sanctity. Much modern work on christology
and church history is, however, loud in his criticism, yet frequently
that criticism only lighdymasksthe theologicalcontentions from which
it springs. Much the same can be observed even in his own lifetime.
He wasregardedby someofhisepiscopalcolleagues, thougha minority
it must be added, as a great heretical manipulator of die church.
By most others he was regarded as the greatest theologian living, and
by many as a living saint and defender of the truth in a time of
crisis in the manner of a new Athanasius or Gregory Nazianzen. He
was capable, both in terms of his political manoeuvres as well as his
theology, of stirring up violent feelings for and against him, wherever
he went. In itself this is a testimony to the extraordinary vigour of
his mind and his character. Small men do not create such large effects.
No less than his enemies admitted that his intellectual work could
-in': hr dfsrr^rdrr1, and cvrn bitt-2- c-)poncnts s-jch ns Thend-r-": of
 CHAPTER ONE THE CONTEXT OF THE EPHESUS CRISIS 3

Cyr came in the end to adopt much of the argument for which Cyril inspiration. He was evidently schooled in rhetoric, but the substance
had been pressing, even expressing it in Gyrilline terms which they of his learning is built upon the twin pillars of biblical theology and
hadearlierdenounced. ' Becauseofthis, sincehe represents the central the prior patristic tradition, mainly the writers of the Alexandrian
Eastern tradition of christological sprituality, and because he is a church. R.M. Grant has demonstrated that when he criticised pagan
conciliarsymbol, likeAthanasius,overwhomtheologicalandhistorical culture in his Contra Julianum, a work of his last years, he gained
disagreement endures in modern thinking, then his life and doctrine his knowledge for most of his learned allusions to pagan literature,
have a canonical and contemporary relevance ofno small proportions. by following up the references suggested in the writings of previous
The records of the great christological controversy, in which Cyril Christian apologists, particularly Eusebius of Caesarea.5
wasa leadingprotagonistafter429,andthevoluminouscorrespondence Chief among his sources is Athanasius the Great, but he is also
it stimulated, have left the historian with an abundance of detailed awareoftheexegeticalworkofOrigen,Didymus,andevenChrysostom,
sources for the reconstruction of Cyril's activities after this date. His whom on occasion he paraphrases extensively.6 He also knows some
earlier life islesswell documented, indeedthe dates only tend to become ofJerome's exegetical writing, 7 who for a time had allied himself with
clear after 403. Theophilus in the early attack on Origenism the archbishop conducted
According to the 7th century Coptic bishop and historian John in the Egyptian monasteries. The exact relationship Cyril had with
ofNikiu2 Cyril was born in the obscure Egyptian town ofTheodosios Isidore of Pelusium, eighteen years his senior and a notable leader
close to, if not identical with, the present village ofMahalla el Kobra.3 in the monastic circles of Egypt, is one-that still needs clarification.
Later tradition, especially in Greek sources, has tended to locate his Isidore wrote to Cyril with great frankness, and although his letters
birth in Alexandria, which of course is the locus around which all are frequendy critical, there is no sign that they were resented, even
the important aspects of his life certainly revolved. We could posit thoughIsidorewasa provincialclericwithinCyril'sjurisdiction.Isidore
a date for his birth some time near 378. His mother seems to have enjoyed a freedom of speech with the archbishop that apparently
originated from Memphis, and in her younger years spent some time belonged to a trusted counsellor and perhaps mentor from his past.
as a refugee in a monastic house in Alexandria, moving about 120 Among Isidore's 'letters to Cyril'8 there is a complaint that Cyril is
kms. from the capital in order to be married. Her elder brother, Cyril's a litde too fond ofworldly interests when he should be busying himself
uncle the priest Theophilus, remained in the city, eventually becoming with the pursuits of solitude. Some have taken this to suggest that
one its most powerful bishops in 385, when Cyril was about seven Cyril was himself a monk, perhaps for something like five years in
or eight years of age. Cyril's mother evidently kept in close contact the desert at Nitria, but if this was the case it is surprising that he
with her brother after his ecclesiastical advancement4 and it cannot himself does not make any reference to it despite numerous com-
bedoubtedthatTheophiluswouldhaveguidedhisnephew'seducation munications with the Egyptian monks when he subsequendy became
and advanced his ecclesiasdcal career from the outset. archbishop ofAlexandria. Severus ofAntioch, one ofthe great Cyrilline
Cyril's mature writings show quite clearly the depth and rigour disciples of the 6th century knew this tradition but was doubtful of
of his educational training, and bear clear witness to its Christian it.9 It seems to have been sustained largely through the later work

In hislaterwriting, especially the Eranistes, Theodoret applied the Cyrilline usage

of 'hypostaric christology' for which in his earlier writings he had loudly criticised 5 see Grant (1964) and Malley (1978).
Cyril, cf. Richard (1936). 6 McGuckin (1987).
2 The Chronicle ofJohn ofNikiu; Ed. & tr. (from the Coptic) by Zotenberg, Paris, 7 Abel (1941); Kerrigan(1952). Wickham(1983, xvi, fn. 15) notes that he probably
1883; E.T. R.H. Charles, The Chronicle ofJohn Bishop of Nikiu, London, 1916. knewJeromeby meansofthe Greektranslationmadeby Sophronius.Severalparallels
q. v. p. 76. canbeexplainedbymutualdependenceonOrigenwhowasa massivesource(frequently
3 cf. Munier (1947). undisclosed) for Jerome too.
In a hostile account in his Life of Chrysostom, the historian Palladius says that 8 Not all Isidore's 'letters to Cyril' ought to be presumed, however, to be addressed
Theophilus arranged for her to give false witness againsta certain priest he wanted to the patriarch Cyril. See: PG 78. 361; 78. 369; 78. 373; 78. 392.
to depose. 9 GSGO 101, p. 252f.
 CHAPTER ONE THE CONTEXT OF THE EPHESUS CRISIS 5

oflbn Al Muqaffa10 but he goes on to say that Cyril's monastic father as a Christian thinker. Most ofthese works ofcommentary are produced
was not Isidore of Pelusium, but Serapion the Wise. Wickham has in this early period, before the christological controversy diverted his
drawn attention to the dubious reliability of this late source. " Perhaps energies to other pressing matters.
we may safely surmise that Theophilus patronised his nephew's At the end of his years of study, in 403, when he was about 25
preparation for an ecclesiastical career, and that this would have years of age, Cyril was ordained Lector of the church of Alexandria
included the solid basis of a formal education in Alexandria as well by Theophilus, and he began his ecclesiasdcal career at his uncle's
as long term Christian studies which would not rule out periods of side. We may presume that in the years following he advanced to
staying in the monasteries, which then, as now, were the bastions higher clerical offices, but from this time onwards he was intimately
of Egyptian Christianity. attached to the chancery of the Alexandrian church. By the dme of
Cyril's written style has an abundance ofrare forms and stylisations the Nestorian crisis, when Nestorius himself had been occupying the
which are typically Alexandrian. Nestorius criticised him for being throne ofthe imperialcityfor merely a year, Cyrilwasalreadyendowed
stufiy and difficult to read, but that was a classic example of the pot with twenty five years' experience of church politics at the highest
calling the ketde black. Cyril's Greek is certainly dense and difficult, level. The differenceinpoliticalacumenbetweenthetwomenisobvious
but the difficulty is as often related to the subtlety and compactness from the outset.
of his thought as it is to the heavy loads he frequently places on In that same year of 403 Cyril attended his uncle at the Synod
his syntax, and his preference for Atticising forms. of the Oak in Constantinople, which deposedJohn Chrysostom an
Cyril is unusual among the Greek Fathers for having even a litde event which Cyril recalls in a later letter to the agedAcacius ofBeroea
knowledge of the Latin tradition, and if he was not bi-lingual himself who was also present and survived long enough to become an
he certainly saw to it, as a scholarly archbishop, that the important important brokerin the delicate negotiations that were conductedafter
materials he sent for Pope Celestine's perusal at Rome were quickly the council of Ephesus. 13 Having been involved in this trial of the
and accurately translated into Latin before they left Alexandria. When great Chrysostom, Cyril stood firm with his uncle in the opinion that
he assembled lists ofpatristic Tesrimonia before and after the council John had been righdy deposed, even to the extent of allowing the
of Ephesus he was able to cite Cyprian and Ambrose as authorities. issue to cause a cloud to descend on relations between the Alexandrian
His period of formal education, following Abel, 12 would probably church and Rome, which demandedJohn's rehabilitation. Relations
have covered grammatical studies between 390 and 392 at the usual between Rome and Alexandria remained poor until the early years
ages of 12-14, followed by Rhetoric and Humanities between the of Cyril's administration.
ages of 15 and 20, in the period 393-397. After this we should locate WhenAtticus,John's second successor in the see of Constantinople,
a specific time of Christian theological and biblical studies beginning wrote to inform Cyril of the decision to restore John's name in the
probably in 398 (the year that the great Alexandrian theologian and liturgicalcommemoradons(thediptychs)ofthechurchesatConstantinople
exegete Didymus the Blind died) and ending sometime around 402. and Andoch he received, as first response, a rebufffrom Alexandria.
Already from this period, when Cyril was in his early twenties, begins John'seventualrehabilitation(traceableat Egyptfrom about417) seems
hisfamiliaritywiththe scripturaltextthatborefruit in hismonumental to have been a gradual and a diplomatic one as Cyril moved from
works ofexegesis. Today Cyril islargely regarded as a major theologian the policy of Theophilus to his own understanding of present eccle-
of the Person of Christ because of his involvement in the Nestorian siastical exigencies. In the time of the Nestorian controversy he wrote
crisis. In liis own time, however, he probably thought that it would to the imperial court signalling his partial acceptance of the policy
be his great biblical commentaries that would earn him his immortality to restore John's memory, by contrasting Nestorius' unorthodoxy with
John's purity of doctrine. This was a subtle manoeuvre on Cyril's
"History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria. Ed. & Tr. by
B. Evetts, Patrologia Orientalis. 1. 427F.
" Wickham (1983) pp. xi-xii, fn. 3. 13 Cyril, Ep. 33. PG.77. 159; AGO 1. 1. 7.p. l48. See the translations following.
12 Abel (1947) p. 230. 14 Cyril, Ep.76. PG.77.351-360.
 CHAPTER ONE THE CONTEXT OF THE EPHESUS CRISIS 7

part in so far as John's deposition had been secured by Theophilus at this period that despite the direct opposition of Abundantius, the
at the Synod of the Oak on disciplinary, not theological, grounds. Byzantine commander of the Egyptian garrisons, who sided with
But even in 432, in his letter to Acacius of Beroea, Cyril has no Timothy's faction, it was Cyril who was consecrated archbishop on
qualms about standing up for the legitimacy ofJohn's deposition. the Friday of the same week, October 18th 412. He was about 34
It is not necessaryto presume thatCyril ever actuallyrestoredJohn's years of age and his episcopal career was born among the kind of
name to the diptychs of the church of Alexandria either in 417 or riot which showed all too clearly how volatile were the city and church
at anylater date. There wasno standardpractice at that periodwhich politics of Alexandria.
would require him to do so. It was enough, to regain communion Socrates paints a turbulent picture of Cyril's early administration,
with the Roman see and to find favour with the royal court, to signal recounting his confiscation and seizure of the Novatianist churches
his tacit assent to the policy. Cyril's willingness to useJohn's works, in the city, progressive friction with the Urban Prefect Orestes, and
and speak of him as a standard of orthodoxy, suggests that he mob violence involving attacks on Jewish elements, as well as the
progressively abandoned the previous public policy of his church in infamousassassinationofthepaganphilosopherHypatiabya Christian
a slow process of readjustment, in which he was ever careful not to mob in 415. Socrates telescopes the issues together in what becomes
lose face.The truth of the matter, in terms ofJohn's rehabilitation generally a gloomy picture, but his account is far from unbiased. He
in the eyes of Cyril and the Alexandrians, probably lies somewhere has two axes to grind against Cyril, for he is himselfboth a Novatianist
betweenJohn of Nikiu's eager statement that Cyril was 'filled with sympathiser, and a Gonstantinopolitan in outlook. Both attitudes
greatjoy' at the prospect of restoringJohn's honour 'because he loved prejudice him somewhat in his assessment of Cyril s actions.
and honoured him as a great teacher"5 and the caustic comment The position ofthe Archbishop ofAlexandria had consolidated from
of the deposed Nestorius who listed the Constantinopolitan hierarchs the time of Athanasius, when even then it was considerable enough
whom he accused the Alexandrians of destroying and then said to for the imperial court to have good reason to respect it, and in the
Cyril: 'I will pass over John in silence, whose relics you have now handsofTheophilus and Cyril it wasto reachthe zenith ofits influence.
come to venerate, however unwillingly. "6 The leaderofthe church there wasone ofthe chiefpowers ofByzantine
In his period assisting Theophilus, Cyril saw at close hand how Egypt, rivalling the importance of the city Prefect, with access to a
powerful the office ofarchbishop could be in the hands ofa determined large, vociferous, and mobile source of support in the form of the
8
monks, well as standing bodyguard ofParabalani1 of considerable
man. The Byzantine administration was clearly not looking for the as a

family tradition to continue, given the controversies that had never size. Socrates19 says that 'Cyril came into possession of the episcopate
seemed to be absent in Theophilus' days. When Theophilus died on with greater power than Theophilus had ever exercised. For from
Tuesday October 15th, 412, they had already made moves to secure that time the bishopric of Alexandria went beyond the limits of its
the election of the incumbent archdeacon Timothy. Theophilus sdll sacerdotalfunctions and assumedthe administration ofsecularmatters.
had numerous followers, however, and Cyril's support was buoyant. This seems to have in mind particularly Cyril's legal moves against
It was evident that the nephew had been groomed for office and the Jews and Novatianists.
in his nine years of service he had already secured his position in Cyril's early actions as archbishop reveal him as a reformer, trying
the church on his own merits. The two factions in the Alexandrian to bring order into the ecclesiastical administration, but not entirely
church immediately clashed, causing no small political and civil able to control the popular forces on whichhis power base depended.
disturbance which the contemporary historian Socrates records. 17 It His early actions attempted to repress the vestiges of the heretical
is indicative of the extent of Cyril's ecclesiastical and popular support
18 Originally able-bodied men who attended and ministered to the sick in a form
of early Christian 'guild'. They came to be a force of attendants at the service, and
.
5 Charles (1916) pp. 95-96. underthedirection,oftheArchbishop,cf.W.Schubart.Parabalani.JournalofEgyptian
16 Loofs, Nestoriana (1905) p. 300. Archaeology, 40, 1954, 97-101; Philipsborn (1950).
17 Socrates Hist. Eccl. 7. 7. ET. Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers, Oxford, 1891. .
" Hist. Eccl. 7. 7; 7. 13.
 8 CHAPTER ONE THE CONTEXT OF THE EPHESUS CRISIS 9

groups in the city, in line with imperial religious policy of the period period are frequendy found destroying the ancient pagan shrines and
as supervised by the Augusta Pulcheria, Theodosius The Younger's idols, at leastwhereverthey could get awaywith it, wherelocal pagan
elder sister. Cyril's writings that predate 429 are full of references opposition was ineffecdve. This is desecration of the holy places of
to the continuing fight against heresy, but those he turns his attention other religions, or active evangelisation depending on the viewpoint
toarethefamousandclassicvariedes-Sabellians, Arians,Manicheans, of the modem beholder, but for the Christians of Cyril's age the
and Adoptionists. Until the Nestorian controversy he never refers, destructionofpaganshrines,to take anextremephysicalencapsulation
for example, to the Pelagians or the Apollinarists. 20 of the wider movement of the fifth century Christian predominance
One of his first acts in this campaign against dissidents was to move over paganism, was not only an important element in evangelisation,
by law against the Novatianist sect, to dispossess their church and it was seen as the purification of a nesting-place of demonic forces
their bishop Theopemptus. In this policy he was responding to the in that area. The early church did not regard the pagan temples as
current political climate. From Theodosius the Great (346-395) barren conventicles of false superstition, rather as the active centres
onwards, Roman legislation had increasingly disabled heretical meet- of demonic enmity and malice to local Christians. Cyril's instinctive
ings, threatening confiscation of goods. Cyril's application of the law beliefs in this regard can be seen in the illuminating episode of his
signalled a renewal of the campaign, just as Nestorius received the translation of the relics of Alexandrian martyr saints to the Isis cult
same commission at Constantinople on his appointment there. The centre at Menouthis, an event which shall be noticed later.
lawpenalising heretical meetings wasexplicidy reaffirmed inMay428. 21 Secondly, in terms ofthe clashwithJudaism, the implacable oppo-
The Novatianists, however, despite Socrates' propulsion of them sidon between the two religions was the result of two large political
to centre stage, were already a thing of the past. After his suppression and corporate bodies of a mixed population in Alexandria, who by
oftheir church Cyril turned to facethe two realideological andpolitical raceandreligionwouldnotbeassimilatedto eachother.Theopposition
opponents of the Christian church in Alexandria, that is the common was focused by religion but flowed out in all other areas of life, and
people who still actively maintained the 'old religion' of the pagan was an indication ofthe great power that both religious systems could
cults (especially strong in the rural regions), and theJews, whose pre- hold over their respective peoples. Like theJews, the Christians' religion
sence in Alexandria for centuries had made the city a veritable centre constituted them as a 'Genos', a particular people, and in the
of Jewish learning as well as commerce. Theodosian renewal that race of the Greeks (the Christians) was felt
The modem contexts oftoleradon and religious pluralism may well to have come into its full inheritance of the earth.
generate a very negative view of the repressive measures Cyril can Liberal ecumenism, even in the contemporary world, is taken aback
be seen to have taken against his opponents, and this applies both when it finds its principles of toleradon and accommodation wholly
to those outside the church as well as to his chrisdan antagonists of ineffecdve in the face of such powerful religio-political currents and,
later years. It is necessary, however, to locate this activity of Cyril's in consequence, may judge Cyril harshly for his attitudes, but the
in its ancient context rather than in any modern perspective, and contexts and agendas of liberal ecumenism do not accurately convey
in this regard two background considerations are important. the realides of fifth century Alexandria. It is a matter of some debate
In the first place the early church insdnctively shared the exclusivity whether, in the face of innumerable examples ranging from Israel
ofJudaism. No common agreement or toleration wasfelt to bepossible to Northern Ireland, Yugoslavia, Sri Lanka, Russia, Cambodia, (the
for moral or religious pluralism. By the fifth century Paganism and list is endless) whether those contexts can even be said accurately
Judaismwereperceivedasthecontraryenemiesofthechrisdanreligious to describe the realities of religion and politics in the late twentieth
system-a view which is exacdy parallel, of course, toJudaism's own century either.
view of both Christianity and paganism. The monks of Egypt in this The church in Cyril's day had already sensed its victory over
paganism. For over a century, since the time of Theodosius I, the
20 cf. Durand (1964) p. 15. Christian religion had been enshrined as the imperial religion of the
21 Codex Theodosianum 16.5. 165. Romans. It had an energy and political environment that empowered
 10 CHAPTER ONE THE CONTEXT OF THE EPHESUS CRISIS 11

its sense of mission and establishment. Paganism still lingered on, the lay professor Hierax, had the function of leading the applause
sometimes as a vital force, in the hearts and affections of the simple during Cyril's sermons. Hieraxwas a well-known figure; a prominent
country people, andpagan philosophy wasstill an important intellectual Christian, and a highly visible member of Cyril's entourage.
critic of Christianity, as evidenced by the scholarly elite of the city. Shortly after Cyril's consecration as archbishop the Urban Prefect
Nonethelessthe church sensedthat the tide hadalreadyturned against Orestes was delivering a series of official edicts in the Alexandrian
the old religion, evenin its heartlandsofRome, AsiaMinorandEgypt. Theatre, primarily addressedto theJewishcommunity, andregulating
The edict of Honorius and Theodosius II suppressing pagans and entertainments that could be held on their sabbath day. A group of
heretics, dated to 407, captures the mood of the time, and in its final Cyril's supporters, including Hierax, turned up for the occasion to
prescriptions also explains Theophilus', and Cyril's, legal base of find out what was being allowed or prohibited, and their presence
operations in their assaults on paganism. 22 so inflamed the crowd that they beat up the unfortunate man, whom
That the tide had turned against them could not be said, however, they recognisedimmediately, and denounced him to Orestes as a spy
ofJudaism. Despite the innumerable hardships and political disasters of Cyril's. The Prefect arrested him and used him to demonstrate
that had befallen the Jewish nation, the Alexandrian community of his malice towards the archbishop by having him questioned in prison
Jews was still immensely vigorous in the fifth century. Theologically, under torture. Socrates says that: 'Orestes had long regarded with
morally, and in terms of communal cohesion, the church found in jealousy the growing power of the bishops because they encroached
the synagogue its most serious opponent. The conflict between the on the jurisdiction of the authorities appointed by the Emperor. '24
two peoples was perhaps more acute at Alexandria than anywhere Cyril responded to this by sending the Jewish authorities a formal
else in the Late Antique Roman world, given the great size and warning not to engage in further molestation of Christians. He did
importance of the respective communities of that city. At that time so secure in his own mind that he had the tendency ofthe law behind
Alexandria was still the veritable capital of world Judaism. him, which under Theodosius II had increasingly enacted measures
The early Paschal Homilies of Cyril demonstrate his concern over disablingJewish rights.25
the assimilation of Christians to Jewish customs, a problem that can Hard on the heels of this episode a local riot in one of the city
be found in patrisdc apologetic two hundred years previously.23 In quarters where relations between Jews and Christians had reached
Cyril's time relationships between the ChristianandJewishinhabitants breakingpoint, led to a major incident. A Jewishgroup living beside
were full of friction, and that friction in the volatile city environment the 'church of Alexander' sent runners through the streets late one
was able soon enough to ignite dangerous fires of longstanding night crying out that there had been a fire in the church building.
differences. The first three political crises which embroil Cyril as a This brought local Christians in numbers to the site where they were
young bishop typify his problems; the first was a major incident with set upon in pre-arranged attacks, adding to the confusion, and some
the Jewish community, the second a clash with the Urban Prefect, were killed. 26 The incident could not be contained and may have
the third a murder scandal involving the pagan intelligentsia. beeninterpretedasthe beginningofa dangerousconcertedmovement.
It was a longstanding custom for the congregation to applaud in Whatever the case there was a mass gathering of Christians at the
church,ortoshoutoutsignsoftheirdisapproval,whenbishopspreached cathedral the following morning demanding redress, and under Cyril s
to them. There are several indications in the fifth century patristic leadership, acting asjudicial magistrate and ethnic Archon, this moved
homilies of the bishops sometimes struggling for control over their
audience. In the Alexandrian cathedral one of Cyril's avid followers,
24 Hist. Eccl. 7. 13.
25 e. g the punishment ofJewish proselytizers of Christians in 415 (Cod. Theod.
22 'Paganaltars in all places shouldbe destroyedandall temples on our (imperial) 16.8. 22)whichinvolved even the degradationoftheJewishpatriarch Gamaliel. There
estates should be transferred to suitable uses......to bishops of the local regions we were also edicts in 409, 412, 415 417 & 423. The last edict was designed to prohibit
grant the faculty of ecclesiastical power to prohibit the said practices. Codex any 'future burning of synagogues' yet it does so almost as a concession to the
Theodosianum 16. 10. 19. wretched requests" of the Jewish communities.
23 cf. McGuckin (1992); Ibid. (1985); Wilken (1971). 26 Socrates. Hist. Eccl. 7. 13
12 CHAPTER ONE THE CONTEXT OF THE EPHESUS CRISIS 13

as a column to the synagoguesofthe chiefsuspects. The crowd seized doubtless in an attempt to uncover a link with Cyril and provide
the buildings and devastated them, with the action soon degenerating an excuse for his arraignment. Ammonius died from injuries sustained
into widespread looting. while in Orestes' custody, and in reply Cyril pointedly gave the
Socrates, in this connection, speaks of Cyril instigating a mass unfortunate man a triumphant funeral, even speaking of him as a
expulsion ofJews from the city, but this is surely an exaggeration. new martyr for the faith. Harassment of paganism by the monks,
Cyril's administration certainly marksa stagein theincreasingchrisdan even to the extent of physically demolishing the shrines was by then
domination of fifth century Alexandria but the Jewish presence there an established custom ofthe Alexandrian church, and Cyril's eulogising
would remain strong and influential for a long time to come. The remarks on Ammonius can possibly be contextualised in this light.
expulsions ofJews he instigated should rather be seen asparticularised In other words, Cyril did not disabuse his monastic supporters as
and related to the incident ofthe Alexander church murders; an aspect to Orestes' supposedly pagan inclinations and sustained the notion
of Cyril's claims to exercise independent judicial power in matters that the monk had died at the hands of infidel torturers on account
relating to religion, in the face of Orestes' civil jurisdiction. Far from of his protests against idolatry.
being the whole Jewish population the exiles probably constituted the The particularly pugnacious nature ofthe monks' attack onpaganism
group around the Alexander church. It was, nonetheless, a strong was a notable factor in Egypt, but the repressive policy in general
signal to the Jewish population as a whole. is not a peculiarity of Cyril's. It was, in the main, a shared perspective
The bad relations between Cyril and Orestes degenerated further of several Christian hierarchs of the time. Theodoret, in his history,
when a large group of monks from Nitria came to the city 'to fight makes a special point of commending Theophilus28 for his root and
on Cyril's behalf'. 27 They came up to Orestes in his chariot and branch extirpation of pagan cults in Alexandria, citing with evident
surrounded the vehicle,josding it, and denouncing the Augustal Prefect approval and admiration the famous attack on the Serapeum in
as a pagan, presumably because his enmity of the archbishop was Alexandriawhenthe monks sawedup the cult statue ofthe god. Such
public knowledge by this time, and because his social contacts included a frontal and public assault on the main centre of pagan civic and
notable pagan litterateurs and philosophers. His answer to them was religious life speaks volumes about the power of the archbishop of
that he was indeed a Christian, but one (he was glad to say) that had Alexandria in the early fifth century, and Cyril, in this episode of
been baptized by the archbishop of Constantinople. In his answer he Ammonius' funeral, is clearly warning off the civil Byzantine power
not only distanced himself from Cyril, but also gives an indication from an encroachment onto that area of public influence his see had
of an important factor in the subsequent controversy with Nestorius, already established.
and that is theinnate rivalry thatexistedbetweenthe two chrisdancides. The third notable episode of this early period of Cyril's administra-
Alexandria looked back to its ancient pedigree as a rich source tion is perhaps the most infamous-the murder of the pagan Neo-
ofpatriarchs andmartyrs. Constantinople regardeditselfastheepitome Platonic philosopher Hypatia by a Christian mob. At the time, asindeed
of Christian civilisation and culture, and particularly disdained the they have since, his enemies tried to lay responsibilty for this personally
Egyptian provincials. Mockery of the Alexandrian accent was a at Cyril's door. This crime was committed shordy after the clash with
longstanding joke in Byzantium. Orestes' evident outrage and disdain Oresteswhena crowd,possiblycomposed ofmanyofCyril'sparabalani
for the monks inflamed matters further and stones began to fly, one since they were led by someone who held the office of lector in the
of which hit the Prefect on the head, drawing blood. Most of the church, met with Hypatia's carriage in the city streets. She was the
attendant troops, according to Socrates, 'plunged into the crowd to leading light of the city's philosophical schools, an eminent teacher
escape' but local citizens felt that the monks had gone too far and anda socialfigurewhocountedin theranksofhermostardentdisciples
intervened to break up the fracas. The monk who threw the stone, the philosopher Synesius, whom Theophilus had subsequently con-
by name ofAmmonius, was arrested and brutally tortured by Orestes, secratedasbishopofPtolemaisin410.Asfarasthemobwereconcerned

27 Socrates. Hist. Eccl. 7. 14. 28 Hist. Ecd.5. 22.

 14 CHAPTER ONE THE CONTEXT OF THE EPHESUS CRISIS 15

this cultured woman represented a focus of unyielding opposition to mob, but ofan untried leaderattempting, andinitiallyfailing,to master
Christianity. They appear to have connected her in some way with popular forces'.
Orestes' continuing hatred of their archbishop Cyril, and when they As a result of the violence the Urban Prefect denounced Cyril to
stopped her carriage they dragged her from it and pulled her into the imperial court at Byzantium. Theodosius II was only fourteen
the Great Church, formerly the Gaesareum, of Alexandria. years of age at the rime, and already under the sway of his dominant
This incident occurred during Lent, in March 415, the time of sister Pulcheria, the regent Augusta from 414. Cyril wrote to justify
the preparation of catechumens. Was it an attempt to force her to his actions in expelling the Jews, and claimed that he was defending
acknowledge the Gospel? The mob stripped her in the church before Christian interests in the city in the face ofconcerted attacks. If Orestes
stoning her to death with tiles. Perhaps it was a grim parody of the was hoping to have the archbishop deposed his plans did not come
baptismal rite which degenerated into a frenzy ofhate and destruction to fruition. There wasone concrete result, however, whichdemonstrates
that resulted in the literal tearing apart of her body and the burning a degree of official disapproval of Cyril's political role, and that was
ofthe sections ofher corpse. 29Whatever light one puts upon the crime the initiation by Pulcheria of a formal commission of enquiry.
the fact was that here was a grotesque murder within the very church In 416 Aedesius the imperial commissioner who had been sent from
building, and it was a scandal that reverberated round all parts of Constantinople concluded that the guild of parabalani was a threat
the city,Jewish, pagan, and Christian factions alike, and even further to public order, and in September of that year their numbers were
afield. Socrates says that this event, 'brought no small reproach on restricted by imperial edict to less than 500, and they were brought
Cyril and the church of the Alexandrians'. 30 Some, most famously under the legal inspection of Orestes as the city Prefect. The decree
Gibbon who calls the murder 'an exploit of Cyril's, ' blatantly mis- seemed to have reined in Cyril's growing influence: 'It pleases our
interpret this remark when they consider the murder as an act in Clemency that clerics should have nothing in common with public
which he was personally involved. Socrates' point is that the behaviour affairs or matters pertainingto a municipal Senate'.32And yet, within
ofthismobattheirownchurchspreaddisgraceuponthewholeChristian two years of this decree Cyril's reputation had risen so high at court
community, including its archbishop, and called out for closer control that the law was again altered in his favour. On February 3rd 41833
of the volatile popular factions in Alexandria. the number of the parabalani was increased to 600, and once more
The pagan philosopher Damascius also recounted the incident theywereplacedunder Cyril'sjurisdiction: 'to obeythe most reverend
specifically attributing personal blame and complicity to Cyril, but bishop's orders and directions.' It is a remarkable witness to Cyril s
he was writing 130 years after the events, and his whole account is ability to spring back from adversity, something that characterises all
evidently prejudiced from the start and suffused with a bitter hatred his life's story, but also to his capacity to command considerable
of the way in which Christianity had suppressed his profession and influence at the imperial court, frequently far more than even provincial
way of life. Following Gibbon, Charles Kingsley, with more regard governors could summon up.
for romance than fact in his novel 'Hypatia', lost no opportunity to Cyril's literary work3 before the Nestorian controversy is largely
4

paint Cyril as the evil villain of the piece, and the mythic caricature concerned with books of exegesis. If they had not been subsequently
he provided became fashionable. More recently, Wickham is more overshadowed by his own brilliant apologetic works of christology,
just to Cyril, and certainly on the grounds of deeper scholarly the Commenfaries on the Old Testament which he produced could
judgement, .when he summarises the early crises of his administration well have come to be regarded as his crowning glories. He composed
as follows: 'The facts are not to be denied. The picture they yield at thisperiodhisThesaurus,whichis largelya digestofSt. Athanasius
is not one of a fanatical priest, hungry for power, heading a howling
31 Wickham. (1983. ) p. xvi.
32 Cod. Theod. 16. 2. 42.
cf'. F' ^c.i.la?fer-. <C71?1 of Alexandria and the Murder of Hypatia.
'
Catholic 33 God. Theod. 16. 2. 43.
University Bulletin, 8, (Washington) 1902, 441-453. 34 For a fuller listing, chronological location, and brief outline of the contents of
30 Hist. Eccl. 7. 15. Cyril's works see J. Quasten, (1975), 119-135.
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