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 Critical American Studies Series

George Lipsitz, University of California–Santa Barbara, Series Editor

Chains of Babylon
The Rise of Asian America

Daryl J. Maeda

Critical American Studies Series

University of Minnesota Press

Minneapolis
London
Excerpts from the poem “To My Asian American Brothers,” by Pat Sumi, appear courtesy of
Tetsuji Gotanda and Kiyoko Gotanda.

Lyrics from “Yellow Pearl,” “We Are the Children,” “Something about Me Today,” “Jonathan
Jackson,” “Warrior of the Rainbow,” “Somos Asiáticos,” “Divide and Conquer,” and “War
of the Flea,” by Nobuko JoAnne Miyamoto and Chris Iijima, appear courtesy of Nobuko
JoAnne Miyamoto and Jane Dickson.

Lyrics from “Wandering Chinaman” appear courtesy of Charlie Chin.

Quotations from “Firepot” and “Jungle Rot and Open Arms,” by Janice Mirikitani, were
originally published in Time to Greez! Incantations from the Third World (Third World
Communications and Glide Publications); reprinted courtesy of Janice Mirikitani.

Lyrics from “Song for a Child,” by Chris Iijima, appear courtesy of Jane Dickson.

Chapter 3 was previously published as “Black Panthers, Red Guards, and Chinamen:
Constructing Asian American Identity through Performing Blackness, 1969–1972,” American
Quarterly 57, no. 4 (December 2005); reprinted with permission of The Johns Hopkins
University Press.

Copyright 2009 by the Regents of the University of Minnesota

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system,
or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or
otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher.

Published by the University of Minnesota Press

111 Third Avenue South, Suite 290
Minneapolis, MN 55401-2520
http://www.upress.umn.edu

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Maeda, Daryl J.
Chains of Babylon : the rise of Asian America / Daryl J. Maeda.
p. cm. — (Critical American studies series)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 978-0-8166-4890-0 (hc : acid-free paper) — isbn 978-0-8166-4891-7 (pb : acid-free
paper)
1. Asian Americans—Politics and government—20th century. 2. Asian Americans—Social
conditions—20th century. 3. Asian Americans—Ethnic identity. 4. Political activists—United
States—History—20th century. 5. Social movements—United States—History—20th century.
6. Third World Liberation Front—History. 7. Vietnam War, 1961–1975—Protest movements—
United States. 8. African Americans—Relations with Asian Americans. 9. United States—Race
relations—History—20th century. 10. United States—Social conditions—20th century. I. Title.
e184.a75m34 2009
305.895'073—dc22
2009017762

Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper

The University of Minnesota is an equal-opportunity educator and employer.

15 14 13 12 11 10 09 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
In the spirit of Pat Sumi and Chris Iijima

In memory of George Maeda

In hopes for the future of Alex and Kenji

Chains of Babylon
bind us together
but we do not touch
With this sword
I would free you
But where are your chains?
They are not like mine
In your eyes
I see your spirit
bound by chains
by burdens
by weight
by hearts
so heavy
the sword cannot free you
yet

—Pat Sumi, “To My Asian American Brothers”

 Contents

Preface ix
Acknowledgments xiii
Abbreviations xvii

Introduction: From Heart Mountain to Hanoi 1

1. Before Asian America 19
2. “Down with Hayakawa!” Assimilation vs. Third World
Solidarity at San Francisco State College 40
3. Black Panthers, Red Guards, and Chinamen: Constructing
Asian American Identity through Performing Blackness 73
4. “Are We Not Also Asians?” Building Solidarity through
Opposition to the Viet Nam War 97
5. Performing Radical Culture: A Grain of Sand and the
Language of Liberty 127
Conclusion: Fighting for the Heart of Asian America 154

Notes 161
Bibliography 183
Index 199
This page intentionally left blank
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 Preface

This book is a cultural history of Asian American activism and identity

in the late 1960s and early 1970s. By tracing ideas about race, ethnicity,
nation, and empire expressed in social movement cultures and formal
cultural productions, it recuperates a set of political actions that brought
into being the category of “Asian American.” Throughout, it argues that
cultural critiques of racism and imperialism, the twin “Chains of Baby-
lon” of the title, informed the construction of Asian American identity
as a multiethnic formation committed to interracial and transnational sol-
idarity. This focus on cultural manifestations follows Lisa Lowe’s dictum,
“Where the political terrain can neither resolve nor suppress inequality,
it erupts in culture.”1 Indeed, this book proceeds from a conviction that
the cultural sphere—deWned broadly, from everyday performances and
ways of being to drama, music, and poetry—cannot be reduced to an
aftereffect of the political but rather must be understood as in constant
dialectical relation with the political.
The topic of Asian American activism during the 1960s has garnered
much scholarly attention but not nearly enough. It is a politically charged
subject that demands that its critics take stands and stake positions, for
interpretations of the past are inevitably informed by present-day con-
cerns. Because I want to be clear about the partiality and limitations of
this project, I must begin with three caveats. First, throughout the book
ix
 x Preface

I have chosen to refer to the “Asian American movement” rather than

the “Asian American Movement.” Capitalizing “Movement” suggests, to
me, a solidity or uniformity that overly schematizes this tumultuous
period. All narratives seek to organize chaos into order, and in construct-
ing this narrative I have chosen the noncapitalized form as a gesture to
suggest that messiness and contradiction were inherent in an ad hoc move-
ment comprised of loosely associated groups and organizations that
adopted a variety of ideological approaches; differed by ethnicity, immi-
grant status, class, and region; addressed a multiplicity of issues; arose
spontaneously; and lasted for varying lengths of time.
The second caveat Xows directly from the Wrst. Given the breadth of
its subject, this narrative is necessarily selective and does not aspire to,
let alone achieve, comprehensiveness. Many highly important and note-
worthy examples of Asian American activism of this period receive scant
attention, if any. One example deserves particular mention. In arguing
for the primacy of anti-imperialism among Asian American radicals, I
focus on the anti–Vietnam War movement but do not substantively en-
gage with the anti-Marcos movement. Filipino and Filipino American
opposition to the Marcos regime provides a primary example of Asian
American anti-imperialism, for, as Estella Habal argues, Filipino Ameri-
can radicals of the 1960s were deeply inXuenced by radicals in the Philip-
pines and saw opposition to the Marcos dictatorship as integral to their
struggles in the United States. For instance, the KDP (Katipunan Ng Ma
Demokratikong, Union of Democratic Pilipinos) simultaneously engaged
in a domestic campaign to save the International Hotel, an important
community institution in San Francisco that was under attack by rede-
velopers, and vigorously opposed Marcos’s imposition of martial law in
the Philippines.2
Third and Wnally, choices about periodization are never neutral. For
a book on Asian American activism during the movement era, 1968 pre-
sents an eminently plausible beginning point. Many consider the Third
World Liberation Front strike at San Francisco State University an inau-
gural event for Asian American radicalism, and the black power and anti–
Vietnam War movements (both of which heavily inXuenced the Asian
American movement) were becoming ever more powerful. The year 1968,
which saw the assassination of Robert F. Kennedy, the chaos of the Chi-
cago Democratic Convention, and the militancy of the Free Huey Move-
ment, has been apotheosized as a near-perfect distillation of late 1960s
fractiousness. But this point of supposed divisiveness provides an ideal
 Preface xi

moment around which to counterargue, as this book does, that resisting

racism and imperialism enabled many types of interconnections.
If choosing a beginning point for this narrative is fairly straightfor-
ward, choosing an ending point is more complicated. Two developments
suggest that Asian American activism reached a turning point in the mid-
1970s. First, the antiwar movement’s fervor waned after 1973, when the
United States withdrew its troops from Viet Nam. Subsequently, after the
fall of Saigon in 1975, a wave of Vietnamese refugees entered the United
States. Many of these newest Asian Americans had fought in the South
Vietnamese army, served in its government, or otherwise supported the
South Vietnamese and American forces. The perhaps overly romantic view
of Asian American radicals, who insisted that all Vietnamese wanted
independence from the United States, had to be tempered by the real
presence of Vietnamese people of anticommunist persuasions. Second, a
wave of consolidation and party building transformed the relationship
of radicals to communities, as all of the primary Asian American radical
organizations, along with many other race-speciWc groups, merged into
multiracial parties. Max Elbaum notes that party building was prioritized
over mass and community organizing, and deWning leftist orthodoxy led
to excessive dogmatism and divisiveness, to the detriment of what he
calls the New Communist Movement.3 Together, the qualitative changes
in the makeup of Asian America coupled with ideological and organiza-
tional shifts in the Asian American left marked, if not an ending point,
at least a pivot point in the mid-1970s. By ending this narrative in 1975,
however, I do not mean to consign the Asian American movement to the
past or to impugn its legacies, which have endured into the present and
will, I hope, inform the future.
This page intentionally left blank
 Acknowledgments

Throughout the research and writing of this book, I have accrued a great
many debts, which I acknowledge here with deep appreciation. My im-
mersion in Asian American studies and ethnic studies began at San Fran-
cisco State University, where I was fortunate to learn from Jeffrey Paul
Chan, Ben Kobashigawa, and Roberto Rivera. At State I met Mel Escueta,
Wrst learned of his play Honey Bucket, and heard his concerns about the
Wrst Gulf War. At the University of Michigan, George Sanchez molded
many of the ways that I think about race and identity, as did Terry
McDonald with regard to ethnicity and politics. Steve Sumida and espe-
cially Gail Nomura mentored me every step of the way. I was also fortu-
nate to be part of an extraordinary cohort of co-conspirators in graduate
school, in particular Anna Pegler Gordon, Tom Guglielmo, Peter Kal-
liney, Richard Kim, Larry Hashima, Nhi Lieu, Anthony Macias, Kate
Masur, Andrew Needham, and Tom Romero. Tom Ikeda and the crew
at the Densho Project enlarged my sense of what history could and should
be. At Oberlin College, I was surrounded by a tight-knit community of
scholars and friends, including Pawan Dhingra, David Kamitsuka, Wendy
Kozol, Pablo Mitchell, Gina Perez, and Meredith Raimondo. At the Uni-
versity of Colorado at Boulder, my comadres and compadres in and around
the Department of Ethnic Studies (especially Elisa Facio, Emma Perez, and
Reiland Rabaka), the Pan-Asian Faculty/Staff Association, and the Center
xiii
 xiv Acknowledgments

for Multicultural Affairs provided inspiration through their constant ex-

amples of engaged scholarship, teaching, and service to the community.
I am especially grateful to Arturo Aldama, who provided helpful com-
ments on the manuscript, and to Seema Sohi, who has become my sister-
in-arms.
My ideas about race, identity, culture, and power have been greatly
enriched by many scholars who have engaged in conversation with me
and critiqued portions of this work. Among others, May Fu, Diane Fujino,
Ed Hashima, Moon-Ho Jung, Paul Kramer, Lon Kurashige, Josephine
Lee, Ken Mochizuki, Gary Okihiro, Laura Pulido, Mary Renda, Greg
Robinson, Jere Takahashi, and Henry Yu all pushed my work in useful
ways. Friends around the country alternately lifted my spirits and kept
me grounded. The boys I grew up with—Clark Davis, Rudy Hilado, Dan
Lantry, Dan Lau, and Brian Mohr—formed my original multiethnic, mul-
tiracial crew; Clark, who convinced me to become a historian, left far
too soon, but we’re grateful that he brought Cheryl Koos into our circle.
Elham Kazemi and Mark Purcell kept me sane in a time of insanity, and
my sparring with Mark over the salience of race within a radical frame-
work lasted many rounds.
This project could not have gone forward without the generosity of
individuals who shared their memories, perspectives, and documents. My
deepest gratitude goes to Frank Abe, Charlie Chin, Bob Fuchigami, Kim
Geron, Marc Hayashi, Jim Hirabayashi, Pam Tau Lee, Steve Louie, Greg
Mark, Nobuko Miyamoto, Nelson Nagai, Glenn Omatsu, and other
sources who wish to remain anonymous. Although not all of their words
may have reached the pages of this book, they were all instrumental in
shaping it.
The staffs of many institutions facilitated archival research, and I am
thankful to Marjorie Lee of the Asian American Studies Reading Room
at UCLA, the staffs of the Special Collections Library of the Harlan
Hatcher Graduate Library at the University of Michigan, the Department
of Special Collections of the Charles E. Young Library at UCLA, the Cal-
ifornia Ethnic and Multicultural Archives at the University of Califor-
nia–Santa Barbara, the Special Collections Division of the University of
Washington Libraries, the unparalleled Helene Whitson of the Depart-
ment of Special Collections and Archives of the J. Paul Leonard Library
at San Francisco State University, the San Francisco History Center of
the San Francisco Public Library, the Bancroft Library at the University
of California–Berkeley, and the Hoover Institution.
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