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 Copyright © 2015 Joshua Blakeney
All Rights Reserved.
ISBN-13: 978-1507785614
ISBN-10: 1507785615

www.nonalignedmedia.com
All photos/images are public domain unless specified otherwise.

Joshua Blakeney, pictured here at the National Diet Library in Tokyo, is a journalist,
radio-host and pundit based in Alberta, Canada. He has been Press TV's Canadian
correspondent since 2012. He is co-founder of Non-Aligned Media. His email
address is: [email protected]
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION Joshua Blakeney

1. THE SINO-JAPANESE CONFLICT: A SHORT SURVEY

The Foreign Affairs Association of Japan

2. THE BOLSHEVIZATION OF CHINA Hikomatsu Kamikawa

3. THE AMERICAN POSITION : CAT’S-PAW OR COMMON

SENSE Ujiro Ohyama

4. JAPAN’S CONTINENTAL POLICY Katsuji Inahara

5. TOTALITARIANISM VERSUS DEMOCRACY Kojiro Sugimori

6. THE ANGLO-AMERICAN COMMON FRONT

Kumataro Honda

7. THE THREE POWER PACT Nobumasa Suyétsugu

8. GENESIS OF THE PACIFIC WAR Kohsaku Tamura

 INTRODUCTION
Joshua Blakeney
The War on Truth

The publications contained in this book are particularly rare and

the powers-that-be hoped that they would never reach the eyes of you,
the reading public. In September 1945, just one month after the U.S.
had dropped atomic bombs on the people of Hiroshima and Nagasaki,
killing approximately a quarter of a million people in the process, The
Civil Censorship Detachment (CCD) of the newly installed General
Headquarters (GHQ) began a process described by scholar Nishio
Kanji as “book burning.” 7,769 publications were identified by the
CCD for confiscation, most of which favourably explained Japan’s
prior actions or critically questioned those of the Allied forces.[1] A
post-war propaganda film made for the consumption of U.S. occupation
personnel entitled “Our Job in Japan” (1945), written by Theodor S.
Geisel, expressed the ethos of the GHQ lucidly. “Our problem’s in the
brain inside of the Japanese head” the film’s narration proclaimed.
Zooming in on an image of a brain, it continued “there are 70 million of
these [brains] in Japan, physically no different than any other brains in
the world, actually all made of exactly the same stuff as ours. These
brains, like our brains, can do good things or bad things all depending
on the kind of ideas that are put inside.”[2]
In order to begin their process of psychological warfare against
the vanquished people of Japan, the GHQ would have to remove all
evidence of Imperial Japan having ever been involved in “good things”
while promoting narratives, irrespective of historical facts, which
depicted the ousted Japanese Government as having been solely a
fountain of “bad things”. This demonological process encountered a
hitch early on when Justice Radhabinod Pal expatiated his dissentient
verdict at the International Military Tribunal for the Far East which had
been convened on April 29, 1946 to prosecute much of the deposed
Japanese leadership. Pal, a subject of the British-ruled Indian
subcontinent, adjudged that Tokyo’s actions during the War did not
constitute a war crime and rebuffed many of the hypocritical
allegations levelled at the dislodged Japanese Government. He exposed
the principle of “victor’s justice” inherent to the Tribunal, with a burst
of clarity and justice that the German equivalents of those on trial in

1
Tokyo would not receive. “Thus, in a sense, the color lines that Pan-
Asianism emphasized were acted out in an ironic way on the benches
of the Tokyo Tribunal” writes Cemil Aydin.[3]
Pan-Asianists, such as Shūmei Ōkawa, the prominent
intellectual prosecuted during the Tokyo Trials, believed that Japan as
the most developed nation in Asia had had an obligation to lead
regional anti-colonial forces to liberation from Western and Communist
colonialism. He and his colleagues proposed the construction of the
Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, an organic amalgam of
peoples, goods and services which would allow nations such as
Indonesia, Burma, India, Korea, Taiwan, China, Malaysia, Philippines
and Vietnam to develop symbiotically and without the depredations of
colonialism.
The proponents of this Asiatic regionalism were not initially
universally liked in Japan. Throughout the 1920s Pan-Asianism was in
fact a marginal and negligible tendency. However, by the early 1930s
its precepts had become governmental policy. The pro-British, liberalist
Japanese establishment of the 1920s clung to the hope that Japan would
be afforded a seat at the table of Imperialism by a process of accretion.
Multilateralism was embraced and those, such as Ōkawa, who proposed
that Japan operate outside the parameters of the (Western-dominated)
League of Nations and without regard for the West’s aspirations in
Asia, were deemed dangerously idealistic. In this vein, the 1926 Pan-
Asiatic Conference in Nagasaki was widely ridiculed by literati and the
chattering classes as fanciful and divorced from political reality. From
1926 to 1943, the year when the Japanese Government itself hosted the
Greater East Asia Conference, something unprecedented arose. The
realists within Japan, who had in 1926 firmly supported Liberal
Internationalist palliatives to Japan’s predicaments, metamorphosed
into Pan-Asianists, coming to terms with the inevitability of what
Gerald Horne has described as a “race war”[4] or what Ōkawa
characterized as a “clash of civilizations” between East and West.[5]
The scholarship of this radical shift in policy bifurcates into two
main groupings; explanations which focus upon domestic political
convulsions and those which emphasize the international context.
Frederick Dickenson has aptly dealt with the epochal domestic
factionalism which existed between the pro-liberal, pro-British

2
elements of the Japanese establishment and the Germanicist, Pan-
Asianist, illiberal elements, the latter of whom would come to the fore
in Japanese politics from 1933 when Japan withdrew from the League
of Nations in the wake of the Lytton Report which delegitimized
Japanese operations in Manchoukuo.[6] Other interpretations which
emphasize domestic social and political influences have been written
by Richard Storry[7] and Christopher Szpilman.[8]
The documents in the book before you do not emphasize
domestic variables as much as geopolitical ones. This, in short, is
because the preponderance of evidence suggests that international
developments impinged more greatly upon Japan’s actions by
compelling Liberal Internationalists to realize the fruitlessness of their
treaty-based approach to international relations relative to Imperial
Powers which broke treaties and stabbed nations such as Japan in the
back. In his essay “Totalitarianism versus Democracy”, contained in
this book, Kojio Sugimori observed “the intranational relationships of
the past are becoming less important than the international relationships
among countries.” Of course when viewing the clash of civilizations
that was World War II in Asia within a more prolonged historical
context, it was the global supremacy of the West (i.e. external factors)
which spawned the Meiji Restoration of 1868 and the process of
modernization which led Japan to emerge as a regional hegemon. This
further justifies an emphasis on supranational developments.
It is the politically-motivated distortion of contemporaneous
geopolitical happenings and the lopsided allotment of blame for Greater
East Asia War which this collection of essays intends to undermine.
Typically Western accounts, especially those emanating from popular
media sources in the U.S., begin the historical narrative on December 7,
1941 when Japanese planes appeared, as if out of nowhere, and
attacked naval targets in Hawaii. The Opium Wars, the imposition of
unequal treaties upon Japan by Commodore Perry and subsequent U.S.
diplomats, U.S. naval expansion in the Pacific, the funneling of arms to
the dictatorial Chiang Kai-shek regime, the Soviet, and by extension,
International Zionist meddling in Asia, the Franklin D. Roosevelt
Administration’s provocations against Japan and many other seminal
historical occurrences are concealed from Western audiences, obviating
the necessary contextualization of Nippon’s counter-hegemonic
activities as expressed in the Pearl Harbor operation.
3
 Old Themes, New Realities

Three of the documents provided in this text—“Japan’s

Continental Policy”, “The Genesis of the Pacific War”, and “The Sino-
Japanese Conflict: A Short Survey”—were retrieved from the archives
at the National Diet Library in Tokyo. Although the GHQ undertook a
mass eradication of pro-Japanese literature in the aftermath of the War,
according to Kanji “[o]ne copy each of approximately 80 to 90 percent
of the original total of 7,769 books that endured the ‘book-burning’ is
at present housed in the National Diet Library.”[9] The NDL, therefore,
houses a treasure-trove of priceless material which can help
demythologize the victors’ history of the era.
The other five pieces offered in this work were originally
published in Contemporary Japan: A Review of Far Eastern Affairs.
All of the documents are ultimately publications of the then Foreign
Affairs Association of Japan. My research indicates that the NDL
currently only possesses two editions of Contemporary Japan. I,
however, was fortunate enough to find an antique book dealer in
Connecticut who was willing to sell me a collection of eighteen
editions of the periodical. Of the twenty-eight publications I retrieved
from the NDL archives and of the countless editorials contained in the
editions of Contemporary Japan I had access to, I feel the eight pieces
contained in this book, in their totality, offer the best introduction to the
developments that led to the events of December 7, 1941, from a
Japanese perspective.
That being said, there are obviously many subtopics which are
either underemphasized or omitted in toto. I was forced to be
discriminating and censorious in order to make this book project viable
and in order to provide the readership with a basic overview of the
“Japanese side of the argument” of the period as opposed to a laborious
exposition of every nuance of Asian history. Most notably, the book
does not dilate sufficiently upon the architectonics of the Greater East
Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. This is a subject upon which I hope to
focus in future works.
4
 Having served as Press TV’s Canadian correspondent[10] at a
time of artificially heightened tensions between Iran and the West, I am
all too aware of the import of the dissemination of counter-hegemonic
nostrums. The Foreign Affairs Association of Japan—as is currently
the case with Press TV—challenged skewed, Orientalist discourses
which apportioned all moral impropriety to those challenging Western
and Marxian-Zionist global totalitarian schemes. In bringing the
documents contained in this book back to life it is my hope that people
will, in Nietzschean terms, undergo a revaluation of values, or at least a
re-evaluation of their assumptions and question the epistemological
construction of Western “just war” discourses.
Japan after 1868 transformed into a developed, sophisticated,
regional hegemon and thus posed a challenge to the British Empire, the
French Empire, the Dutch Empire and indeed to the U.S. itself, which
after the Spanish-American War of 1898 had seized control of the
Philippines and expanded operations in the Pacific basin. Japan also,
via its staunch anti-Communism, ruffled the feathers of certain
influential Jews, who post-1917 viewed the Soviet Union as the polity
most amenable to Jewish upward mobility due, in part, to its State-
enforced philo-Semitism.
Indeed the pioneers of anti-Japanese propaganda in this epoch
were often Jews, the most prominent of whom was Wilfrid Fleisher.
Fleisher worked for his father’s outlet The Japan Advertiser which
propagated an Anglophile and pro-Chiang Kai-shek line and was
vehemently opposed to the kind of Asiatic regional-determination of
the Pan-Asianists.[11] The Japanese Government would bring the
Advertiser to an end in 1940, arresting and evicting much of its staff.
After his ouster from Japanese letters Fleisher returned to the U.S. and
would author a number of alarmist anti-Japanese works including
“Volcanic Isle” (1941), “Our Enemy Japan” (1942) and “What to Do
with Japan” (1945) [12] which attempted to neutralize anti-war
sentiment within the U.S.
Morris Cohen was another anti-Japanese personality of Jewish
lineage who incited war against Japan. Cohen worked as Chiang Kai-
shek’s liaison officer to foreign consulates during the period. He would
later be described by the South African Sunday Express as “the guiding

5
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genius behind the War-Lords of China”, the very fractious elements
Imperial Japan was trying to suppress, ostensibly to bring peace and
stability to Asia.[13] Communist Harold Isaacs would also offer his
propaganda skills to the anti-Japanese forces, keen as he was to see
Asia bolshevized. His book The Tragedy of the Chinese Revolution[14]
would be introduced by Lev Bronstein, who was commonly known as
Trotsky, an ethnic supremacist responsible for the deaths of, arguably,
tens of millions of people.
Another influential agent of International Zionism involved in
pitting Asian against Asian was Adolph Joffe who was also a comrade
of Trotsky’s. He was head of the Soviet Mission to Sun-Yat Sen and,
along with Jacob Borodin, formed the Red Section of the Kuomintang,
later operating as political adviser to Chiang Kai-shek.
The Soviet-backed Chinese Red Army would operate under the
advice of Zionists W. N. Levitschev and J. B. Gamarnik. Additionally,
Jews Ludwik Rajchman and R. Haas were influential in the Nanking
Chamber of Commerce and would be unseated when Japan invaded
Nanking in December 1937. Rajchman would serve as China’s special
representative to the U.S. between 1940 and 1943.[15]
Tom Segev in a Haaretz article entitled “The Jews who fought
with Mao” outlines the phenomenon which arose whereby Jewish
members of the ethnically-skewed International Brigades, who had
fought against the New Spain of Francisco Franco, travelled to China to
fight alongside Soviet-backed forces with the professed goal of
absorbing the people of Asia into the Soviet totalitarian empire.[16]
Among the most prominent of those Jews who aided the inorganic
Communist takeover of China, which would lead to the deaths of as
many as sixty-five million people, were Israel Epstein, Frank Coe, Elsie
Fairfax-Cholmely and Soloman Adler.
It is also noteworthy that within the remit of U.S. politics that
Harry Dexter White—the son of Lithuanian Jews and a proven Soviet
mole who worked intimately in the U.S. Treasury with Henry
Morgenthau of the notorious Morgenthau Plan—contrived many of the
hostile acts of provocation, such as the asset freezes and economic
blockade that expedited America’s engagement in war with Japan.
These war-inducing policies of the Soviet-infiltrated White House are
discussed at length in the appended documents.

6
 Japan’s alliance with National Socialist Germany and Fascist
Italy, reified in the Tripartite Pact of September 1940—about which
there is an essay in this book—motivated Jews to turn against Japan.
Ralph Townsend, a U.S.-based journalist who was imprisoned for his
pro-Japanese thoughts, on the personal order of Franklin D. Roosevelt,
noted how within foreign policy circles “Liberalist Jewish writers, who
are rather numerous. . .favour Russia.”[17] Such pro-Soviet Jews, it
logically follows, viewed the spread of Communism to Asia as a
positive phenomenon and the Nippon-led anti-Communists as thus
deleterious to Jewish interests. John Koster’s book Operation Snow:
How a Soviet Mole in FDR’s White House Triggered Pearl Harbor
(2012) explains how such pro-Soviet Jews created circumstances
wherein the prospect of a German-Japanese, East-West attack on the
philo-Semitic Soviet regime was thwarted via the dragging of the U.S.
into war with Japan.[18]
I mention the Jewish role in fomenting hostility toward Japan
for numerous reasons. Firstly, certain Jews have been instrumental in
promoting “hate speech” legislation and anti-revisionist laws in the
West—and latterly in Japan[19]—which have enabled the official
histories of World War II to be exempted from universally accepted
standards of scientific inquiry. For example in France, the Gayssot Act,
enacted in July 1990, enables the French State to imprison for up to
five years anybody who openly disbelieves the official history as
proffered by the Nuremberg Tribunal. Such legislation is particularly
Orwellian when one factors in the reality that Article 19 of the
Nuremberg Charter conceded that “[t]he Tribunal shall not be bound by
technical rules of evidence.”[20] The zealous lobbying by certain Jews
for laws which proscribe revisionistic historical interpretations is
evidently a case of “they who doth protest too much”, but this can only
be understood, ironically, when historical interpretations are written
revisionistically, in violation of State-imposed, Jewish-exceptionalist
strictures. This requires a sort of kamikaze intellectual; persons who are
willing to, if necessary, relinquish their liberty and freedoms in pursuit
of historical truth. Ernst Zündel, Fredrick Töben, David Irving, Germar
Rudolf and Robert Faurisson are some of the more prominent of these
kamikaze intellectuals, who were brutally assaulted by the State for
their historical analyses.[21]

7
 It is the de facto mandatory presupposition in Western
historiography that Jews have done no wrong, that Jews, Judaism and
Jewish culture should be exempted from criticism, that Jews have
throughout history been powerless and persecuted, as opposed to
powerful and, in the case of certain Jewish political actors, persecutory,
that must be overcome.[22] Hence, the fact that Jews played a
significant role in fomenting war between Western powers and Japan
ought to be included in histories of the period, not merely because the
dissemination of truthful historical accounts is necessary and important
but because Jewish-exceptionalism and State-imposed historical
amnesia is enabling contemporary wars to be waged on behalf of the
same forces based on the widespread misconception that the West only
wages just wars.
It is noteworthy that the process by which pro-Communist
elements were able to veer the isolationist U.S. in a war direction
against Japan[23] is closely analogous to the methods by which pro-
Israel lobbyists and largely Jewish neoconservatives have, in the post-
9/11 world, engineered wars against Israel’s adversaries. Many of the
public relations techniques which were honed by the enemies of Japan
to demonize her, have been applied on a grand scale to foster ostracism
toward, most egregiously, the Islamic Republic of Iran in the
contemporary world.[24]
The provocative policies implemented against Japan have also
been reutilized contemporarily. The imposition of economic sanctions
—an act of war itself—is one example of a policy applied both to
Imperial Japan and to Israel’s enemies in the Middle East, such as the
Islamic Republic of Iran and the Syrian Arab Republic. The Western
sponsorship of warlords and terrorist zealots as agents of destabilization
is arising today within the Middle East—à la the infamous Oded Yinon
Plan[25]—and, as noted, occurred in relation to mainland Asia in the
1930s and 1940s. Political analyst Mark Dankof has not missed these
symmetries. He writes: “the political forces operating behind and
through Franklin Roosevelt, are identical to those in play in the
American political power elite now: International Central Bankers and
the disproportionate role of Jews in that milieu; Zionists and the Jewish
and Israeli Lobby organizations; and in the case of the Roosevelt
Administration, the pro-Soviet foreign policy agenda of key Jewish

8
agents in their midst, the 20th century counterpart to the Israel First
Fifth Column operating in the Bush and Obama Administrations in the
21st.”[26] In September 2000, just one year prior to the false-flag
operation on 9/11, the Zionist think tank The Project for the New
American Century cited the perceived need for a “new Pearl Harbor” to
enable their desired policies to come to fruition, an indicator of the
saliency of comparisons between the demonization of Imperial Japan
and the manufacturing of Middle Eastern enemies prior to and after
9/11.[27]
I have clarified the above facts because the Japanese analysts
whose writings I offer in this text employed more nebulous phrases
such as “Anglo-America” to categorize their enemy. As with the post-
9/11 wars of aggression, attributing the epochal strife to a generic
“Anglo-America” provides only a partial picture of the political reality.
Of course, there were numerous non-Jewish cheerleaders for war
between Japan and the Allies, as is also the case vis-à-vis the so-called
“war on terror”. As Ralph Townsend lamented in his writings,
Christian missionaries, who had a working relationship with the anti-
Japanese factions in China, often misreported and romanticized the
facts on the ground. Townsend observed that in order to provide a
perception to their Western benefactors that they were improving the
lot of the average chinaman, Christian fundamentalists suppressed
evidence that China was rife with privation, warlordism and societal
fissures and that the most stable, prosperous territories were in fact
those controlled by non-Christian Japan. This loosely mirrors the
myopic support of certain Christian fundamentalists for Zionist pro-war
policies within the contemporary context.[28]
Similarly, pro-Chiang Kai-shek lobbyists in America were
adept at playing on the anti-monarchical undercurrent within the U.S.
national sensibility, depicting the Kuomintang forces as pro-democracy
republicans besieged by Japanese monarchists akin to King George
III’s British redcoats. Many besuited warlords would be brought to the
U.S. for speaking tours in which they extolled the virtues of freedom
and democracy before returning to China to continue their raping and
pillaging.
These additional pro-war elements notwithstanding, there can
be no doubt, however, that International Zionism and Jewish pro-

9
bolshevist elements were decisive in winching the U.S. off its
isolationist footing. The noxious combination of Hollywood films,
uncritical establishmentarian “scholarship”, biased documentaries and
anti-revisionist laws have managed to keep from public knowledge the
provocations that the Land of the Rising Sun was subjected to prior to
Pearl Harbor which forced her to retaliate. Indeed even to refer to the
Pearl Harbor operation as retaliatory is heterodox in academic and
journalistic circles. That European Powers, the Soviet Union and the
American Empire were meddling in Asia on a far larger scale than
Japan was prior to the 1930s is not emphasized in modern
historiography. Neither is the proposal for the Greater East Asia Co-
Prosperity Sphere and a non-Communist Asia, situated within the
context of the subsequent murderous regional developments such as the
Communist atrocities in China, the Korean War, the Indonesian Civil
War and the Vietnam War, which collectively may have taken the lives
of over one-hundred million Asians.

Revisionism and Liberty or Subjugation and a World Based on

Myths?

I have coined the maxim holocaustianity is the opium of the

masses and it is ultimately—and somewhat bizarrely—the case that it is
the sanctity of the holocaust narrative which psychologically,
politically and scholastically precludes the Japanese side of the
argument, as expressed in this book, from being aired.
The holocaust narrative has castrated Western man; it has
prevented us from placing our national and ethnic interests over those
of our hostile elite. It is a cardinal variable impinging upon the foreign
policies of Western nations, compelling us to fight wars for Israel
which jeopardize our national interests. Gentiles are made to feel that
they owe something to Jews because of the uncritically accepted belief
that Adolf Hitler personally ordered the mass execution by poisoned
gas and other means of at least six million Jews. That narrative, despite
evidence existing to undermine it, operates at the level of religious
myth in an otherwise secularized, post-Christian West. To question it

10
will lead one to be “burnt at the stake”, to metaphorize, or to be thrown
into a dungeon, to be literal, in most Western nations.
Japanese revisionists, such as those involved with the
impressive think-tank Society for the Dissemination of Historical Fact,
appear to be bemused as to why it is deemed heretical, seven decades
after the culmination of the War, to question the propagandistic claims
made about the Japanese role in Asia in the epoch.[29] Even though, as
mentioned above, Jews do have certain skeletons in their closets when
it comes to the Asian theatre of the War, it is primarily the necessity,
from the perspective of many influential Jews, of stigmatizing
historical revisionism per se which spawns the flurry of excoriations of
Japanese historical revisionists one can witness, in particular, in the
English-language Japanese press.
It was highly stimulating and somewhat amusing observing the
hysterical response to the 2014 book Falsehoods of the Allied Nations’
Victorious View of History, as Seen by a British Journalist authored by
the former Tokyo bureau chief of The Times, The New York Times and
the Financial Times, Henry Stokes, in which he questions the notion
that a massacre took place in Nanking in 1937-38. The English-
language Japanese media initially falsely claimed that he had recanted
his controversial statements—in other words they resorted to
disinformation—which compelled Stokes and his publisher to reaffirm
that “the author’s opinion is: The so-called ‘Nanking Massacre’ never
took place. The word ‘Massacre’ is not right to indicate what
happened.”[30]
A foundational claim of World War II revisionists is that
because all of the belligerents in World War II committed atrocities and
engaged in immoral acts, that the victors had to concoct narratives of
unprecedented mass executions, ex post facto, which would distinguish
the killings of the Axis forces, morally, from those of the Allied forces.
Imagine, for example, the average Briton asking: why did the British
Government declare war on Germany, ruin our Empire, bankrupt our
country and render us a de facto colony of the U.S. and Israel, merely
to defend Poland, which after the War was under the jackboot of
Stalin? Without emotionally charged mass killing narratives, which
have largely been produced cinematographically via Hollywood, such
queries would be hard for officialdom to stultify.

11
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