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Between Justice
and Beauty
Between Justice
and Beauty
Race, Planning,
and the Failure of Urban Policy
in Washington, D.C.

Howard Gillette, Jr.

PENN
University of Pennsylvania Press
Philadelphia
For My Native Washington Sons
Ellery and Felix

Originally published 1995 by Johns Hopkins University Press

Copyright © 1995 Johns Hopkins University Press

Paperback edition published 2006 by

University of Pennsylvania Press
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104-4112

All rights reserved

Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

A Cataloging-in-Publication record is available from the Library of Congress.

ISBN-13: 978-0-8122-1958-6
ISBN-I0: 0-8122-1958-9 (pbk.: alk. paper)

Portions of Charpter 8 appeared in an earlier version as "A National Workshop

for Urban Policy: The Metropolitanization of Washington, 1946-1968," Public
Historian 7, 1 (1985): 7-27. Copyright 1985 Regents of the University of
California, reprinted by permission.

Frontispiece: Photo by Charles Hine, from Neglected Neighbors, reproduced in

Scott Nearing, Poverty and Riches (1916).
 Contents

List of Illustrations vii

Preface and Acknowledgements ix

I. LOCUS OF THE NEW REPUBLIC

1. City of Failed Intentions 5

2. The Specter of Race 27

II. SEAT OF AMERICAN EMPIRE

3. Reconstruction: Social and Physical 49

4. Making a Greater Washington 69
5. The New Washington: City Beautiful 88
6. Reform: Social and Aesthetic 109

III. THE CITY AND THE MODERN STATE

7. A New Deal for Washington 135

8. Redevelopment and Dissent 151
9. Renewal, Reconstruction, and Retrenchment 170
10. The Limits of Social Protest Politics 190

Conclusion 208

Afterword 215
Notes on Sources 219
Notes 227
Index 293
 Illustrations

"A notorious alley slum near the Capitol," by Charles Hine frontispiece
Washington City Canal in front of the unfinished Capitol, 1860 3
Plan of the City of Washington, by Andrew Ellicott after Pierre Charles
L'Enfant,1792 8
Thomas Jefferson's plan for the City of Washington, 1791 10
The Aqueduct Bridge crossing the Potomac River, ca. 1860 19
Two views of former slaves liberated by Union troops and put to work
on Washington's defense, ca. 1862 41
Charles Weller's Neglected Neighbors (1909): slums in the shadow of the
Capitol 47
Black voters in Georgetown, by Thomas Nast, 1867 55
Portrait of Alexander Shepherd, 1871, by Henry Ulke 65
Map of Washington and its surroundings, 1876 75
The city core, Currier and rves, 1892 84
Railroad accident in Washington, 1887 86
Franklin Webster Smith's grand architectural plan of the Mall, 1900 93
The B&O Railroad crossing the Mall, ca. 1900 95
The Senate Park Commission's vision of a new city core, 1902 101
The monumental core, 1902 103
Early-twentieth-century alley scene 117
"Washington, the City Beautiful," 1912 122
The Federal Triangle emerging along Pennsylvania Avenue, 1933 129
The wrecker's ball over the Washington Monument, ca. 1955 133
 Seeking temporary shelter in a Southwest alley, 1941 141
Young alley dwellers, 1942, by Gordon Parks 143
St. Mary's Court, Foggy Bottom, before and after, 1937 145
Southwest Washington before redevelopment, ca. 1950 162
Relocation assistance for Southwest residents, 1950S 164
Anti-highway protest outside the District Building, 1967 168
Walter Fauntroy, president ofMICCO, 1969 176
Riot damage, Fourteenth Street, N.W, 1968 181
Vlll
Marion Barry, director of Pride, Inc., 1968 193
Marion Barry and Walter Fauntroy, 1971 194
Marion and Effi Barry, inauguration day, 1979 195
Marion Barry, shortly after release from prison, 1992 205
Flyer, March on Washington, 1993 212

Illustrations
 Preface and
Acknowledgments

Voters entering the polls in Washington, D.c., in November 1992, consid-

ered more than just the election of the next president of the United States.
Attracting most intense discussion and controversy was a referendum issue
calling for the restoration of capital punishment, a measure the United
States Congress had forced on the ballot after the murder of a legislative
aide in a residential area near the Capitol. District voters rejected the refer-
endum by more than a two-to-one margin. The same day residents of the
city's poorest and most neglected ward overwhelmingly elected as their
representative to city council former mayor Marion Barry, who only re-
cently had been released from prison after serving six months for a crack
cocaine conviction. Barry's victory evoked jubilant response from sup-
porters, who hoped that he would deal with the social problems besetting
their city.
The linkage between issues of crime and poverty in Washington was
familiar enough. The capital punishment referendum, actively pursued by
Senator Richard Shelby, a conservative white southerner seeing assurance
that federal business would proceed in safety, nonetheless bore the familiar
markings of "law-and-order" candidates, who over the years had directed
their antagonism at the nation's poor, largely black, inner-city residents.
Marion Barry, on the other hand, as a black former civil rights activist
whose prosecution by federal officials gained him sympathy from those
same inner-city residents, tapped deep-seated aspirations for empower-
ment and equal justice.
Reaction to these two crimes and these two choices on the ballot
emerged from sharply differentiated experiences, beliefs, and aspirations,
oppositional forces that were assured confrontation in the nation's capital.
Ever since the federal government had begun exercising constitutional ju-
risdiction over the territory set aside for federal business, it had assured the
presence of national authority in Washington affairs. By intentionally set-
ting out to make a city in the federal district, Congress had assumed for
itself a role in urban policy. Although public officials from the start had
maintained high expectations for the District of Columbia as a model city
for the new nation, federal oversight of Washington in practice proved
 uneven at best and at times disastrous. To some degree, such failures were
the product of incompetence or indifference.
But a long view of relations between city and capital suggests a deeper
and more profoundly disturbing revelation: what happened in Washing-
ton, D.C., was what the nation wanted. The cause of the urban policy
failures that have left vast parts of Washington with neither safe streets nor
a livable environment lies not in local circumstances but in national
choices. Given the opportunity to pioneer programs in Washington for
social welfare as well as physical improvement, the federal government
made decisions time and again that left the city the worse for its efforts.
Even as it created an aesthetically pleasing monumental core at the heart of
x Washington, it allowed many of the surrounding neighborhoods to fall into
the social and physical decay now considered endemic in urban areas. Such
results were not inevitable, as the history of Washington reveals.
The two large trends in national urban policy-one to improve the
physical environment, to make cities beautiful; the other to improve condi-
tions of social welfare, to make cities just-were not always at odds. In
Washington the French planner of the city, Pierre Charles L'Enfant, insisted
that the new city be useful as well as commodious, a place of expanding
economic opportunity as well as a physical symbol for the new republic.
During Reconstruction, local Republicans supported by Congress devised
an expansive program of public works to employ newly liberated and
enfranchised African Americans in order to secure their civic as well as
partisan loyalty. During the Progressive Era, when architects employed ele-
ments of L'Enfant's plan to promote the idea of a city beautiful concen-
trated at the urban core, social reformers urged the public to attend to the
social needs of the city's "neglected neighbors." Similar arguments ani-
mated the campaign for urban renewal after World War II, when planners
called for improvements that would achieve social as well as aesthetic goals.
The emergence of a black power movement in the 1960S necessarily
changed the terms of social advocacy, but even then activists sought to use
planning tools to improve physical structures in the name of social justice
and political empowerment.
Despite these promising efforts to link social welfare with aesthetic
improvements, the two strands of urban policy ultimately led in different
directions. As demographics changed, as organizations crystallized around
separate causes, and as the factor of race sharpened the debate over what
could and should be done in urban areas, reform efforts splintered. What
one set ofleaders achieved in the name of social justice was often undone by
those who followed. In Washington, even the election of a black activist as
mayor failed to reverse a pattern by which the social advances of one period
were undercut in the next. Caught between opposing forces for beautifica-
tion and social justice, Washington gained two identities: one closely asso-

Preface and Acknowledgments

ciated with the federal presence, visited annually by millions of tourists and
known as the city beautiful; the other consisting of the city's indigenous
neighborhoods, many of them beset by inadequate housing, soaring levels
of poverty and crime, and social disorder.
Despite its special political standing, Washington should not be viewed
as a passive victim of federal control. Its development has been thoroughly
contested, both in the ways different national figures have attempted to
direct its fate and in local efforts to set the city's own agenda. Whether it
was Pierre L'Enfant's dramatic plan for the city, Congress's effort to impose
Reconstruction policies on Washington after the Civil War, or the highway
lobby's effort to bind city and suburb through a dramatic expansion of
throughways into the District, policies for Washington have provoked con- Xl
troversy and attention.
Washington, of course, represents a special case in American history.
No other part of the country experiences the same dominant federal pres-
ence, either physically or politically. Still, the very fact of federal control
over its local affairs makes Washington's story exemplary. What federal
authorities have provided in the way of programs for Washington most
often has reflected their national goals for urban policy. State legislatures
have played an intermediate role in other cities; in Washington, the rela-
tionship between national and local authorities has been direct. Here tri-
umphs could be recorded and failures not ignored. Here, in short, is a
crucible for evolving urban policy and a place whose history reveals the
shortcomings of even the best of intentions.
In a period when specialized monographs dominate advanced schol-
arship, it may seem old-fashioned to attempt a city's whole biography,
albeit on a selective, interpretive basis. If the past held no influence on the
present, I would not have undertaken the task. But in Washington, as I
believe is also true in other cities, historical forces have a way of influenc-
ing ideas and attitudes long after an understanding of their context has
been lost. This is especially true in Washington as long as Congress re-
tains the power of exclusive jurisdiction. The effects of the government's
historical relationship with the city show up daily, in debates over the
placement of structures according to the L'Enfant plan, over efforts to
assign fiscal responsibility for providing services, and in interpreting so-
cial relationships. Yet the absence of any shared sense of the historical
circumstances that shape those debates makes it difficult either for per-
manent residents or for more transitory government officials to deal
effectively with the problems they face. Without such understanding,
efforts to revive civic culture remain weak at best. By bringing together
material over time and across subject matters usually treated in isolation,
I want in this study to provide a framework for understanding the roots of
Washington's history. By examining how the federal government has

Preface and Acknowledgments

 tried but failed to make Washington a city "worthy of the nation," I
explore not just the problematic relationship between capital and city but
also between the nation and its cities.

***
In the years I have worked on this book, I have incurred many debts,
none deeper than to George Washington University, which granted the
sabbatical leaves that launched this study and helped bring it to a conclu-
sion. In addition, I received a grant from the university's Center for Wash-
ington Area Studies providing me the help of two dedicated research assis-
tants, Margaret Henry and Stephen Want, during the 1989-1990 academic
XII year. A summer research grant from the university in 1991 allowed me to
investigate redevelopment in Shaw.
Many librarians have assisted with this project over the years, most
notably Roxanna Deane and her staff at the Martin Luther King Jr. Public
Library; Philip Ogilvie and Dorothy Provine at the District of Columbia
Archives; and at George Washington University's Gelman Library Depart-
ment of Special Collections, Francine Henderson, Cheryl Cherneaux, and
David Anderson. My thanks also go to former Special Collections staff
William Keller, now at the Milton S. Eisenhower Library at the Johns Hop-
kins University, and Matthew Gilmore, of the King Library. Anne Meglis,
former librarian at the District of Columbia Office of Housing and Com-
munity Development, deserves special thanks, not just for saving so many
important materials and making them available, but also for her com-
ments on parts of an earlier draft. The major portion of the library she
nourished for so long has been moved to the District of Columbia
Archives.
I have been blessed at George Washington with the opportunity to
work with a particularly talented group of students. My debt to them is
abundantly acknowledged in my citations of their work, but those who
deserve special thanks for doing so much to break new ground in Wash-
ington history are William Bushong, Jessica Elfenbein, Elizabeth Han-
nold, Susan Klaus, Jane Levey, Melissa McLoud, Druculla Null, Helen
Ross, and especially Katherine Schneider Smith, who read and com-
mented extensively on the first draft of this manuscript.
To my colleagues Frederick Gutheim, who died as work on this book
entered the final phase, and Richard Longstreth I owe special thanks.
Fritz, more than anyone, drew me to issues central to urban and Wash-
ington history. Richard, who is always a sensitive and acute critic, read a
portion of the draft at a critical point in its formation. I am grateful as
well to Walter Fauntroy for making available portions of his papers at
George Washington's Gelman Library and for reviewing the chapter on
Shaw. Peter Reimer, now retired from the Redevelopment Land Agency,
read the same chapter and made many useful comments. Early in my

Preface and Acknowledgments

work Darwin Stolzenbach made available information he had been gath-
ering for a history of the Metro subway system, materials now available at
the Gelman Library. Jerome Paige commented extensively on an earlier
draft of the material on Marion Barry, and Pamela Scott made many
helpful suggestions for the early chapters. At the Johns Hopkins Univer-
sity Press, Robert Brugger provided many good insights as to how best to
sharpen the focus of this study as well as encouraging me to tackle the
subject. David Schuyler of Franklin and Marshall College and a second,
anonymous reader provided many helpful suggestions for strengthening
the text. Finally, my deepest appreciation goes to Margaret Marsh, whose
intellectual, emotional, and moral support for this book, as in life, are
valued beyond telling. Xlll

Preface and Acknowledgments

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