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Unwritten Verities
M E DI E VA L A N D E A R LY MOD ERN

Series Editors:
David Aers, Sarah Beckwith, and James Simpson
 n
Unwritten
verities

The Making of England’s

Vernacular Legal Culture, 1463–1549

sebastian sobecki

n
University of Notre Dame Press

Notre Dame, Indiana

 Copyright © 2015 by the University of Notre Dame
Notre Dame, Indiana 46556
undpress.nd.edu
All Rights Reserved

Manufactured in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Sobecki, Sebastian, 1973– author.

Unwritten verities : the making of England’s vernacular legal culture,
1463/1549 / Sebastian Sobecki.
pages cm. — (Reformations: medieval and early modern)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-268-04145-8 (pbk. : alk. paper)
ISBN 0-268-04145-8 (pbk. : alk. paper)
ISBN 978-0-268-09290-0 (e-book)
1. Common law—England—History. 2. Justice, Administration
of—England—History. 3. Law—Language. 4. Transmission
of texts—England—History. 5. Oral tradition—England—History.
6. Hermeneutics. I. Title.
KD610.S63 2015
340.5'7094209031—dc23
2014047518

∞ The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability
of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of
the Council on Library Resources.
 to

James

with gratitude
John Philpot: . . . You know that our fayth is not grounded vpon the
ciuill law: therfore it is not materiall to me whatsoeuer the law sayth.

Edmund Bonner, Bishop of London: By what lawe wilt thou bee

iudged? Wilt thou bee iudged by the common law?

John Philpot: No my Lord, our fayth dependeth not vpon the lawes
of man.

Thomas Goldwell, Bishop of St Asaph: He will be iudged by no law,

but as he list himselfe.

Richard Pate, Bishop of Worcester: The common lawes are but ab-
stractes of þe scriptures and Doctors.

Philpot: Whatsoeuer you do make them, they are no grounde of my

fayth, by the which I ought to be iudged.

—Examination of John Philpot (1516–55), from John Foxe’s

Book of Martyrs (1583 edition)
 Contents

Acknowledgments ix

Introduction: Vernacular Legal Culture 1

I . F O U N D AT I O N S

one Reading and Writing in a Spoken World 25

two Between Vernaculars: The Vagaries of Law French 43
three John Fortescue and Lancastrian Conciliarism 70

I I . T R A N S F O R M AT I O N S

four The Unwritten Verities of the Common Law 105

five Pleading for English: John Rastell’s Politics of Access 128
six States of Exception 153

Afterword: The Reformation of Legal Culture 181

Notes 189
Bibliography 222
Index 247
 Acknowledgments

This book has been my companion for too long. Although it was first
imagined in Hattingen and concluded somewhere between Groningen
and Sopot, Unwritten Verities properly belongs to Montreal. I am
grateful to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of
Canada for awarding me a generous Standard Research Grant for my
project “Written Culture and the Common Law in the Fifteenth and
Early Sixteenth Centuries” in my first year at McGill. I would also like
to express my gratitude to the Fonds québécois de la recherche sur la
société et la culture for their grant of Établissement de nouveau
professeurs-chercheurs in the same year, for a second undertaking of
mine, “L’anglicité et la langue du droit, 1463–1536.” The resources that
the governments of Canada and Québec placed at my disposal made
much of this book possible.
I would also like to thank the general editors of the ReFormations
series, David Aers, Sarah Beckwith, and, in particular, James Simpson,
for inviting me to consider writing this book for Notre Dame Univer-
sity Press. James’s unassuming erudition has been inspirational ever
since my first term as an undergraduate at Cambridge; his unflagging
support over the years cannot be repaid. At the same time, I owe much
gratitude to the University of Notre Dame Press and to the editors
with whom I communicated, Barbara Hanrahan and Stephen Little,
for their support and forbearance. My copy editor, Elisabeth Magnus,
saved me from many slips and errors that would have otherwise marred
my argument. The detailed comments and suggestions I have received
from the two anonymous readers have greatly improved this book.

ix
 x — Acknowledgments

I am grateful for the collegial support I have received at McGill,

where much of this book was written. In particular, I would like to
thank Paul Yachnin for taking an interest in all things related to early
modern law and to fellow medievalist Jamie Fumo, who gave me an
opportunity to talk to the medievalist community at McGill about my
research. I am also indebted to the patient librarians at McGill’s
Nahum Gelber Law Library. Ruth Evans and Jonathan Hsy have
kindly read and commented on parts of the book. John Flood gener-
ously improved two chapters when my late request stretched the
boundaries of tact and collegiality. Many others have helped move this
project along at various occasions: James McBain, Rory Critten, Henk
Dragstra, Alasdair MacDonald, Philiep Bossier, Dorothy Bray, John
Baker, Manish Sharma, Angel Pascual Ramsay, and the spatial in-
genuity of Miś. I would also like to thank the graduate students and
research assistants who contributed their efforts to this research: Karen
Oberer, Charles Cassady, Laura Cameron, Enti Arends, and Chelsea
Honeyman.
Above all, no book can encompass the gratitude I owe my wife
Alicja.
 Introduction
Vernacular Legal Culture

When Frederic Maitland, the Victorian pioneer of modern legal his-

tory, gave the 1901 Rede Lecture entitled “English Law and the
Renaissance,” he characterized English law as a stubborn, medieval
phenomenon that would not give way to early modern impulses.
Maitland’s grand récit apportioned a reactionary and occlusive role to
the law and its early modern practitioners: “Those ancient law reports
are not a place in which we look for humanism or the spirit of the
Renaissance: rather we look there for an amazingly continuous persis-
tence and development of medieval doctrine.”1 Victorian historiog-
raphy viewed English law as a patriotic golem that shielded the
“national character” from foreign contamination throughout the tur-
bulent sixteenth century and resisted the reception of civil law, only
to emerge untainted when called upon to underwrite the Protestant
union of the monarchy with a national church.2 Thus to Maitland it
appeared a paradox, albeit a welcome one, that “in an age which had
revolted against its predecessor and was fully conscious of the revolt,
one body of doctrine and a body that concerns us all remained . . .
intact.”3
The paradigmatic invocation of this myth occurs in William
Blackstone’s Commentaries on the Laws of England (1765–69): often
“pressed by foreign emergencies or domestic discontents,” English
laws “vigorously withstood the repeated attacks of the civil law.”4

1
 ——— 2 Introduction ———

Blackstone became a treasure trove for English and British triumphal-

ists writing in subsequent centuries. Victorian scholars, many of whom
were “situated” writers, to use Paul Strohm’s adroit phrase, often saw
their research labors as embedded in a narrative of national superiority
that was itself an extension of the competitive international scrambles
for resources, prosperity, and influence that shaped so much of the
nineteenth century.5 English law, apparent guarantor of constitutional
liberties, became the centerpiece of historical Englishness. In one of its
more sophisticated guises this foundational narrative has been laid out
by the son of a lawyer, William Stubbs, in his monumental three-
volume Constitutional History of England: “England gained its sense
of unity centuries before Germany: it developed its genius for govern-
ment under influences more purely indigenous: spared from the curse
of the imperial system and the Mezentian union with Italy, and escap-
ing thus the practical abeyance of legislation and judicature, it devel-
oped its own common law free from the absolutist tendencies of
Roman jurisprudence; and it grew equably, harmoniously, not merely
by virtue of local effort and personal privilege.”6
This narrative of English exceptionalism has endured into the
second half of the twentieth century: the title of Geoffrey Elton’s in-
fluential anthology of sixteenth-century documents, The Tudor Con-
stitution, pays more than lip service to a Stubbsian legacy.7 In a dem-
onstration of the Victorian fetish for “national characteristics”—in this
case, English liberties—Maitland maintains Blackstone’s narrative of
an anthropomorphic “genius of a people” drawn into a heroic struggle
against a polished, well-connected, and menacing foreigner—the ty-
rannical civil law.8 Again, Stubbs has been his trailblazer: “England,
although less homogeneous in blood and character, is more so in uni-
form and progressive growth. The very diversity of the elements which
are united within the isle of Britain serves to illustrate the strength and
vitality of that one which for thirteen hundred years has maintained its
position either unrivaled or in victorious supremacy.”9 In this linear
history “national genius” manifests itself episodically in mythopoeic
accounts of the common law, the Reformation, eighteenth-century
empiricism, and the British Empire—always under the most improb-
able of circumstances and always in time to save the anachronistic
trinity of law, liberty, and constitutionalism.
 ——— Introduction 3 ———

But Maitland’s characterization of English law contains a feature

that must have seemed neither particularly attractive to his audience
nor comfortably fitted to the historical orthodoxies of English Protes-
tantism: as delineated by Maitland, the unwritten self-sufficiency of
the common law had little esteem for written culture.10 His resistance
myth rests on the spoken exercises of readings, moots, and case-
puttings in the Inns of Court. Naturally, Maitland’s immediate context
was that of an expanding British Empire, covering a vast geographical
expanse that increasingly tested the efficacy of English law as an ad-
ministrative tool. The imperial unity of the common law relied on a
network of readers reading each other’s tradition: “If English lawyers
do not read Australian reports (and they cannot read everything),
Australian lawyers will not much longer read English reports.”11 Scru-
tinizing Maitland’s lecture now, more than a century after its publi-
cation, one invariably notices a slope toward styling the Inns as the
distillation, the essence, of the common law. As Downing Professor of
the Laws of England at Cambridge University and as founder and
director of the Selden Society, which is dedicated to publishing early
English legal records, Maitland may have championed the historical
role of these institutions in aid of his plea for greater academic recogni-
tion of his own discipline. But recent research demonstrates that the
early modern Inns of Court may have indeed viewed themselves in
the role that Maitland assigned to them. Paul Raffield reveals that even
the architecture of the Inns stylized them as “visual repositories of the
unwritten constitution” and as “repositories of the body of law.”12
Written law is squeezed out of Maitland’s narrow approach; it be-
comes extraneous and peripheral. For Maitland, English law is com-
mon law. Yet for a time during the cultural upheavals of the sixteenth
century this alleged oral self-sufficiency seemed fragile and was likely
to show cracks when placed under sustained scrutiny by the new lit-
eralism of a religious culture increasingly growing hostile to human
tradition and its “unwritten verities.”13 It certainly didn’t help that
common lawyers were overwhelmingly conservative “papists,”14 de-
spised abroad by humanist civilians enthralled by the reception of a
gloss-free, restored Justinian code and at home undermined by a king
who had recently founded two Regius professorships for the study of
the civil law and who may have been contemplating a whole-scale
 ——— 4 Introduction ———

reform of common-law education.15 And in 1535 the discontinuation

of law reporting, one of the bastions of English law, ominously coin-
cided with Thomas More’s execution,16 while preparations for a
Roman-style codification of the common law appear to have been
already under way. At court and in the public at large there was no
shortage of vociferous and formidable champions of the new learning
who ardently wished for a sweeping and comprehensive reform of the
common law to meet the linguistic and didactic benchmarks set by
humanist scholarship. What came to the rescue of the common law,
according to Maitland, were the Inns of Court: the “schools of national
law,” where a living, oral form of law was nurtured in stark contrast
with civilians’ attempts to galvanize the dying corpus iuris civilis.17 The
common and, by extension, English law was saved by its unwritten
form. But this form, carried by a reading culture paradoxically defined
by a nucleal immunity to the authority of written texts, clashed with
the scriptural literalism of the Reformation and with many of the
views espoused by Erasmian humanism.18
What united the common law’s defenses for Blackstone as well as
for Maitland’s late Victorian mythography was the shared foe of con-
tinental contamination in the guise of the reception. Against the mas-
sive influx of seemingly newfangled Italian and German jurisprudence,
or so Maitland’s narrative goes, the common law’s steadfast immuta-
bility made it appear a bulwark against change and undesired reform.
Such a streamlined perception of intellectual relationships had its
appeal to Victorian narratives of collective identity: after all, if Henry
VIII made the church more “English,” did the common law’s imper-
viousness to continental influences not equally secure the law’s En-
glishness and therefore the alterity of the British Empire?
Even J. G. A. Pocock, as late as 1957, speaks of “a great hardening
and consolidation of common-law thought” between 1550 and 1600.19
Pocock sees a shift occurring in the second half of the sixteenth cen-
tury that brought about “the common-law mind,” the emphatic con-
fidence of Elizabethan lawyers in the historicity of their legal system,
and he calls for “a detailed study of Tudor common-law thought . . . to
show how and when [this development] came into being.”20 I argue
that this shift was not “a hardening . . . of common-law thought” but
 ——— Introduction 5 ———

the negotiated outcome of several complex processes that took place

much earlier, in late Lancastrian and early Tudor England. My narra-
tive proposes that the ideological and hermeneutic nature of English
law was anything but static in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centu-
ries. Between John Fortescue’s reflections on its public role in the
1460s and the juridically informed popular risings of 1549, the com-
mon law was challenged by proponents of the civil law, utilized by the
monarchy, redefined by the incorporation of formerly ecclesiastical
jurisdictions, and disseminated widely in the vernacular through the
printing trade. Ultimately the marketing practice of disseminating ver-
nacular legal books found a response in the popular rebellions of 1549,
at the helm of which often stood petitioners trained in legal writing.
By the mid-sixteenth century, therefore, England’s new vernacular
legal culture had been embraced by the commonalty. This book argues
that late medieval practices of vernacular translation, Lancastrian po-
litical ideas of consensual government, and a professional adherence
to the concept of unwritten tradition generated a vernacular legal
culture that challenged emerging Protestant textual strategies and
questioned the centralizing ambitions of the early Tudor state.
However, I do not wish to argue that this vernacular legal culture
existed outside of or in opposition to the Reformation and English
humanism. Instead, I wish to map the points of tension that existed
between vernacular legal culture and those currents within English
Protestantism and Erasmian scholarship that favored textualism over
orality, central authority over conciliarism, and linguistic purity over
vernacular hybridity. The central debates, as I see them, unfolded as
much within the discourses shaped by the new religion and the new
learning as independently of them.

II

My argument is concerned with the many late medieval and early

modern forms of writing and reading associated with English law,
from technical law reports to treatises on jurisprudence. By English
law I refer to the common law and statute law, that is, to oral and
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