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Syrian Influences in the
Roman Empire to AD 300

The study of Syria as a Roman province has been neglected by comparison with
equivalent geographical regions such as Italy, Egypt, Greece, and even Gaul. It was,
however, one of the economic powerhouses of the empire from its annexation until
after the empire’s dissolution. As such it clearly deserves some particular consider-
ation, but at the same time it was a major contributor to the military strength of the
empire, notably in the form of the recruitment of auxiliary regiments, several dozens
of which were formed from Syrians. Many pagan gods, such as Jupiter Dolichenus
and Jupiter Heliopolitanus, Dea Syra, and also Judaism, originated in Syria and
reached the far bounds of the empire. This book is a consideration, based on original
sources, of the means by which Syrians, whose country was only annexed to the
empire in 64 BC, saw their influence penetrate into all levels of society from private
soldiers and ordinary citizens to priests and to imperial families.

John D. Grainger is an independent scholar working in both ancient and

modern history. He is the author of several books including Nerva and the Roman
Succession Crisis of AD 96 –99, Great Power Diplomacy in the Hellenistic World, a
biography of Seleukos Nikator, and a three-volume history of the Seleukid
Empire.
Syrian Influences in the
Roman Empire to AD 300

John D. Grainger
First published 2018
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2018 John D. Grainger
The right of John D. Grainger to be identified as author of this work
has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced
or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means,
now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording,
or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Grainger, John D., 1939– author.
Title: Syrian influences in the Roman empire to AD 300 /
John D. Grainger.
Description: Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY :
Routledge, 2017. | Includes bibliographical references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2017013025| ISBN 9781138071230 (hardback :
alk. paper) | ISBN 9781315114774 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Syria—History—To 333 B.C. | Rome—History—
Empire, 30 B.C.–476 A.D. | Rome—History, Military—30 B.C.–476 A.D. |
Rome—Army—History. | Syria—Religion—History. | Rome—
Religion—History.
Classification: LCC DS96 .G74 2017 | DDC 939.4/305—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017013025
ISBN: 978-1-138-07123-0 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-11477-4 (ebk)
Typeset in Bembo
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
Contents

Map, Figure, and Tables viii

Abbreviations ix

Introduction 1

1 Roman Syria: the Syrian scene 4

The land 4
The land the Romans acquired 5
The Roman province 6
Syrian survival – language and gods 9
The Roman army 15
Roman citizens 18
Syrian antipathy towards Rome 19
Syrians abroad 20

2 Syrians take over the empire 25

Emperors 25
Senators 27
Equites 36
Intellectuals 39
Conclusion 40

3 Syria as a Roman base 45

4 The Roman army in Syria 59

The legions in Syria 60
The auxilia in Syria 69
vi Contents
5 Syrians in the Roman army 77
Auxiliary regiments from the client kingdoms 77
Auxiliary regiments from the cities 98
Other Syrian regiments 121
Reinforcements and other Syrian soldiers outside Syria 132
The third-century army and after 135

6 The export of the gods 146

Palmyrene gods 146
Jews 149
Jupiter Optimus Maximus Heliopolitanus 158
Dea Syra – the Syrian goddess 167
Jupiter Optimus Maximus Dolichenus 172
Other Syrian deities 197
Christianity 200

7 Civilians 216
Egypt 216
Asia Minor 219
Greece and Thrace 220
The northern frontier 221
Italy 221
Africa and Spain 222
Britannia 223
Summary 223

8 Concentrations 226
Egypt 226
Africa, Numidia, and Mauretania 229
Asia Minor 232
Greece 233
Moesia and Thrace 234
Dacia 235
Dalmatia 236
Italy 237
Pannonia 240
Raetia and Noricum 241
Germania 241
Hispania and Gallia 242
 Contents vii
Britannia 243
Summary 244

Conclusion: Syrian participation in the Roman Empire 247

Bibliography 255
Index 261
Map, Figure, and Tables

Map
1 Syria: gods, lands, and legions 12

Figure
2.1 The Severan dynasty 27

Tables
4.1 The stations of the legions 63
4.2 The auxilia of Syria – alae 70
4.3 The auxilia in Syria – cohortes 71
Abbreviations

AAAS Annales archeologiques arabes syriennes.

AAASH Acta Archaeologica Academicae Scientiae Hungaricae.
AE L’Annee Epigraphique.
ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt.
BAR British Archaeological Reports.
Barbieri Guido Barbieri, L’Ordo Senatorio da Septimio Severo a
Carino, 193–285, Rome 1952.
BGU Ulrich Wilcken et al., Agyptische Urkunden aus den Konigli-
chen Museen zu Berlin: Griechische Urkunden, Berlin 1903.
BRGK Bericht der Romisch-Germanischen Kommission der deutschen
archaologischen Instituts.
CCID Corpus Cultus Iovis Dolicheni.
Cheesman, Auxilia G. Cheesman, The Auxilia of the Roman Army, Oxford 1914.
CHJ Cambridge History of Judaism.
ChLA Chartes Latinae Antquiores.
CIJ Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicum.
CIL Corpus Inscriptionarum Latinarum.
C. Pap. Lat. Corpus Papyrorum Latinarum.
DHA Dialogues d’Histoire Anciennes.
Dura C. Bradford Welles et al., The Excavations at Dura-Europus,
Final Report: The Parchments and Papyri, 1959.
Fasti Sacerdotum J. Rupke, Fasti Sacerdotium, a Prosopography of Pagan, Jewish,
and Christian Religious Officials in the City of Rome, 300 BC
to AD 499, trans. David M. B. Richardson, Oxford 2008.
HA Historia Augusta.
Halfmann, Senatoren H. Halfmann, Die Senatoren aus dem ostlichen Teil des Imperium
Romanum bis zum Ende des 2Jh. n. Chr., Gottingen 1979.
Holder, Auxilia Paul A. Holder, The Auxilia from Augustus to Trajan, BAR
S 70, 1980.
I.Byzantion Die Inschriften der Byzantion.
I.Ephesos Die Inschriften von Ephesos.
IG Inscriptiones Graecae.
IGLS Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie.
x Abbreviations
IGRR Inscriptiones graecae ad res Romanas pertinentes.
I.Iasos Die Inschriften von Iasos.
I.Kibyra Dir Insckhriften von Kibyra.
ILAf Inscriptions Latines d’Afrique.
ILAlg Inscriptions Latines d’Algerie.
ILM Inscriptions Latines de Maroc.
ILS Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae.
ILYug Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia.
Intercisa J. Fitz, Les Syriens a Intercisa, Brussels 1972.
I.Philae Les Inscriptions grecques de Philae.
I.Prusa Die Inschriften von Prusa.
IRT The Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania.
I.Smyrna Die Inscriften von Smyrna.
I.Stratonikeia Die Inschriften von Srratonikeia.
I.Syringes Inscriptions grecques et latines des tombeaux des rois ou syringes
a Thebes.
JIWE Jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe.
JJS Journal of Jewish Studies.
Josephus AJ Flavius Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae; BJ – Bellum Judaicae.
JRS Journal of Roman Studies.
JTS Journal of Theological Studies.
Merlat P. Merlat, Repertoire des inscriptions et monuments figures du
culte de Jupiter Dolichenus, Paris 1951.
Moretti L. Moretti, Iscrizioni Storiche Ellenistiche.
Not. Dig. Notitia Dignitatum.
P. Brooklyn Brooklyn Museum Papyri.
PIR Prosopographia Imperii Romani.
Pliny, NH Pliny the Elder, Natural History.
PLRE The Prospography of the Later Roman Empire.
P. Mich. Papyri in the University of Michigan.
P. Oxy The Oxyrhynchus Papyri.
P. Ross Papyri russi georgidcher.
RAC Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum.
RIB Roman Inscriptions of Britain.
RIU Romische Inschriften Ungarns.
RMD Roman Military Diplomas.
SB Sammelbuch griechischer Utrkunden.
SEG Supplementum epigraphicum graecum.
Spaul, Ala J.E.H. Spaul Ala, The Auxiliary Cavalry Units of the pre-
Diocletianic Imperial Roman Army, 1994.
Spaul, Cohors J.E.H. Spaul, COHORS(2), The Evidence for a Short History
of the Auxiliary Infantry Units of the Imperial Roman Army,
BAR S 841, 2000.
TAPA Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological
Association.
ZPE Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik.
Introduction

Syria became a Roman province by the acts and decisions of Cn. Pompeius
Magnus in 64 BC. Over the next century and a half, the original province became
enlarged in size, its borders were expanded, and it was changed in its composition
as it absorbed a variety of cities and kingdoms. By AD 106, when Nabataea, the
last of the client kingdoms, was formally annexed, it had proved to be adminis-
tratively necessary to organise the region into three separate provinces: Judaea
(Palestine), Arabia (east of the Jordan Valley, mainly the former Nabataean
kingdom), and Syria (from Damascus north to the Taurus Mountains). Yet this
triple-land was essentially a single unit, geographically and socially, just as Gallia
and Hispania were clearly distinct and single geographical units, even though
always divided into separate provinces – three again in each case.
Syria was one of the great sources of wealth in the Roman Empire, and was
a prime source of soldiers, goods, gods, and merchants. This was also the case
elsewhere, of course, but the concentration of all these elements in one area was
unique. It is the object of this book to look at these matters, at the influences
of Syrians in and on the empire, because the projection of Syrian soldiers and
their gods and their practices throughout the Roman Empire had a profound
effect on it. The whole process could, in effect, be considered one of internal
colonisation by Syrians of the Roman Empire, except that it was less a movement
of individuals and more one of influences, though it also involved the physical
removal from Syria of large numbers of young Syrian men who were posted to
all parts of the empire as defending soldiers. This idea of Syrian ‘expansion’ is,
perhaps, not a concept with which most students of the ancient world may be
familiar. So the aim of this study is to examine the participation of Syria and
Syrians in the Roman Empire, and the influence this had on that empire.
As a geographical region Syria was comparable with Italy, Spain, Gaul, or Asia
Minor in importance, though in size it was smaller than any of these. And yet its
influence on the life of the empire was out of all proportion compared with these
and was infinitely greater than any of them. Italy was, of course, the source of the
manpower and the commanders who had created the Republican empire and
had conquered the Mediterranean basin. But from the first century AD onwards
the power of Italy’s influence steadily declined. After AD 98 the emperors came
from Spain and Gaul and Africa for the next century and more – and then for a
2 Introduction
short time from Syria – and the imperial administrators were increasingly likely
to come from a land other than Italy. Spain and Gaul contributed in the form of
taxes, slaves and soldiers, as did Anatolia. Greece had faded in influence – apart
from its history and its language and culture, of course. Egypt was never more
than the source of imperial taxes, with some religious influence here and there.
Syria, however, was a greater source of wealth in terms of commerce than
many other provinces; it was a major producer of wine and olive oil, although,
since it does not seem to have exported these goods seriously to Italy, this has
not been widely noted; it was a source of military manpower as much as either
Gaul or Spain; and it produced more gods than any other place. Egypt sent Isis,
Osiris, and Serapis into the empire, just as Greece sent Zeus, Poseidon, Apollo,
and others; but Syria sent into the empire the gods of Jerusalem and Arabia
and Phoenicia, Jupiter Dolichenus, Jupiter Heliopolitanus, Dushares of Arabia,
Adonis of Phoenicia, and Yahweh, and Atargatis, and still more. These spread
throughout the empire and eventually changed it profoundly. In the end one of
these gods, the much-altered Yahweh of Jerusalem, captured the whole empire
in the name of Christ.
The object here, therefore, is to track these various influences and effects as
part of a consideration of the participation of Syria and Syrians in the life of the
empire, and of its limitations. We may begin at the top of society, with the infil-
tration of Syrians into the administration of the empire, and eventually to its very
head as the emperors of the Severan dynasty (Chapter 2). Syria was the major
military base in the eastern empire, and had a role in all the wars conducted by
Rome against enemies in the eastern regions – Syrians, Armenians, Parthians,
and other Romans (Chapter 4). The soldiers recruited into the army (and the
fleet) were one of the foundations of that rise and can be estimated and located
relatively easily, and the recruitment and spread of these Syrian soldiers can be
followed throughout the empire, from southern Egypt to Scotland (Chapter 5).
The merchants of the great Syrian cities created and channelled wealth into the
empire and into the cities, though precision in detailing their activities is dif-
ficult because they were not so addicted to recording their presence as others
(Chapter 7). The gods of Syria spread their messages out of the cities and vil-
lages to the empire’s farthest boundaries: Syrian gods were worshipped on the
extreme northern borders of the empire (just as Syrian soldiers formed garrisons
there), on the walls of Hadrian and Antoninus in far Britannia (Chapter 6). This
part is, like the soldiers, and in part because they were often linked, relatively
straightforward.
This survey can be conducted in two ways, topical and geographical, and,
to see their proper effects, both will be employed. Each individual element –
soldiers, emperors, the country as military base, the soldiers, its gods, and so
on – will be examined in relation to the empire as a whole; then each region
of the empire will be examined, more briefly, to discover the exact extent and
profundity and permanence of that Syrian influence upon it. The central aim
is to estimate the full effect of Syrian participation throughout the rest of the
empire. The Roman poet Juvenal objected to the presence of Syrians in the
 Introduction 3
city of Rome, claiming that the Orontes was emptying into the Tiber; it is a
scathing comment, and his accuracy is questionable, but he was not wrong to
see that Syria and Syrians were having a powerful effect.1 Just how powerful
this was, however, is more difficult to estimate, and a mere complaint by an
irascible Roman is not sufficient.
The timeframe for all this will be from (and in some cases before) the incor-
poration of Syria and its various appendages into the empire between 64 BC and
AD 106, until about AD 300. This latter limit is necessary because shortly after
that date all these matters and effects were swamped by the overwhelming vic-
tory of Christianity – a Syrian religion, note – and the historical questions to
be asked change utterly.

Note
1 Juvenal, Satire 3, 61–80, though he refers to his targets as ‘Greek’.
1 Roman Syria
The Syrian scene

The land
It is necessary to begin with Syria itself. This is a remarkable land, much divided
by mountains and rivers and steep valleys, but with a long history going back
to the initial invention of farming after the Ice Age, and a language which has
changed slowly through the centuries, but was always understood throughout
the whole land – the development from the earliest written material to modern
Arabic is continuous, and the language probably originated among the earliest
settled inhabitants at the end of the Ice Age.1 Living in a country which was
frequently politically divided and often conquered, Syrians were resilient and
tough, and much attached to their land, their language, and their gods. The
Roman period in its history was relatively short and to a large extent on balance
it was benign in its effects, but the Syrians largely disdained full participation
in the empire’s life; they exported rather more, socially and economically, than
they imported.
In the Roman period and before, then, Syria was the land which was bounded
by the Mediterranean coast on the west, the Sinai Desert on the south, and the
Amanus and Taurus Mountains on the north; to the east the boundary was the
Euphrates River and the edge of the deserts of Syria and Arabia; in the northeast
beyond the Euphrates the plains and hills of Mesopotamia between that river
and the Tigris – called in Arabic ‘al-Jazirah’, ‘the island’ – provided a wide pas-
sageway from east to west – or, in Roman terms, from west to east, between the
northern mountains and the desert to the south. None of the frontiers was sealed
or impermeable, or can even be delineated easily by a line on the map (other
than the coast), but these are clear enough to be going on with.
The name ‘Syria’ is an abbreviation of ‘Assyria’, used by the Greeks of the
Archaic Age when the Assyrian Empire ruled the region.2 But Assyria could
only hold on to Syria by destroying its cities and killing and deporting its
people, and its successors as rulers of the region, the Babylonian and Persian
Empires, were content to let the land moulder on in poverty and rural self-
sufficiency. By the time Alexander the Great campaigned through Syria it had
only just begun to recover from this brutal and neglectful treatment over the
previous four centuries – though he had to fight repeatedly to gain control
 Roman Syria: the Syrian scene 5
of it, in the sieges of Tyre and Gaza in particular, and of other fights as well:
armed resistance to his rule came from other inhabitants of the Lebanese hills,
and at Samaria. His eventual successor as ruler of north Syria, Seleukos Nika-
tor, for purposes of his own, sowed a multitude of cities across north Syria,
while Seleukos’ contemporary and enemy, Ptolemy, controlled the south, the
Phoenician and Palestinian areas; as a result of their mutual hostility, and of
that between their successors, the region became well-fortified with new cit-
ies. The two dynasties repeatedly fought each other, but the land developed
over the next couple of centuries as an urbanised region, in a process of wealth
creation and repopulation which was unprecedented for the time and made
Syria one of the major prizes in the Roman progress of conquest around the
Mediterranean basin and beyond.3

The land the Romans acquired

Syria, by the time the Romans took control of it, was therefore a rich land,
teeming with cities; its people were exceptionally enterprising in commerce, and
were inventive in other ways. This had been the case for millennia, especially
when they were left alone in independence. It was the land where agriculture
was invented, where writing in an alphabetic script was developed, and it had
long been fertile in religions and gods. It was inventive in arts and crafts, and
even as Pompey was marching through and disposing of kings and cities in an
almost offhand way in the 60s BC, men in the city of Sidon were inventing the
techniques of blown glass.4 It was, of course, because of the wealth of the land
that the Roman Republic had finally seized it; the delay in doing so was because
it was politically no threat, being much subdivided.
The eventual victory of the Seleukids in their war with the Ptolemies had
reunited Syria under one imperial control by the Peace of Raphia in 195 BC, but
the Seleukid state itself began to break up not long after. In its internal geography,
Syria is all too easily divided, above all by a line of mountain ranges running from
north to south, the Bargylos (now the Jebel Alawiyeh), the Lebanon, and Antile-
banon Mountains lying parallel, the Judaean plateau and the plateaux across the
Jordan River east of the Great Rift Valley. So when the unifying weight of the
imperial administration of the Seleukid kingdom was removed late in the second
century BC, as the dynasty failed, the land quickly broke into political fragments,
beginning with the people of the hills, who must always have been difficult to
control, and since they were relatively poor, the Seleukids had scarcely bothered
to do so. This eventually produced a political situation which was a revival of
the pre-Assyrian condition, one of a mixture of city states and small kingdoms.
This new division took place during the century before Roman imperial control
was imposed, and such was the nature of the political divisions, which largely
reflected the physical situation, that imperial reunification took even longer to
be revived, even under Roman imperial pressure; the Roman conquest gradually
absorbed the fragments, reuniting the whole, but it took a century and a half to
achieve reunity.
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