Nehemiah Grew and England s Economic Development The Means of the Most Ample Increase of the Wealth and Strength of England 1706 7 Records of Social and Economic History 1st Edition Julian Hoppit No Waiting Time
Nehemiah Grew and England s Economic Development The Means of the Most Ample Increase of the Wealth and Strength of England 1706 7 Records of Social and Economic History 1st Edition Julian Hoppit No Waiting Time
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EDITED BY
Julian Hoppit
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Foreword
labour force directed far more to productive rather than distributive activi
ties. Interesting interventions are identified on how Grew supposed that
by promoting marriage and improvements to health care fertility could be
increased and mortality decreased against a demographic background that we
now know to have been lacking dynamism. Above all. Professor Hoppit has
brought to light an intriguing text that may now be better understood as a
result of his attempts to situate Grew’s views within the ideas emerging earlier
in the seventeenth century of the Hartlib circle, the schemes for improvement
subsequently advocated by the Royal Society and the aspirations of William
Petty, a figure whom Grew described as 'my late Honoured Friend’.
We are grateful to Professor Hoppit for the care with which he has shown
in preparing this edition and in particular acknowledge the great expertise
that he brings to setting The Meanes within the economic ideas prevalent
in the period. Thanks should also go to Professor Steve Hindle who when a
member of the Records of Social and Economic History Committee acted as
its link with Professor Hoppit. We are also grateful to Dr Adam Fox, now a
member of that committee, for reading and commenting on the introduction
Preface ix
Acknowledgements ix
The text and its history x
Editorial method xiv
Abbreviations xiv
Introduction xv
Index 109
Preface
This edition makes available for the first time in print Nehemiah Grew’s early
eighteenth-century diagnosis of England’s economic potential, and his reme
dies for ensuring the full realization of that potential. As such, it is a work of
‘political economy’, though Grew’s expertise lay in botany and medicine.
Indeed, part of the work’s value lies precisely in the fact that Grew was an
intelligent ‘outsider’ in this vibrant area of intellectual enquiry, bringing to it
some of the ideals of Bacon, Hartlib, and the early Royal Society. His distrust
of people’s natural tendencies and belief in the considerable complexities of
economic life led him to propose a high level of state activity, both to provide
information as well as to regulate.
Acknowledgements
I thank the Huntington Library for permission to base this edition on its copy of
Grew’s work, and for help from Mary Robertson, Chief Curator of Manuscripts
there. Arnold Hunt at the British Library and Linda Seckelson at the Metropolitan
Museum of Art have also provided help with trying to track down the ownership
of Grew’s work. Initial work on the manuscript was only possible because of a
generous British Academy/Huntington Library individual research visit award,
while the subsequent award of a small grant by the British Academy paid for the
manuscript to be transcribed with great accuracy by Matthew Symonds.
At an early stage, Michael Hunter shared his deep knowledge of Grew
and the Royal Society with me and generously showed me the typescript
of his book about editorial practices.1 I am also very indebted to Adam Fox
for his comments on the introduction. Participants of a workshop at Oxford,
where some early thoughts about ‘The meanes’ were offered, raised many
issues in the most positive of ways. I thank Perry Gauci for organizing those
workshops. For help with specific points I am very grateful to David Bell,
Christopher Brooks, Simon Corcoran, Xabier Lamikiz, Ted McCormick,
Renaud Morieux, Mark Knights, Wilfrid Prest, and Benet Salway.
1 Editing early modern texts: an introduction to principles and practice (Houndmills, Basingstoke,
2007).
The text and its history
Two copies of Grew’s manuscript are known to exist, one at the Huntington
Library, San Marino, California (HM1264), the other at the British Library
in London (Lansdowne 691) —hereafter HM and Lansd. for short. No other
copy has been found, including at the Royal Society. Though the two copies
are very similar and appear to date from the early eighteenth century, neither
appear to be in Grew’s hand, nor are they in the same hand. Both are fair
copies, with too few slips of the pen or corrections to have been working
copies. But it is impossible to say whether one was copied from the other,
or both separately from Grew’s original or another lost copy. There is no
evidence of who the copyists were, or who employed them.
The copies differ in size slightly, HM being 111 folios of 11.1 ems wide
by 17.7 ems tall, while Lansd. is 116 folios of 14.5 ems by 17.5 cms. In both
the text is continuous, on both recto and verso. For HM, the main text, but not
the prelims, was paginated by the original copyist, recto and verso, from 1 to
207, and followed by thirty-seven blank folios. Lansd. has several different
paginations, and is bound with another work, ‘A scheme for raising the sum
of fifteen thousand pounds by divers sorts of annuities. Consisting of two
parts.’ This is unsigned, but dated 12 September 1704. HM is in a beautiful
and costly binding from the early eighteenth century, but Lansd. was bound in
a plain and inexpensive style for the earl of Shelburne in the late eighteenth
century.
The texts of the two copies are very similar, but not identical. There are
many differences in spelling, punctuation, abbreviations, and capitalization,
with HM more modem in these regards. For these reasons, it provides the
text below. There are also many very small differences of the choice of words
between the two copies, though these never alter the meaning.1 These differ
ences, but not those of spelling, punctuation, and grammar, are noted in the
footnotes of this edition.
Henry E. Huntington acquired HM in 1919 from the auction of the collec
tion of the late Samuel P. Avery of New York. How Avery came to own it is
not certainly known. He frequently travelled to Europe from 1867, purchasing
art, prints, and finely bound books, but his diaries do not provide sufficient
1 Though Lansd. contains a significant arithmetical error which HM docs not, sec below, p. 93.
The text and its history xi
details to identify when, from whom, and for how much he purchased ‘The
meanes’.2 In 1903, a year before he died, some of his collection of fine bind
ings was exhibited at Columbia University, including ‘The meanes’. The
catalogue entry largely detailed the nature of the elaborate binding? This
entry was the origin of the auction catalogue statement that the work was:
An unpublished autograph manuscript, probably presented to Queen Anne, and
given by her to Abigail Masham. A beautiful example of English inlaid binding
of the eighteenth century in Elliott and Chapman’s finest style. With bookplate by
Richard Palmer.4
Neither catalogue provides evidence to support the statement that the volume
was gifted to Masham, nor that the binding was by Elliott and Chapman.
The key to establishing this provenance is Palmer’s bookplate, which
appears to date from the early nineteenth century. This is almost certainly
that of Richard Palmer (1765-1806) .His father, Robert (1713-87), had pros
pered as a lawyer, not least working for the duke of Bedford, turning his
riches into land, including acquiring the mortgage of Lord Masham’s estate
in Essex. Abigail Hill, a relation of both the duchess of Marlborough and
Robert Harley, was Queen Anne's favourite servant by 1705, sufficiently that
the queen attended her marriage in about June 1707 to Samuel Masham. A
successful courtier, Masham was raised to the peerage in 1712, and lived
until 1758 (Abigail died in 1734) when he was succeeded by his son, also
Samuel. But the second baron Masham was the last, for he died without heirs
in 1776. It was probably about then that Robert Palmer gained an interest
in the Masham estate. Certainly, various Masham papers are in those of the
Palmers in the Ewen manuscripts in Berkshire Record Office?
It is likely that Robert Palmer acquired works from the Masham library,
including Grew’s work, on the death of the second baron. Certainly there is
evidence of other works following a similar path. Lord Amherst of Hackney,
like Avery a noted collector of the late nineteenth century, owned two early
eighteenth-century works said to be from the Masham library, one of which
2 The accounts in the full diaries were kindly examined for me at the Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York (201.9 Av3) by Ted McCormick. An edition of the diaries has been printed: The diaries,
1871-1882. of Samuel P. Avery, art dealer, cd. M. F. Beaufort. H. L. Klcinfield. and J. K. Welcher
(New York, 1979).
3 Catalogue raisonne'e: works on bookbinding practical and historical. Examples of bookbindings of
the XVIth to XIXth centuries from the collections of Samuel Putnam Avery (New York, 1903), p. 66.
4 Rare and valuable books and bindings collected by the late Samuel P. Avery ofNew York. To be sold
by order of his executor Samuel P. Avery, Jr. The Anderson galleries. Park Avenue and Fifty-Ninth
Street, New York (1919). p. 69, lot 407.
5 I am very grateful for the help of Ellie Thome, archivist at the Berkshire Record Office.
xii The text and its history
also had Richard Palmer’s bookplate, and both said to be bound by Elliott
and Chapman.6 Palmer had a large family, but the direct male line ended with
the death of his son Richard in 1874. It was probably then that works from
Richard Palmer’s library were sold, including Grew to Avery.
The statements that HM (and other works from the Masham library) was
finely bound by Elliott and Chapman is misleading because they were two
firms not one.7 Elliott’s bills have survived, though not Chapman’s. Grew’s
work is not clearly among them, though there was a charge of 5 shillings to
bind a work on the ‘Decay of trade & Remedies’. This may be Grew’s work,
but given that he spent little space on ‘decay’ and was concerned with more
than just ‘trade’ it might equally well not be.8
The provenance of Lansd., which was part of the large collection of
manuscripts owned by William Petty, second earl of Shelburne (1737-1805),
bought by the British Museum in 1807, is rather less clear than HM. The
1819 catalogue of the Lansdowne collection provides no further information
on how Shelburne came to own this copy of ‘The meanes’.’ As an active poli
tician, Shelburne had an interest in social and economic matters.10 Moreover,
not only was he a significant collector in his own right, but on family grounds
he may have been prompted to buy the work because Grew was clearly much
influenced by Sir William Petty. The binding of this copy of ‘The meanes’
bears Shelburne’s coat of arms. Dr Arnold Hunt of the British Library has
suggested that a few notes at the start of the manuscript may be in the hand
of James West (1703-72), an active antiquarian and collector who became a
Fellow of the Royal Society aged just 23 and its President in 1768." If this
suggestion is correct, and it may not be, it is unclear how West acquired this
copy. Two possibilities are worth speculating upon briefly. First, he may have
obtained it from official papers during his time as secretary to the chancellor
of the exchequer and secretary to the Treasury through much of the period
between 1743 and 1762. Second, he may have acquired it from the second
earl of Oxford: Oxford gave West some books, they went out collecting
manuscripts together, and West, as a trustee of Lady Oxford, was involved
6 S. de Ricci (ed.), A hand-list of a collection of books and manuscripts belonging to the right hon.
Lord Amherst of Hackney, at Didlington Hall, Norfolk (Cambridge, 1906), pp. 201,203. A work on
p. 273 was said to be from the libraries of Richard and Robert Palmer.
7 E. Howe, A list of London Bookbinders 1648-1815 (1950), pp. 20-1,33-4.
8 British Library, Add. MS 70404, f. 4, recto.
9 A catalogue of the Lansdowne manuscripts in the British Museum. With indexes ofpersons, places,
and matters (1819), p. 160.
10 J. M. Norris, Shelburne and reform (1963).
” Private communication.
The text and its history xiii
in the sale of the Harleian collection to the British Museum. This raises the
possibility that at one stage Robert Harley or his son may have owned both
copies of ‘The meanes’. West could, of course, also have acquired it by gift
or purchase elsewhere. What is clear is that Shelburne bought West’s entire
collection of manuscripts.12
The text follows the copy of ‘The meanes’ in the Huntington Library. It
attempts to reproduce that text faithfully, including spelling, capitalization
and punctuation, but abbreviations such as ‘wch’ and ‘ye’ have been silently
expanded. Folio numbers are not recorded. Variations of wording with the
copy in British Library are identified in the footnotes. In the footnotes, place
of publication is London unless stated otherwise. Definitions of unusual
words are provided in footnotes, usually taken from the online edition of the
Oxford English Dictionary.
Abbreviations
i
Introduction
Nehemiah Grew wrote ‘The meanes’ in 1706-7. It has never previously been
published. In part it described current economic arrangements, but only as
a means to consider ways in which output might be increased to sustain a
larger population at significantly higher levels of productivity. The political
desirability of this objective was a commonplace at the time. Samuel Fortrey,
whose work Grew shows signs of having read, stated in 1663 that ‘The great
est thing . . . that any Prince can aim at, is to make his dominions rich and
populous.’1 Little known though it is, Grew’s work falls squarely if distinc
tively within this literature of recommendations for economic improvement.
Grew’s work was ‘represented’ in manuscript to his prince. Queen Anne, in
the fifth year of her reign, that is the year from March 1706. In the dedication,
Grew referred to the queen’s speech at the opening of parliament in December
1706, and expressed the hope that the Union of England and Scotland would
proceed, the treaty for which was agreed in July 1706, before confirmation
by acts passed at Edinburgh and Westminster in January and February 1707
respectively, the Union coming into force on 1 May 1707.2 As will be clear
from the references in the text, Grew’s manuscript was the product of a good
deal of earlier preparation. In the main text, few of those references are to
events after 1702 and the latest are two from 1705, suggesting that his research
was concluded then. Taken as a whole, it is likely that the bulk of the work was
composed in 1706 and completed in December 1706 or January 1707.
Though many of his earlier works had been published, Grew consciously
decided that this one should remain in manuscript, with the queen to decide
who should see it, though fifteen paragraphs on calculating England’s physi
cal size did appear in 1711.3 Manuscript circulation was not uncommon at
1 Englands interest and improvement (Cambridge. 1663). p. 4. Grew may well have first encountered
this work when it was republished in 1673. A decade before Grew wrote ‘The meanes’, John Locke’s
‘great art of government’ effectively echoed Fortrey. Many others made the same point in between.
E. Andrew, ‘A note on Locke’s “the great art of government'”. Canadian Journal of Political Science.
42: 2 (2009). 511-19.
2 Sec below, p. 3.
’ ‘A demonstration of the number of acres contained in England, or South-Britain; and the use which
may be made of it’. Philosophical Transactions. 27 (1711). 266-9. The final paragraph of this article
was new, but restated the thrust of ’The meanes'.
xvi Introduction
the time, not least by Sir William Petty, whom Grew had known and admired.
Petty had been a prolific author on economic matters, but published rela
tively little in his own lifetime, often preferring to direct his manuscripts to
key individuals, including the monarch. In this respect, as well as others,
Grew followed in Petty’s footsteps.4 Grew asserted that leaving his work in
manuscript allowed him to be frank in his advice, while ‘not exposing the
Nakedness of my Native Countrey’, something especially to be avoided in
the midst of a major war.5 It also, of course, meant that his proposals would
avoid public scrutiny, allowing him greater intellectual freedom of move
ment and reducing the chances of being criticized. In fact, as will be seen, a
number of his key positions were at odds with other ‘authoritative’ positions
at the time.
Grew’s place in the history of botany has been well considered, his work
as a physician by some, but few scholars have dwelt upon ‘The meanes’.
The only sustained consideration was by E. A. J. Johnson in the 1930s, and
he confined himself thoughtfully to describing Grew’s concerns and ideas.6
Several authors have also touched upon it, most tellingly Larry Stewart.7
Understandably, almost all histories of economic thought of the period ignore
it.8 Yet, as this introduction will show, it sheds distinctive light on an impor
tant phase in ‘political economy’.9
Nehemiah Grew was baptized at Mancetter, in Warwickshire, in 1641,
being raised and educated in Coventry, where in 1644 his dissenting father
had become a vicar. Grew was a student at Pembroke College Cambridge
in 1658, graduating four years later.10 It is unclear what he then did, but in
information. Grew’s father, Obadiah, is also in both the Oxford and the original DNB. See also
W. LeFanu, Nehemiah Grew M.D., F.R.S.: a study and bibliography of his writings (Winchester,
1990).
11 P. G. M. Dickson. The financial revolution in England: a study in the development ofpublic credit,
1688-1756 (1967), pp. 267, 426. Grub Street Journal, 16 Sept. 1736. J. Hoppit, /A land of liberty?
England, 1689-1727 (Oxford, 2000), p. 70.
12 J. Shower, Enoch's translation. A funeral sermon upon the sudden death of Dr. Nehemiah Grew,
fellow ofthe College of Physicians. Who died March 25th, 1712. Preach 'd at Old-Jewry (1712), p. 16.
13 N. Grew, Cosmologia sacra: or a discourse of the universe as it is the creature of the kingdom of
god (1701), preface.
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