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STAND FOR SOCIALISM
AGAINST MODERN REVISIONISM
ARMANDO LIWANAG
Published by Christophe Kistler
[email protected]

Utrecht, 2017

1st printing (EU) : 100 copies

1st printing (US) : 50 copies

ISBN : 9781544057750

This book is under license Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0

International (CC BY-SA 4.0)
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 CONTENTS PAGE

Introduction 5

I. The Party's Marxist-Leninist Stand 11

Against Modern Revisionism

II. The Legacy of Lenin and Stalin 22

The Record of Stalin 26

III. The Process of Capitalist Restoration 39

First Stage: The Khrushchov Regime, 1953-64 39
Second Stage: The Brezhnev Regime, 1964-82 46
The Third and Final Stage: The Gorbachov 54
Regime, 1985-91
The Commonwealth of Independent States 72

IV. Certain Lessons from the Collapse of 76

Modern Revisionism in the Soviet Union
and Eastern Europe
The Antirevisionist Line 78
The Proletarian Dictatorship 83
Socialist Revolution and Construction 89
The Cultural Revolution 98
Proletarian Internationalism 105

3
4
STAND FOR SOCIALISM AGAINST
MODERN REVISIONISM

INTRODUCTION

Revisionism is the systematic revision of and deviation

from Marxism, the basic revolutionary principles of
the proletariat laid down by Marx and Engels and
further developed by the series of thinkers and leaders
in socialist revolution and construction. The
revisionists call themselves Marxists, even claim to
make an updated and creative application of it but
they do so essentially to sugarcoat the bourgeois
antiproletarian and anti-Marxist ideas that they
propagate.

The classical revisionists who dominated the Second

International in 1912 were in social-democratic parties
that acted as tails to bourgeois regimes and supported
the war budgets of the capitalist countries in Europe.
They denied the revolutionary essence of Marxism
and the necessity of proletarian dictatorship, engaged
in bourgeois reformism and social pacifism and
supported colonialism and modern imperialism. Lenin
stood firmly against the classical revisionists, defended
Marxism and led the Bolsheviks in establishing the
first socialist state in 1917.

5
The modern revisionists were in the ruling
communist parties in the Soviet Union and Eastern
Europe. They systematically revised the basic
principles of Marxism-Leninism by denying the
continuing existence of exploiting classes and class
struggle and the proletarian character of the party and
the state in socialist society. And they proceeded to
destroy the proletarian party and the socialist state
from within. They masqueraded as communists even
as they gave up Marxist-Leninist principles. They
attacked Stalin in order to replace the principles of
Lenin with the discredited fallacies of his social
democratic opponents and claimed to make a "creative
application" of Marxism-Leninism.

The total collapse of the revisionist ruling parties and

regimes in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, has
made it so much easier than before for Marxist-
Leninists to sum up the emergence and development
of socialism and the peaceful evolution of socialism
into capitalism through modern revisionism. It is
necessary to trace the entire historical trajectory and
draw the correct lessons in the face of the ceaseless
efforts of the detractors of Marxism-Leninism to sow
ideological and political confusion within the ranks of
the revolutionary movement.

Among the most common lines of attack are the

6
following: "genuine" socialism never came into
existence; if socialism ever existed, it was afflicted with
or distorted by the "curse" of "Stalinism", which
could never be exorcised by his anti-Stalin successors
and therefore Stalin was responsible even for the anti-
Stalin regimes after his death; and socialism existed up
to 1989 or 1991 and was never overpowered by
modern revisionism before then or that modern
revisionism never existed and it was an irremediably
"flawed" socialism that fell in 1989-1991.

There are, of course, continuities as well as

discontinuities from the Stalin to the post-Stalin
periods. But social science demands that a leader be
held responsible mainly for the period of his
leadership. The main responsibility of Gorbachov for
his own period of leadership should not be shifted to
Stalin just as that of Marcos, for example, cannot be
shifted to Quezon.

It is necessary to trace the continuities between the

Stalin and the post-Stalin regimes. And it is also
necessary to recognize the discontinuities, especially
because the post-Stalin regimes were anti-Stalin in
character. In the face of the efforts of the imperialists,
the revisionists and the unremoulded petty bourgeois
to explain everything in anti-Stalin terms and to
condemn the essential principles and the entire lot of

7
Marxism-Leninism, there is a strong reason and
necessity to recognize the sharp differences between
the Stalin and post-Stalin regimes. The phenomenon
of modern revisionism deserves attention, if we are to
explain the blatant restoration of capitalism and
bourgeois dictatorship in 1989-91.

After his death, the positive achievements of Stalin

(such as the socialist construction, the defense of the
Soviet Union, the high rate of growth of the Soviet
economy, the social guarantees, etc.) continued for a
considerable while. So were his errors continued and
exaggerated by his successors up to the point of
discontinuing socialism. We refer to the denial of the
existence and the resurgence of the exploiting classes
and class struggle in Soviet society; and the
unhindered propagation of the petty-bourgeois mode
of thinking and the growth of the bureaucratism of
the monopoly bureaucrat bourgeoisie in command of
the great mass of petty-bourgeois bureaucrats.

From the Khrushchov period through the long

Brezhnev period to the Gorbachov period, the
dominant revisionist idea was that the working class
had achieved its historic tasks and that it was time for
the Soviet leaders and experts in the state and ruling
party to depart from the proletarian stand. The ghost
of Stalin was blamed for bureaucratism and other ills.

8
But in fact, the modern revisionists promoted these on
their own account and in the interest of a growing
bureaucratic bourgeoisie. The general run of new
intelligentsia and bureaucrats was petty bourgeois-
minded and provided the social base for the monopoly
bureaucrat bourgeoisie.

In the face of the collapse of the revisionist ruling

parties and regimes, there is in fact cause for the Party
to celebrate the vindication of its Marxist-Leninist,
antirevisionist line. The correctness of this line is
confirmed by the total bankruptcy and collapse of the
revisionist ruling parties, especially the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union, the chief disseminator of
modern revisionism on a world scale since 1956. It is
clearly proven that the modern revisionist line means
the disguised restoration of capitalism over a long
period of time and ultimately leads to the undisguised
restoration of capitalism and bourgeois dictatorship.
The supraclass sloganeering of the petty bourgeoisie
has been the sugarcoating for the antiproletarian ideas
of the big bourgeoisie in the Soviet state and party.

In the Philippines, the political group that is most

embarrassed, discredited and orphaned by the collapse
of the revisionist ruling parties and regimes is that of
the Lavas and their successors. It is certainly not the
Communist Party of the Philippines, reestablished in

9
1968. But the imperialists, the bourgeois mass media
and certain other quarters wish to confuse the
situation and try to mock at and shame the Party for
the disintegration of the revisionist ruling parties and
regimes. They are barking at the wrong tree.

There are elements who have been hoodwinked by

such catchphrases of Gorbachovite propaganda as
"socialist renewal", "perestroika", "glasnost" and "new
thinking" and who have refused to recognize the facts
and the truth about the Gorbachovite swindle even
after 1989, the year that modern revisionism started to
give way to the open and blatant restoration of
capitalism and bourgeois dictatorship. There are a
handful of elements within the Party who continue to
follow the already proven anticommunist, antisocialist
and pseudodemocratic example of Gorbachov and
who question and attack the vanguard role of the
working class through the Party, democratic
centralism, the essentials of the revolutionary
movement, and the socialist future of the Philippine
revolutionary movement. Their line is aimed at
nothing less than the negation of the basic principles
of the Party and therefore the liquidation of the Party.

10
I. THE PARTY'S MARXIST-LENINIST STAND
AGAINST MODERN REVISIONISM

The proletarian revolutionary cadres of the Party who

have continuously adhered to the Marxist-Leninist
stand against modern revisionism and have closely
followed the developments in the Soviet Union and
Eastern Europe since the early 1960s are not surprised
by the flagrant antisocialist and antidemocratic
outcome of modern revisionism.

The Party should never forget that its founding

proletarian revolutionary cadres had been able to
work with the remnants of the old merger Party of
the Communist and Socialist parties since early 1963
only for so long as there was common agreement that
the resumption of the anti-imperialist and antifeudal
mass struggle meant the resumption of the new-
democratic revolution through revolutionary armed
struggle and that the old merger party would adhere
to the revolutionary essence of Marxism-Leninism and
reject the Khrushchovite revisionist line of bourgeois
populism and pacifism and the subsequent
Khrushchovism without Khrushchov of the Brezhnev
regime.

So, in April 1967 when the Lava revisionist renegades

violated the common agreement and ignored the
11
Executive Committee that had been formed in 1963, it
became necessary to lay the ground for the
reestablishment of the Party as a proletarian
revolutionary party. Everyone can refer to the
diametrically opposed proclamations of the
proletarian revolutionaries and the Lava revisionist
renegades which were disseminated in the Philippines
and published respectively in Peking (Beijing) Review
and the Prague Information Bulletin within the first
week of May 1967.

The reestablishment of the Party on the theoretical

foundation of Marxism-Leninism on December 26,
1968 necessarily meant the criticism and repudiation
of all the subjectivist and opportunist errors of the
Lava revisionist group and the modern revisionism
practised and propagated by this group domestically
and by one Soviet ruling clique after another
internationally.

The criticism and repudiation of modern revisionism

are a fundamental component of the reestablishment
and rebuilding of the Party and are inscribed in the
basic document of rectification, "Rectify Errors and
Rebuild the Party" and the Program and Constitution
of the Party. These documents have remained valid
and effective. No leading organ of the CPP has ever
had the power and the reason to reverse or reject the

12
criticism and repudiation of modern revisionism by
the Congress of Reestablishment in 1968.

In the late 1970s, the Party decided to expand the

international relations of the revolutionary movement
in addition to the Party's relations with Marxist-
Leninist parties and organizations abroad. The
international representative of the National
Democratic Front began to explore possibilities for
the NDF to act like the Palestinian Liberation
Organization, African National Congress and other
national liberation movements in expanding friendly
and diplomatic relations with all forces abroad that are
willing to extend moral and material support to the
Philippine revolutionary struggle on any major issue
and to whatever extent. This line in external relations
was in consonance with the Marxist-Leninist stand of
the Party and the international united front against
imperialism.

In 1982, a definite proposal to the Central Committee

came up that the NDF or any of its member
organizations vigorously seek friendly relations with
the ruling parties in the Soviet Union and Eastern
Europe as well as with parties and movements closely
associated with the CPSU. However, this proposal was
laid aside in favor of the counterproposal made by the
international liaison department (ILD) of the Party

13
Central Committee that the Party rather than the
NDF explore and seek "fraternal" relations with the
ruling parties of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe
and other related parties.

This counterproposal disregarded the fact that the

Lava revisionist group had already preempted our
Party from the possibility of "fraternal" relations with
the revisionist ruling parties. More significantly, the
counterproposal did not take into serious
consideration the Marxist-Leninist stand of the Party
against modern revisionism.

Notwithstanding the ill-informed and unprincipled

basis for seeking "fraternal" relations with the
revisionist ruling parties and the absence of any
congress withdrawing the correct antirevisionist line,
the staff organ in charge of international relations
proceeded in 1984 to draft and circulate a policy paper,
"The Present World Situation and the CPP's General
International Line and Policies" describing the CPSU
as a Marxist-Leninist party, the Soviet Union as the
most developed socialist country and as proletarian
internationalist rather than social-imperialist, as
having supported third world liberation movements
and as having attained military parity with the United
States. This policy paper was presented to the 1985
Central Committee Plenum and the latter decided to

14
conduct further studies on it.

In 1986, the Executive Committee of the Central

Committee commissioned a study of the Soviet Union
and East European countries. The study was
superficial. It was done to support the predetermined
conclusion that these countries were socialist because
their economies were still dominated by state-owned
enterprises and these enterprises were still growing
and because the state still provided social guarantees to
the people. The study overlooked the fact that the
ruling party in command of the economy was no
longer genuinely proletarian and that state-owned
enterprises since the time of Khrushchov had already
become milking cows of corrupt bureaucrats and
private entrepreneurs who colluded under various
pretexts to redirect the products to the free market.

By this time, the attempt to deviate from the

antirevisionist line of the Party was clearly linked to
the erroneous idea that total victory in the Philippine
revolution could be hastened by "regularizing" the few
thousands of NPA fighters with importations of heavy
weapons and other logistical requisites from abroad,
by skipping stages in the development of people's war
and in building the people's army and by arousing the
forces for armed urban insurrection in anticipation of
some sudden "turn in the situation" to mount a

15
general uprising.

There was the notion that the further development of

the people's army and the people's war depended on
the importation of heavy weapons and getting
logistical support from abroad and that the failure to
import these would mean the stagnation or
retrogression of the revolutionary forces because there
is no other way by which the NPA could overcome
the enemy's "blockhouse" warfare and control of the
highways except through the use of sophisticated
heavy weapons (antitank and laser-guided missiles)
which necessarily have to be imported from abroad.

In the second half of 1986, with the approval of the

Party's central leadership, a drive was started to seek
the establishment of "fraternal" relations with the
CPSU and other revisionist ruling parties as well as
nonruling ones close to the CPSU. A considerable
amount of resources was allotted to and expended on
the project.

In late 1986, some Brezhnevites within the CPSU and

some other quarters made the suggestion that the
Communist Party of the Philippines merge with the
Lava revisionist group in order to gain "fraternal"
relations with the CPSU. But such a suggestion was
tactfully rejected with the countersuggestion that the

16
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