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 CHRISTIAN
RECONSTRUCTION
 CHRISTIAN
RECONSTRUCTION
THE AMERICAN MISSIONARY ASSOCIATION
AND SOUTHERN BLACKS, 1861-1890

JOE M. RICHARDSON

THE UNIVERSITY OF ALABAMA PRESS

TUSCALOOSA
 To Twyla Richardson,
my first and best teacher

The University of Alabama Press

Tuscaloosa, Alabama 35487-0308

© 1986 by Joe M. Richardson

All rights reserved

Manufactured in the United States

Paperback printing 2008

The paper in this book meets the guidelines for

permanence and durability of the Committee on
Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the
Council on Library Resources

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Richardson, Joe Martin.

Christian reconstruction: the American Mission-
ary Association and Southern Blacks, 1861-1890/
Joe M. Richardson.
p.cm.
Originally published: Athens: University of Geor-
gia Press, c1986.
Includes bibliographical references (p.
and index.
ISBN 978-0-8173-5538-8 (pbk. : alk. paper) l.
American Missionary Association-History-19th
century. I. Title.
BV2360.A8R53 2009
266'.02208996073-dc22
2008024702
 Contents

Preface Vll

1. A Grand Field for Missionary Labor 1

2. Wartime Expansion 15
3. AMA Common Schools Mter the War 35
4. Freedmen's Relief 55

5. Friends and Allies 69

6. Administration and Fund Collecting 85
7. Public Schools and Teacher Training 107

8. The AMA Colleges 121

9. The AMA and the Black Church 141

10. Yankee Schoolteachers 161
11. Black Teachers and Missionaries 187
12. The AMA and the White Community 211

13. The AMA and the Black Community 235

Mterword 257
Notes 263
Bibliography 323

Index 337

v
 Preface

ON 3 September 1846 the Union Missionary Society, the Committee

for West Indian Missions, and the Western Evangelical Missionary So-
ciety united to form the American Missionary Association as a protest
against the silence of other missionary agencies regarding slavery.1
The association leadership was staunchly antislavery. Prominent lead-
ers and supporters Lewis Tappan, Simeon S. Jocelyn, Gerrit Smith,
Joshua Leavitt, George Whipple, and William Jackson were all evan-
gelical abolitionists who believed that the gospel was a powerful
weapon against slavery. As a part of the Tappan wing of the antislav-
ery movement, the AMA advocated political activity, insisted upon the
essentially antislavery nature of the Constitution, and was dedicated
to purging the churches of the stain of slavery. 2
In its early work the association strengthened the existing missions
of its parent societies in Africa and Jamaica and created or accepted
the care of others in Hawaii, Egypt, the Sandwich Islands, and Siam.
In 1847 it began to provide clothing for slave refugees who had fled to
Canada, and later it sent teachers and preachers among the refugees
to establish schools and churches and to administer relief. It main-
tained its Canadian missions until after the Emancipation Proclama-
tion. The AMA's largest activity, however, was in the United States,
preaching the gospel "free from all complicity with slavery and caste."
By the mid-1850s it had financed more than one hundred missionaries
in the Northwest and the slave states of Missouri, North Carolina, and
Kentucky.
Antislavery churches were founded in the Northwest, and in the
South the AMA began education and religious instruction "on an
avowedly antislavery basis." In Missouri, Stephen Blanchard, an
AMA worker, was indicted for circulating "incendiary" books, and the
Reverend Daniel Worth was imprisoned in North Carolina for the

vii
viii Preface

same offense. A Kansas missionary barely escaped proslavery violence

in 1856. A Kentucky mob viciously whipped an association agent and
drove another missionary, John G. Fee, out of the state. After being
disinherited by his slaveholding father for his antislavery views, Fee in
the mid-1850s moved to a small plot ofland given him by the notorious
antislavery figure Cassius M. Clay. He called his new home Berea. Fee
built a rude log cabin and organized a church and school that recog-
nized no distinction of race, caste, or color. The school later became
Berea College. At different times Fee was dragged from the pulpit to
be ducked in the river, hunted through the mountains to be whipped,
and shot at in his home, but he, like other AMA agents, persisted in his
antislavery teaching. 3
When the Civil War erupted, the AMA was probably more an anti-
slavery than a missionary society, yet its experience, organization, and
fund-gathering capability enabled it to lead the way in providing sys-
tematic relief and education for slaves escaping from Confederate
lines. It sent agents to Fortress Monroe, Virginia, in September 1861.
The number of teachers and missionaries sent to assist freedmen in-
creased to 250 in 1864 and to 320 in 1865. By 1868 the AMA had 532
agents in the southern and border states. The association provided
relief, attempted to help blacks acquire land, demanded civil and polit-
ical rights for former slaves, established schools and churches, and
fought for a system of public education in the South.
The first AMA schools were elementary, but from the beginning the
association planned to establish normal schools and colleges. It early
decided that blacks should eventually furnish their own teachers. No
race, AMA officials thought, should be permanently dependent upon
another race for its development. Though whites should assist, and
initially would provide leadership and teachers, blacks must eventu-
ally playa major role in working out their future with their own edu-
cators and leaders. As soon as the southern states began to establish
public schools, the AMA deemphasized common schools and concen-
trated on graded schools, normal schools, and colleges. Although its
elementary training and relief were significant, the AMA's most last-
ing contribution was the establishment of normal schools and colleges.
Association officers were motivated by religion and patriotism, and
an educated, moral, industrious black citizenry was their goal. Equal-
ity before the law was "the gospel rule," the AMA concluded, and the
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 Preface ix

country's "political salvation" depended upon its implementation. Un-

fortunately the association sometimes failed to live up to its own lofty
ideals. It failed to recognize the richness and vitality of black culture
and institutions and only belatedly to comprehend black insistence on
self-determination. Paternalism and racial prejudice were too often
present in its agents. Nevertheless, the AMA became the most signifi-
cant of the many benevolent societies assisting blacks during the Civil
War and Reconstruction, and it came closer to a full recognition of
black rights and needs than did most nineteenth-century Americans.
This study is an attempt to portray the strengths and weaknesses,
successes and failures of the American Missionary Association in its
efforts to bring blacks into the mainstream of American life.
Many people assisted in the preparation of this book. I appreciate
the courtesies extended to me by the library staffs at Dillard Univer-
sity, Fisk University, Talladega College, Berea College, Florida State
University, the Johns Hopkins University, the University of South
Carolina, Louisiana State University, the University of Texas, the
University of Arkansas, Yale University, Bowdoin College, the Ar-
kansas Historical Commission, Syracuse University, the South Car-
olina Department of Archives and History, the Alabama Department
of Archives and History, the National Archives, and the Library of
Congress.
I am especially grateful to Clifton H. Johnson, executive director of
the Amistad Research Center, New Orleans, and his efficient staff.
Cliff's encouragement and advice were invaluable. Maxine D. Jones
cheerfully shared her knowledge of and enthusiasm for the American
Missionary Association. My son, Joseph, patiently listened to stories
about the association, even when he was not interested. I have been
fortunate in having Charles East copyedit the manuscript. He also
offered advice on the use of illustrations. Portions of chapter 9 ap-
peared in an article in the spring 1979 issue of Southern Studies: An
Interdisciplinary Journal of the South and are herein used with per-
mission. I am indebted to Patricia Richardson, Clifton H. Johnson,
W. Augustus Low, Leslie Richardson, and Maxine D. Jones for read-
ing the manuscript and giving me advice on both style and content. It
is not their fault if I sometimes failed to follow their advice.
 A Grand Field
for Missionary Labor
 ! hardly faded when the American Missionary Association ex-
~ HE ROAR of Confederate cannons shelling Fort Sumter had
~ ~
ulted that the war would open "one of the grandest fields for
missionary labor" the world had ever known. By June of 1861 the asso-
ciation proposed to do its part in the "circulation of spelling books"
among escaping slaves, and in September of that year it sent its first
missionary to Virginia. 1 Shortly after the commencement of hostilities
slaves had begun fleeing to Federal lines. Since emancipation was not
yet a war aim, puzzled commanders often returned escaped slaves to
their masters until on May 23 General Benjamin F. Butler at Fortress
Monroe, Virginia, declared three such slaves contrabands of war and
set them to work on Union entrenchments at Hampton. 2 News of
Butler's decision spread quickly through the black "grapevine," and on
May 26 eight more "Virginia Volunteers" arrived. The next day forty-
seven, including babies and frail elderly women, straggled into But-
ler's backyard. Soon the trickle became a flood. 3
Lewis Tappan, treasurer of the AMA, had avidly followed news-
paper accounts of the increasing number of contrabands at Fortress
Monroe. 4 On August 8 he wrote commending Butler for his treatment
of the fugitives and asking his advice about bringing the "self-emanci-
pated" blacks to the free states where they could find employment. If
they could be removed and given jobs, Tappan suggested, the com-
mander would be relieved of great "care and anxiety." Butler replied
that the "contrabands" were better off in Virginia, but that if people
wished to show sympathy they could send clothing. Tappan, who
feared that the fugitives might be remanded to slavery if they re-
mained in the South, questioned Butler's right to "control the move-
ment of colored people, bond or free." He further objected to the army
working contrabands without pay, and added that philanthropic people

3
4 CHRISTIAN RECONSTRUCTION

would gladly send relief if they could be assured that the government
would not allow the escapees to be returned. Three days later Tappan
again corresponded with Butler, asking whether "an intelligent, dis-
creet and good man . . . would have facilities at . . . Fortress Monroe
to distribute useful publications, preach to the 'contrabands,' converse
with them, ascertain their physical & other necessities and be the me-
dium of distributing clothing etc." Although Butler informed Tappan
that the fugitives were being well cared for and that their religious
needs were being met, the AMA sent the Reverend Lewis C. Lock-
wood to Virginia to investigate the condition of contrabands. 5
Lockwood, who arrived in Hampton on 3 September 1861, was a
providential choice as the association's first missionary to contrabands.
His sensitivity toward and acceptance of blacks, combined with his
remarkable energy and endurance, made him unusual among the mis-
sionaries. His expense accounts were often inaccurate, he was un-
systematic, and, much to the association's dismay, he sometimes used
tobacco for his asthma, but he filled an indispensable role during the
thirteen months he remained in Virginia. Lockwood discovered that
Hampton blacks were "uniquely prepared" to take advantage of his
assistance. Many had been skilled craftsmen, fishermen, and foremen
on nearby farms. They had "a great thirst for knowledge" and were
anxious for schools. Lockwood gave books to those who could read and
organized several Sabbath schools, including one in ex-President John
Tyler's house. He immediately began advising blacks, marrying those
who had "taken up with each other," and planning the construction of a
school and church at Fortress Monroe. But perhaps his most impor-
tant action was to start a day school at Hampton on 17 September 1861
and to employ the remarkable Mrs. Mary Peake as teacher. 6
Mary Peake had been born Mary Smith Kelsey in Norfolk, Virginia,
in 1823, the daughter of a free black mother and a white European
father. At six she was sent to Alexandria, where she attended "a se-
lect colored school" for ten years. Upon her return to Norfolk she be-
came active in a black Baptist church and founded the Daughters of
Zion to aid the poor and ill. She also spent much of her time secretly
teaching slaves. In 1851 she married an "intelligent and pious" former
slave, Thomas Peake. She was teaching in Hampton when the Con-
federates burned the town on 7 August 1861. 7
Mrs. Peake conducted her AMA school with a strong religious em-
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