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The Spirituality of the Medieval
West
Monastic Studies Series

34

This series contains titles from monastic and ascetical writers


throughout the history of monasticism. Both Eastern and Western
Christian saints and ascetics are featured as the writers of these
classics of spirituality that explore various aspects of the cenobitic
and eremitic lifestyles. Ancient and contemporary exemplars of the
monastic ideal are the subjects and contributors to this series
dedicated to the benefits of religious orders.
The Spirituality of the Medieval
West

From the Eighth to the Twelfth Century

By
André Vauchez

Translated by
Colette Friedlander

gorgias press
2010
Gorgias Press LLC, 180 Centennial Ave., Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA
www.gorgiaspress.com
Copyright © 2010 by Gorgias Press LLC
Originally published in 1993
All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright
Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a
retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the
prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC.
2010

1
ISBN 978-1-60724-212-3

This book was first published under the same title by Cistercian
Publications, 1993.

Printed in the United States of America


TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction 7

I. THE GENESIS OF MEDIEVAL


SPIRITUALITY 11
From the Eighth to the Early Tenth Century

II. THE MONASTIC AND FEUDAL AGE 35


From the Late Tenth to the Eleventh Century

III. THE RELIGION OF A NEW ERA 75


From the Late Tenth to the Early Thirteenth
Century

IV. MEDIEVAL MAN IN SEARCH OF GOD 145


The Forms and Content of Religious Experience

V. REFLECTIONS 163

Bibliography 171
INTRODUCTION

S PIRITUALITY: what is the meaning of this term? In


beginning the present book, we must define the notion
as precisely as possible, for it has been understood very
differendy by various periods and authors. It was unknown in
the Middle Ages, which merely distinguished between doct-
rina, that is, the dogmatic and normative aspect of faith, and
disciplina, its implementation, generally within the framework
of a religious rule. The word spiritualitas, sometimes found
in philosophical texts from the twelfth century onward, has
no specifically religious content: it refers to the quality of that
which is spiritual, that is, independent of matter. Spirituality
is, in fact, a modern concept, in use only since the nineteenth
century. As understood by most authors, it expresses the
religious dimension of the inner life and implies an art of
asceticism, leading through mysticism to the establishment of
a personal relationship with God. When this experience, after
being systematically formulated, is passed on by a master to
his disciples by means of teaching or of written texts, we speak
of spiritual movements or of schools of spirituality. Thus we
traditionally single out a franciscan spirituality, an ignatian
spirituality, and so on.
We have chosen not to content ourselves with this defini-
tion, which has little significance for periods earlier than the
thirteenth century. Had we done so, we would have had to

7
8 Spirituality of the Medieval West

limit our study to what was numerically a very small group,


coinciding roughdy with an elite—the religious. For between
the eighth and twelfth centuries, only in the peace of the
cloister—at least of some cloisters, for «ill were not sanctuaries
of meditation and recollection—could an intense spiritual life
develop, one centered on the quest for contemplation and
expressed in ascetical treatises or biblical commentaries. But
the history of spirituality cannot be restricted to an inventory
and an analysis of the works which register the inner expe-
rience of monks. Next to the explicit spirituality of clerics
and religious formulated in writing, there is, in our opinion,
another; it has left few traces in texts, but its reality emerges
thanks to such other means of expression as gesture, song,
and iconography. In this perspective, spirituality is no longer
viewed as a system codifying rules for the inner life, but as
a relationship between, on one hand, aspects of the christian
mystery which were particularly highlighted during a given
period and, on the other, practices—such as rituals, prayers
and devotions—which were themselves privileged with regard
to other practices possible within the christian life. Scripture
indeed conveys so many different elements that every civiliza-
tion is led to make choices according to its cultural level and
its specific needs. These variations doubtless remain within
bounds set by the basic principles of revelation and tradition,
bounds which may not be transgressed without lapsing into
heresy. But during the Middle Ages—a period when dogmatic
cohesion was not yet well ensured in all areas and when there
was a deep gulf between the literate elite and the uneducated
masses—there was room even within orthodoxy for different
ways of interpreting and living the christian message, that
is, for different spiritualities. Our purpose will be to retrace
the history of their formation, of their sometimes difficult
coexistence, and of their succession in time. The demands of
an historical presentation of these religious phenomena will
inevitably lead us to emphasize changes. We must take care
not to forget that the appearance of a new spirituality only
rarely brought about the disappearance of the one that had
Introduction 9

formerly prevailed: the rise of Cîteaux did not prevent Cluny


from continuing on its own way. It simply relegated it to a
position of secondary importance.
This definition of spirituality as the dynamic unity between
the content of a faith and the way in which it is lived by
historically determined human beings, will lead us to devote
a good deal of space to the laity. Not that we intend to honor
a trend, or to minimize a. priori the role and influence of the
clergy. But since, until recently, attention has been focused
too exclusively on the latter, bringing out the originality of
popular spirituality seems to be in keeping with fairness and
historical objectivity. Although such a concept is not devoid
of ambiguity and is still an object of controversy among
specialists,1 it nevertheless remains valid at a very general level.
We will indeed come to see in the course of this book, as
other historians have for other periods, that persons of 'low
estate' integrated into their personal and collective religious
experience various elements, some derived from the religion
they had been taught, others provided by the mentality com-
mon to their environment and their time and marked by
representations and beliefs foreign to Christianity. As they
were, moreover, unable to attain to abstraction, lay people had
a tendency to transpose the basic mysteries of faith onto an
emotional register. Are we therefore to conclude that popular
religion is no more than an incoherent set of practices and
devotions? We do not think so. The illiterate, who made up
the immense majority of the faithful between the eighth and
twelfth centuries, had a notion of God and of man's relation
to the divine which certainly deserves to be called spirituality.
Thus, rather than doctrines and schools of spirituality, which
have already been the object of intensive study,2 our focus

J
See the first findings of an investigation on 'popular spirituality' in
Revue d'Histoire de la Spiritualité 49 (1973) 493-504.
Particularly in the basic work by Jean Leclercq, François Vandenbroucke
and Louis Bouyer, La spiritualité du Moyen Age (Paris, 1961). ET: The
Spirituality of the Middle Ages (London, 1963).
10 Spirituality of the Medieval West

will be the christian message's possible impact on the mind


and behavior of the greater number. In other words, we
will attempt to bring the history of spirituality down from
the summits where it has too often been pleased to dwell,
and to place it within the social and cultural history of the
medieval West.
THE QENESIS OF
MEDIEVAL SPIRITUALITY
From the Eighth to the Early Tenth Century

W HEN ANTIQUITY ends and the Middle Ages be-


gin is very difficult to determine, even more with
regard to the spiritual life than in the field of polit-
ical or economic history. A number of facts lead us to think
that the transition from one type of religiosity to another
occurred rather late. Christianity's cultural heritage was, at
least at first, taken over for the most part by the barbarian
kingdoms which grew up on the ruins of the Roman Empire;
sometimes they even enriched it, as can be seen in visigothic
Spain. On the other hand, the rise of monasticism, often re-
garded as a specifically medieval phenomenon, actually carried
on fourth-century ascetic currents, a living synthesis of which
Saint Martin, in Gaul, had achieved. It is, in fact, quite normal
that continuity should long have prevailed over change in
the history of a religion which viewed its original period as a
necessary reference and an ideal norm.
Other reasons have also led us to set the starting point for
the present study of medieval spirituality as late as the early
eighth century. There can be no talk of spiritual life until
there has first been, not only formal adhesion to a body of
doctrine, but also some permeation of both individuals and
societies by the religious beliefs they profess; and this can take
place only over time. But in most of the western countryside—
apart from the mediterranenan area—the population was not

11
12 Spirituality of the Medieval West

completely converted to the christian faith until the 700s. The


date was later still in some areas of Germany, where paganism
survived until the time of Charlemagne. All in all, only in the
eighth century did Christianity fully become the religion of
the West.
During that century, the West experienced its first attempts
at building a christian society. Invested with supernatural
power by virtue of their coronation, the carolingian monarchs
considered themselves responsible for the salvation of their
people and claimed to rule the Church just as they did sec-
ular society. Charlemagne, who pushed these principles to
their ultimate consequences, appeared to his contemporaries
as a 'new Constantine', a restorer of the christian empire.
But in this, as in other areas, the authors of the carolingian
renaissance, while striving to return to tradition, could not
avoid innovating considerably, so different had the world they
lived in become. Their action, which aimed at restoring the
christian religion to its ancient splendor, in the end resulted
in the triumph of a spirituality far removed from that of
the Fathers of the Church. One of these features we will
now study.

RETURN TO THE OLD TESTAMENT

At every stage in the life of the Church, Christians have


made choices within the vast biblical heritage and have shown
a special preference for some episodes or figures which met
their aspirations better than others. The high Middle Ages
was especially attracted to the Old Testament, more attuned
than the New to the state of the society and mentality of
the time. It is certainly not by chance that in one of the
rare mosaics of the period which have come down to us—
that of Germigny-des-Prés—God is portrayed as the Ark of
the Covenant. In the superficially christianized West, which
a centralizing governement was attempting to unify with the
support of the clergy, the Jerusalem of kings and high priests
was bound to exercise a special fascination. Moreover, the
The Genesis of Medieval Spirituality 13

Church of the time seems to have been concerned mainly


with incarnation and establishment, with seeking to build the
City of God on earth. In the pursuit of this goal, it met
with support from secular authority: the monarchs gave force
of law to ecclesiastical decrees which, during the previous
period, had often gone unheeded for lack of a secular arm
to implement them. In 755, for instance, Pippin reiterated
in a capitulary the decisions of the Council of Ver regarding
Sunday obligation and abstention from work that day. The
same occurred regarding the payment of tithes to the clergy,
which the Carolingians rendered compulsory. In return, the
Church prayed for the king, provided him with a portion of
his officials, and contributed to ensuring his subjects' loyalty
by conferring a sacred quality on oaths, which, beginning with
Charlemagne, became the foundation of the political system.
Historians have often remembered only the more spectac-
ular aspects of this similarity between high medieval C h r i s -
tendom and the Israel of old: Charlemagne's being called
'David' or 'new Josiah', or the anointing which, conferred
by the hands of bishops on the kings of the West—Wamba in
Toledo in 672, Pippin in 7 5 1 , Egfrid in England in 7 8 7 —
made them the successors of Saul and Solomon. But the
Old Testament's influence left a far deeper mark on religious
mentalities and on spiritual life. 1 It was during the carolingian
period that Christianity became a matter of outward practices
and obedience to rules. To repeat Saint Paul's terms, the
Gospel had freed man from slavery to the Law, but this
ideal of spiritual freedom was beyond the reach of the bar-
barian peoples whose settlement on the ruins of the Roman
Empire was, in Focillon's words, 'prehistory bursting into
history'. Through contact with them, and as it penetrated
deeply into the countryside, the christian faith ran the risk
of deteriorating into a set of superstitious practices. In this

1Yves Congar, 'Deux facteurs de sacralisation de la vie sociale au Moyen


Age (en Occident)', Concilium 47 (1969) 53-63.
14 Spirituality of the Medieval West

perspective, compelling the baptized to live once more under


the Law by restoring Old Testament observances can, para-
doxically, appear as spiritual progress.
In actual fact, the process had begun two centuries earlier
within celtic Christendom, where the Church had advocated
literal imitation of Old Testament institutions and legal pro-
visions, imposing respectful submission of the faithful to the
clergy and obedience of the clergy to its hierarchical superi-
ors. Under the influence of 'scottish' monks, many judaizing
practices had subsequently penetrated onto the continent, for
instance, the equating of Sunday with the Sabbath and the
legal obligation of tithes. The impact of the old Law was
especially strong in the field of sexual morality, where many
levitic precepts were re-enforced: women were regarded as
unclean after chilbirth and were excluded from church until
the ceremony of churching, abstention from sexual relations
was required during certain periods of the liturgical year,
severe penances were inflicted for nocturnal pollution, and
so on. Most of these prohibitions and penalties remained in
force until the thirteenth century. That bespeaks how deep a
mark they left on the moral consciousness of medieval man.
During the carolingian period, religious practice was less an
expression of inner adhesion than a social obligation. While
some clerics reasserted the traditional doctrine regarding the
freedom of the act of faith (as did Alcuin at the time of the
forced christianization of the Saxons), laymen—first and fore-
most Charlemagne—had no qualms whatever about putting
the maxim 'Force them to enter' (Compelle intrare) into
practice with the utmost brutality. The idea emerged that all
the christian emperor's subjects—except for the Jews, a small
group—must worship the same God as he, simply because
they were under his authority. Not only did this administrative
view of religion justify forced conversions, it legitimated the
use of physical constraint by secular rulers for the purpose of
suppressing schisms and heresies. Faith was considered first
of as a trust which it was the monarch's responsibility to
preserve and pass on in its entirety. Thus we see Charlemagne
convene and preside over councils charged with deciding such
The Genesis of Medieval Spirituality 15

points of doctrine as the procession of the Holy Spirit and


the veneration of images, or, in the General admonition (Ad-
monitio ¿¡eneralis) of 789, multiplying rules and exhortations
regarding the religious life of clerics and lay people.
In such a spiritual climate, which equated the Church with
the biblical 'people of God', the very notion of the priesthood
was strongly influenced by the mosaic model of worship. Car-
olingian priests were men of prayer and sacrifice rather than
preachers or witnesses; they were closely related to the Levites.
In the eyes of the faithful they were specialists of the sacred, set
apart by their knowledge of the effective rituals and formulas.
The very evolution of the sacrament of orders is expressive
of this tendency to single out the clergy. Formerly conferred
simply by the laying on of hands, it henceforth included an
anointing which made the priest the Lord's anointed one,
according to the ritual described in the Book of Numbers
(Nb 3:3). The Carolingians favored the clergy's propensity to
form a priestly caste, separated from the rest of the people by
its duties and status. By instituting episcopal monarchy—one
resident bishop in every diocese, one metropolitan archbishop
in every province—and a territorial church—that is, the obli-
gation enjoined on the faithful to practice their religion within
the framework of their own parish—, they contributed to
the greater cohesion of that body. This clergy, settled and
organized into a hierarchy, was moreover endowed with legal
privileges. Were not churches themselves sacred spaces, so
that those who took refuge in them benefited from a right of
asylum acknowledged by civil law since the seventh century?
As for the clerics who ministered to them, they enjoyed the
privilege of forum, which removed them and their property
from lay jurisdiction, as well as tithes which provided for their
support and for that of the poor.

A LITURGICAL CIVILIZATION

Such an evolution can be better understood by considering


the importance taken on by worship within Christianity dur-
ing the high Middle Ages. The carolingian period has been
16 Spirituality of the Medieval West

called a 'liturgical civilization'.2 The expression is a correct


one if it is taken to mean that religion was then identified
with the worship rendered to God by the priests who were its
ministers. The faithful were under a moral and legal obligation
to attend it. Not even monasticism escaped this atmosphere:
under the influence of Benedict of Aniane the liturgy took
on growing prominence in the monks' life, to the detriment
of the apostolic activities which had been so important in the
days of Saint Columban and Saint Boniface.
That being said, we must examine the spirit of this liturgy.
Outside the monasteries, it does seem that it ceased to be
the community expression of a people in prayer, and became,
in the eyes of the faithful, a set of rituals from which they
hoped to profit. Bitualism was, in fact, one of the outstanding
features of religious life at the time. The emperor set an
example by insisting, in various capitularies, that the priests
have correct liturgical texts at their disposal and by earnestly
recommending that they see to the cleanliness of the sacred
vessels. In his eyes, the scrupulous observance of ritual was es-
sential if divine worship was to exert all its saving effects, from
which both individuals and the entire community benefited.
Here again, Old Testament influence made a forceful come-
back: eighth-century sacramentaries were enriched with new
celebrations which drew their inspiration directly from the
Book of Exodus, such as those accompanying the dedication
of churches—a sumptuous ritual characterized by much sprin-
kling of holy water and incensing—or the royal coronation.
In the Mass itself, the ecclesial dimension of the sacrifice
took second place. Individualism was, for that matter, one
of the basic components of the religious climate of the time:
this may be seen in the case of priests who began to celebrate
private, unattended Masses and votive Masses for particular
intentions.

2
E. Delaruelle, 'La Gaule chrétienne à l'époque franque,* Revue d'His-
toire de l'Eglise de trance 38 (1952) 64-72.
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