The Conservative Human Rights Revolution European Identity, Transnational Politics, and The Origins of The European Convention 1st Edition Duranti PDF Available
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The Conservative Human
Rights Revolution
The Conservative Human
Rights Revolution
EUROPEA N IDENTITY, TR A NSNATIONAL
POLITICS, A ND THE ORIGINS OF THE
EUROPEA N CON V ENTION
Marco Duranti
1
1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America
To my parents
CONTENTS
Acknowledgments ix
Introduction 1
Notes 411
Archival Collections 483
Index 485
ACK NOW LEDGMENTS
I was fortunate to have had many sources of guidance and support during the
course of writing this book. During my university studies, I had the privilege
of working under two of the foremost practitioners of comparative and trans-
national European history. Charles Maier, supervisor of my Harvard Col-
lege history honors thesis, introduced me to the multifarious means by which
Western European conservatives adapted to the shifting terrain of politics
in the aftermath of the two world wars. Jay Winter, chair of my dissertation
committee in the Department of History at Yale University, showed me on
countless occasions ways to transform sparse intuitions and mountains of ar-
chival data into a coherent whole. From Jay, I learned how to be a researcher, a
writer, and a teacher. I would never have deciphered the counterrevolutionary
chameleons of my book without first familiarizing myself with the stalwart
republicans of his. Nor would I have discerned the retrospective orientation
of postwar human rights projects were it not for his seminal work on prac-
tices of remembrance in the aftermath of the First World War.
No less valuable were the contributions of the other members of my disser-
tation committee: Ute Frevert, John Lewis Gaddis, Samuel Moyn, and Frank
Snowden. Ute’s challenging questions spurred me to supplement my updated
Great Man approach to history with a socio-cultural perspective. John gave
me the critical tools to filter through the distracting minutiae of my pon-
derous drafts, see the grand strategies at work, and recognize the difficulty
of sorting my protagonists into tidy political categories—not to mention the
confidence to write about the present-day policy implications of my research.
Sam, the external reader, provided me with tremendous encouragement and
inspiration throughout this monograph’s odyssey from dissertation to book,
with our scholarly collaborations and his groundbreaking publications on the
genealogy of human rights doing much to shape my more modest interven-
tions in this now burgeoning field. Frank was ever my intellectual ballast,
providing me with an indispensable foundation in the history of fascism and
socialism while gently bringing me back from the brink when my enthusiasm
got the better of me. I also would like to express my appreciation to partici-
pants in International Security Studies and the Legal History Forum a for
their invaluable insights into this book’s fields of inquiry.
I could not have undertaken my research without funding provided by
European Union Studies at Yale, the Fox International Fellowship Program,
the Fulbright Scholar Program, International Security Studies at Yale, the ix
x { Acknowledgments
Whitney and Betty MacMillan Center for International and Area Studies at
Yale, the Max Planck Society for the Advancement of Science, and the School
of Philosophical and Historical Inquiry at the University of Sydney. My pro-
found gratitude goes to Aleida Assmann, who supported my writing and cre-
ated a collaborative forum for the discussion of my work at the University of
Konstanz along with her colleagues Nina Fischer and Birgit Schwelling, and
Maurice Vaisse, who did so much to welcome me into the vibrant intellectual
community of Sciences Po Paris.
While revising the original manuscript I relied on the advice and detailed
comments of many individuals—indeed, too many to list them in their en-
tirety. I am particularly grateful for the helpful suggestions and construc-
tive critiques made by my editor, Susan Ferber, and the anonymous reviewers
for Oxford University Press. I would also like to express my appreciation for
the superlative editorial assistance of Alexandra Dauler, Julie Mullins, Nancy
Rebecca, and the rest of the production team. Among those historians who
gave me the most copious feedback are my departmental colleagues Barbara
Caine, Andrew Fitzmaurice, Sheila Fitzpatrick, John Gagné, Chris Hilliard,
Julia Horne, Dirk Moses, Penny Russell, Glenda Sluga, Natasha Wheatley, and
Shane White. The extraordinary generosity and fellowship of all the members
of the University of Sydney’s History Department are a true blessing. To my
students, I salute you for having taught me much—and forgiven me much—
during my fledging years as a professional historian.
This book benefited greatly from comments received on presentations of
my work in progress at colloquia, conferences, panels, seminars, and work-
shops, including those held at the American Historical Association meeting
in Washington, DC; Boston College; Columbia University; the North Ameri-
can Conference on British Studies in Denver; Oxford University; Princeton
University; the University of Adelaide; the University of California, Berkeley;
the University of California, Los Angeles; the University of Chicago; the Uni-
versity of Groningen; the University of Helsinki; the University of Jena; the
University of Konstanz; the University of New South Wales; the University of
St Andrews; the University of Sydney; the University of Technology, Sydney;
and Yale University. The final stages of manuscript revisions were also in-
formed by the thoughtful readers’ comments posted in response to my online
piece at openDemocracy.net and the rejoinder by Ersan Sen and Mahmut
Can Senyurt.
I would like to extend my thanks to members of the staffs of the Archivio
Centrale dello Stato, Archivio Storico Diplomatico, Bodleian Library Special
Collections at Oxford University, British National Archives, Carnegie Foun-
dation Archives, Centre des Archives Diplomatiques de Nantes, Centre des
Archives Diplomatiques de Paris, Centre des Archives d’Outre-Mer, Centre
Historique des Archives Nationales de France, Churchill Archives Centre,
Council of Europe Archives, Historical Archives of the European Union, Hoover
Acknowledgments } xi
Institution Archives, Istituto Paolo VI, New York Public Library Archives and
Manuscripts, Politisches Archiv des Auswärtigen Amts, UCLA Library Special
Collections, United Nations Archives, UNESCO Archives, and Yale University
Library Manuscripts and Archives. I am particularly appreciative of the assis-
tance of Jens Boel, Marie Gallup, Mahmoud Ghander, Johan Joor, Jean-Marie
Palayret, Caroline Piketty, and Jacobine Wieringa, as well of the willingness of
Maria Romana Catti De Gasperi to grant me access to the papers of her father
Alcide De Gasperi before they were transferred to the custody of the Historical
Archives of the European Union in Florence. In addition, I would like to give
special thanks to my research assistants, Anna Bara, Jenny Finchmann, Nathan
Kurz, Anna Oelhaf, Ecem Oskay, and Kalie Wetowick.
The manuscript could not have been completed without the friendship and
hospitality of the Barreto-Hall, Cousin-Vazquez, and Young families, as well
as the companionship of Max and Fyfe. Throughout its writing, I have drawn
inspiration from three of my greatest mentors and role models—my brother
David Keenan and my parents, Alessandro Duranti and Elinor Ochs, who have
shown me what it means to be passionate lifelong learners. I would also like to
take this opportunity to pay tribute to my departed grandparents Rossana Bic-
cheri and Ivio Duranti, who did so much to inspire me to become a historian.
Parts of the present study were published previously as “Utopia, Nostalgia
and World War at the 1939–40 New York World’s Fair,” Journal of Contempo-
rary History 41, no. 4 (October 2006): 663–83, with permission of SAGE Pub-
lications; “The Holocaust, the Legacy of 1789 and the Birth of International
Human Rights Law: Revisiting the Foundation Myth,” Journal of Genocide
Research 14, no. 2 (June 2012): 159–86, with permission of Taylor & Francis
Ltd (http://w ww.tandf.co.uk/journals); “Curbing Labour’s Totalitarian
Temptation: European Human Rights Law and British Postwar Politics,” Hu-
manity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and
Development 3, no. 3 (Winter 2012): 361–83, with permission of the University
of Pennsylvania Press; “ ‘A Blessed Act of Oblivion’: Human Rights, Euro-
pean Unity, and Postwar Reconciliation,” in Reconciliation, Civil Society, and
the Politics of Memory Transnational Initiatives in the 20th and 21st Century,
ed. Birgit Schwelling, 115–39 (Bielefeld, Germany: Transcript Verlag, 2012),
with permission of Transcript Verlag; and “Conservatives and the European
Convention on Human Rights,” in Towards a New Moral World Order? Men-
schenrechtspolitik und Völkerrecht seit 1945, ed. Norbert Frei and Annette
Weinke, 82–93 (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2013), with permission of Wallstein
Verlag. The poem “The Rights of Man,” by Sagittarius, appeared previously in
New Statesman and Nation, August 26, 1949, 214, and appears with permis-
sion of the New Statesman.
Finally, I am indebted to all the scholars whose publications on conserva-
tism, human rights, and the European project provided a critical foundation
for my own research.
The Conservative Human
Rights Revolution
Introduction
The European Court of Human Rights, whose conservative origins are traced
here, is charged with ruling on the application of the 1950 European Con-
vention on Human Rights (ECHR) and associated protocols. These treaties
are designed to protect individuals from state coercion—for example, by pro-
hibiting their arbitrary arrest and detention, securing their privacy and pos-
sessions, and guaranteeing their freedom of conscience and expression. The
judgments of the European Court of Human Rights have touched on a wide
range of contentious subjects, such as the banning of Islamic headscarves and
the display of crucifixes in schools, the expulsion of refugees and Romani
people, the rights of terrorism suspects and convicted sex offenders, same-sex
marriage and adoption, racist speech and genocide denial, life prison terms
and the voting rights of prisoners, and assisted suicide.1
Seated in Strasbourg, the European Court of Human Rights is a judicial
body with formidable supranational powers. Its judges, who are nominated
by governments but serve in an independent capacity, have the authority to
determine whether a state party to the ECHR has violated the human rights
of individual claimants under its jurisdiction. If a state is found guilty, it can
be required to give redress and amend its laws, judicial decisions, and ad-
ministrative policies accordingly. The rulings of the Strasbourg court are
binding on both state and nonstate entities. National legislatures and execu-
tives cannot overturn its judgments, nor can domestic courts, which them-
selves are responsible for implementing the ECHR in those countries that
have incorporated the treaty into their domestic legal systems. Any private
individual or association residing on the territory of one of its signatories is
entitled to lodge a claim directly with the Strasbourg court, as long as all do-
mestic remedies have been exhausted.
The sweep of the ECHR’s controls on the behavior of states toward their
own citizens is without parallel in the field of international public law. Some
have described the Strasbourg court as a Supreme Court of Europe with
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