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Ethnic Politics in Burma

This book examines the ideas that have structured half a century of civil
war in Burma, and the roles which political elites and foreign networks –
from colonial missionaries to aid worker activists – have played in mediat-
ing understandings of ethnic conflict in the country. The book includes a
brief overview of pre-colonial and colonial Burma, and the emergence of
ethnic identity as a politically salient characteristic. It describes the struggle
for independence and the parliamentary era (1948–62), and the quarter-
century of military–socialist rule that followed (1962–88). The book ana-
lyses the causes, dynamics and impacts of ongoing armed conflict in Burma,
since the 1988 ‘‘democracy uprising’’ through to the 2007 ‘‘saffron revolu-
tion’’ (when monks and ordinary people took to the streets in protest
against the military regime). There is a special focus on the plight of dis-
placed people, and the ways in which local and international agencies have
responded. The book also examines one of the most significant, but least
well understood, political developments in Burma over the last 20 years: the
series of ceasefires agreed since 1989 between the military government and
most armed ethnic groups. The positive and negative impacts of the cease-
fires are analysed, including a study of civil society among ethnic nationality
communities. This analysis leads to a discussion of the nature of social and
political change in Burma, and a re-examination of some commonly held
assumptions regarding the country, including issues of ethnicity and federalism.
The book concludes with a brief Epilogue, taking account of Cyclone
Nargis, which struck Burma on 2 and 3 May 2008, resulting in a massive
humanitarian crisis.

Ashley South is an independent analyst, specialising in politics and huma-

nitarian issues in Burma and Southeast Asia. He has published extensively,
and undertaken various consultancies for the UN and other organisations.
He is the author of Mon Nationalism and Civil War in Burma: The Golden
Sheldrake (Routledge 2003).
Routledge Contemporary Southeast Asia Series

1 Land Tenure, Conservation and 8 The Politics of Tyranny in Singapore

Development in Southeast Asia and Burma
Peter Eaton Aristotle and the rhetoric of
benevolent despotism
2 The Politics of Indonesia–Malaysia Stephen McCarthy
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Joseph Chinyong Liow Service needs and the state
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Jonathan Rigg 11 Financial Fragility and Instability
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Charles E. Farhadian 12 The Revival of Tradition in
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6 Violent Conflicts in Indonesia The deployment of adat from
Analysis, representation, resolution colonialism to indigenism
Edited by Charles A. Coppel Edited by Jamie S. Davidson
and David Henley
7 Revolution, Reform and Regionalism
in Southeast Asia 13 Communal Violence and
Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam Democratization in Indonesia
Ronald Bruce St John Small town wars
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14 Singapore in the Global System 16 Ethno-religious Violence in
Relationship, structure and Indonesia
change From soil to God
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15 Chinese Big Business in Indonesia 17 Ethnic Politics in Burma

The state of the capital States of conflict
Christian Chua Ashley South
Ethnic Politics in Burma
States of conflict

Ashley South
First published 2008
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2008.
“To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s
collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.”
# 2008 Ashley South
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted
or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic,
mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented,
including photocopying and recording, or in any information
storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
South, Ashley.
Ethnic politics in Burma: states of conflict/Ashley South.
p. cm. – (Routledge contemporary Southeast Asia series; 19)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Ethnic conflict–Burma. 2. Conflict management–Burma.
3. Burma–Ethnic relations. 4. Burma–Politics and government–1988- I.
Title.
HN670.7.S62S68 2008
305.8009591–dc22
2007051266

ISBN 0-203-89519-3 Master e-book ISBN

ISBN10: 0-415-41008-8 (hbk)

ISBN10: 0-203-89519-3 (ebk)
ISBN13: 978-0-415-41008-3 (hbk)
ISBN13: 978-0-203-89519-1 (ebk)
To Jo Jo and Benjamin
Contents

List of illustrations x
Preface xiii
Acknowledgements xvii
Definitions (key concepts) xix
Acronyms and abbreviations xxi
Burmese place names xxiv

Part I
Conflicting histories 1
1 Shifting identities 3
2 State and society, grievance and greed, ethnicity and insurgency 22

Part II
Armed conflict since 1988 47
3 Enemies and allies on the Thailand border 49
4 The costs of conflict 77

Part III
State, ceasefires and civil society 115
5 The SPDC and the ceasefire movement 117
6 Civil society and social change 173
7 Re-imagining communities 200
Epilogue 223

Appendix 231
Notes 233
Bibliography 246
Index 257
Illustrations

Tables
4.1 Typology of Forced Migration 79
4.2 Distribution of Internally Displaced Persons 84
5.1 Main Ceasefire Groups in Burma 122
5.2 Other Ceasefire Forces (not always listed by government) 126
5.3 Ceasefires in Burma: Positive and Negative Developments 130
7.1 Types of Transition (Regime Reform and Regime Change) 205

Maps
1 Burma: States and Divisions xi
2 Major Ethnic Groups of Burma xii
Map 1 Burma: States and Divisions
Map 2 Major Ethnic Groups of Burma
Preface

This is a rather old-fashioned book, written by a white middle-class male,

about a land very different to that I grew up in. The main justification for
such an enterprise is that, while people from Burma may be better suited
than I to analyse the politics of their country, few have done so in print. I
hope, therefore, that an outsider’s critical and comparative perspective may
be of some value.
I have worked in and on Burma since 1991, as a teacher, an aid worker,
and, most recently, as a researcher and policy analyst. Although political
and ethnic conflict in this beautiful and troubled country is notoriously
complex, for nearly a decade I assumed that the underlying causes – and
solutions – were fairly simple. These days, I’m not so sure.
Burmese politics has long been dominated by two inter-linked conflicts:
the struggle for a democratically accountable government (the country has
been ruled by the military since 1962), and the struggles for self-determination
of non-Burman communities (ethnic minorities make up over a third of the
population). I still regard the ‘‘ethnic question’’ in Burma as of at least as
much importance as the lack of democracy in the central government.
Indeed, I will argue that sustainable democratic transition is unlikely to be
achieved without the resolution of problems which have for centuries
strained state–society, centre–periphery and majority–minority relations in
Burma. However, in the late 1990s, when I began to research my first book
on the country (South 2005), I was forced to examine some other key
assumptions.
I had assumed that the solutions to Burma’s problems lay in radical
‘‘regime change’’. The immediate removal of the military government was
(and remains) the primary aim of most opposition networks. We considered
it impossible to work in government-controlled Burma, without empowering
the military regime. However, I have since learned that it is possible to work
‘‘inside’’ Burma in ways which promote democratic transition although the
government remains the main obstacle to change.
In 1995, the ethnic Mon insurgents, whose story I was telling, had agreed
a ceasefire with the regime, transforming their pockets of ‘‘liberated territory’’
into ‘‘ceasefire zones’’. While imperfect in many respects, this agreement
xiv Preface
created the military–political space for the emergence of community-based
development initiatives, which benefited many in the Mon community,
including people in government-controlled areas previously all-but inacces-
sible to the armed Mon nationalists. Although the military regime remained
one of the worst human rights abusers in the world, there were more shades
of grey and more opportunities for action than I had appreciated.
The events of August–October 2007 – when protesting monks and civi-
lians were brutally suppressed by government forces (see Chapter Five) –
reminded the world of the Burmese peoples’ struggle for freedom. They also
demonstrated the potential of civil society as an engine for political change,
the entrenched nature of the military regime, and the marginalisation of
most opposition organisations.
Assessments of the dynamics of conflict and change in Burma should be
rooted in realistic analysis. It may be comforting to believe that sustainable
democratic transition can occur overnight, and that all that is required is
replacement of the evil generals in Yangon with the angelic pro-democracy
opposition. However, the limited capacities demonstrated by Burma’s civil
society and political networks suggest that, if large-scale disruption – and
bloodshed – are to be avoided, any transition from military rule will have to
occur gradually, and be accompanied by changes in political culture and the
behaviour of elites, in both government and opposition circles. Further-
more, events over the past few years in Iraq and elsewhere should serve as a
warning that democratisation and the realisation of human security are com-
plex processes, embedded in specific historic and social realities not goals that
can easily be imposed from above, or by outside forces. Simplistic rhetoric is no
substitute for sustained analysis, no matter how worthy the cause.
Nevertheless, the extent of human suffering and the passionate nature of
political struggle in Burma make a completely disinterested analysis inap-
propriate, and indeed impossible to achieve. While advocacy and lobbying
based on false assumptions are unhelpful, it is necessary for the analyst to
adopt – and make explicit – basic positions regarding the nature of conflict
in the country, and the kind of changes required.
Cards on the table, then. I regard democratisation as a process – a
movement towards self-determination and participatory governance, at the
local, national and global levels. In the case of Burma, this struggle is
located in the conflict between a militarised and unaccountable state, and
the diverse and overlapping social and ethnic groups living in this wonderful
country.

Geography and Population

With a land area of 678,000 square kilometres, Burma is the largest country
in mainland Southeast Asia. With a population of around 55 million
people, it is also one of the least densely populated, and most ethnically
diverse, countries in the region.
 Preface xv
Since independence, successive governments have underestimated the size of
minority communities, and the breakdown of population by ethnicity remains
highly contested. Official demographic figures and indicators are particularly
flawed in relation to border areas, many of which are still inaccessible to the
government and international agencies. The 1983 census records 69 per cent of
the population as belonging to the majority Burman (Bama) group, 8.5 per
cent as Shan (including various sub-nationalities), 6.2 per cent as Karen, 4.5
per cent as Rakhine, 2.4 per cent as Mon, 2.2 per cent as Chin, 1.4 per cent as
Kachin, and 1 per cent as Wa (Government of Burma 1986). In most cases,
elites within these communities prefer the term ‘‘ethnic nationality’’, which is
considered to confer more political status and legitimacy on the groups in
question (on the minority–nationality debate, see Chapter Seven).
In 1992, the military government catalogued 135 ‘‘national races’’ (lu myo,
in Burmese: Gravers 1999: 109). Citizenship is only granted to those mem-
bers of these groups that can demonstrate a historical presence in Burma
before the onset of the first Anglo–Burmese war in 1824. Such policies and
pronouncements are contentious, and must be viewed in the context of the
regime’s strategy of divide-and-rule vis-à-vis minority–nationality groups.
Nevertheless, this rather arbitrary figure does help to indicate the complex-
ity of the ‘‘ethnic question’’ in Burma, where the cultural mosaic includes
peoples as diverse as the Mon, whose civilisation extended over much of
mainland Southeast Asia a thousand years ago, and the Salon ‘‘sea gypsies’’
(or Moken, in their own language), indigenous to the Mergui Archipelago
and other parts of maritime Southeast Asia.
Non-Burman communities are concentrated in the often remote and
mountainous areas along the borders with Thailand, Laos, China, India
and Bangladesh. These include parts of the most important ‘‘biodiversity
hotspots’’ in the world, and contain extensive natural resources, including
substantial deposits of natural gas and oil, as well as various minerals,
gemstones and timber.

‘‘Burma’’ or ‘‘Myanmar’’?
In June 1989, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) mili-
tary junta re-named the state Myanmar Naing-ngan. At the same time, a
number of other place names were changed, e.g. Rangoon became Yangon,
Pegu became Bago, Moulmein became Mawlamyine; the names of several
ethnic groups were also re-cast, e.g. the Karen became officially known as
Kayin (a Burmese exonym). In some cases, these changes represented a
‘‘Burmanisation’’ of indigenous names; in others, the new word more closely
resembled local pronunciation than had the old colonial-era Romanisation.1
The terms ‘‘Burma’’ and ‘‘Myanmar’’ are understood and used quite differ-
ently among different communities in and from the country. The use of
‘‘Burma’’ generally signifies a rejection of the military government’s legitimacy.
Most opposition groups, including the National League for Democracy
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