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This page intentionally left blank
Empire and Globalisation

Focusing on the great population movement of British emigrants

before 1914, this book provides a new perspective on the relationship
between empire and globalisation. It shows how distinct structures
of economic opportunity developed around the people who settled
across a wider British World through the co-ethnic networks they cre-
ated. Yet these networks could also limit and distort economic growth.
The powerful appeal of ethnic identification often made trade and
investment with racial ‘outsiders’ less appealing, thereby skewing eco-
nomic activities towards communities perceived to be ‘British’. By
highlighting the importance of these networks to migration, finance
and trade, this book contributes to debates about globalisation in the
past and present. It reveals how the networks upon which the era of
modern globalisation was built quickly turned in on themselves after
1914, converting racial, ethnic and class tensions into protectionism,
nationalism and xenophobia. Avoiding such an outcome is a challenge
faced today.

g a ry b. m age e is a professor of Economics at Monash University,

Australia. His books include Productivity and Performance in the Paper
Industry: Labour, Capital and Technology in Britain and America (1997)
Knowledge Generation: Technological Change and Economic Growth in
Colonial Australia (2000).

a n dr ew s . t h o m p s o n is professor of Commonwealth and

Imperial History at the School of History, and Pro-Vice-Chancellor
for research at the University of Leeds. His previous publications
include The Empire Strikes Back? The Impact of Imperialism on Britain
from the Mid-Nineteenth Century (2005) and The Impact of the South
African War, 1899–1902 (co-edited with D. Omissi, 2002).
Empire and Globalisation
Networks of People, Goods and Capital
in the British World, c. 1850–1914

Gary B. Magee
and
Andrew S. Thompson
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore,
São Paulo, Delhi, Dubai, Tokyo

Cambridge University Press

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK

Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York

www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521898898
© Gary B. Magee and Andrew S. Thompson 2010

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the

provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part
may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published in print format 2010

ISBN 13 978 0 511 71257 9 eBook (NetLibrary)

ISBN 13 978 0 521 89889 8 Hardback

ISBN 13 978 0 521 72758 7 Paperback

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy

of urls for external or third party internet websites referred to in this publication,
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
For Annabel, Tasha, Ciaran and Faye
 Contents

List of figures page viii

List of tables ix
Preface xi
Acknowledgements xviii
List of abbreviations xxi

Introduction 1
1 Reconfiguring empire: the British World 22
2 Networks and the British World 45
3 Overseas migration 64
4 Markets and consumer cultures 117
5 Information and investment 170
Conclusion 232

Bibliography 245
Index 284

vii
 Figures

3.1 Outward movement of people from the British Isles,

1865–1913. From I. Ferenczi and W. F. Willcox,
International Migrations, 2 vols., Vol. I: Statistics
(New York: National Bureau of Economic
Research, 1929), pp. 636–7. page 69
3.2 Migrant networks and information in the British World. 82
3.3 Real remittances to the UK per remitter, 1875–1913
(1913 £m). From G. B. Magee and A. S. Thompson,
‘Lines of Credit, Debts of Obligation: Migrant
Remittances to Brtiain, c. 1875–1913’, EcHR 59
(2006), 539–77. 101
3.4 Proportion of average remitter’s income sent as remittances
to the UK, 1875–1913. From Magee and Thompson,
‘Lines of Credit’. 102
5.1 British investment to the empire, 1865–1914 (£1,000).
From I. Stone, The Global Export of Capital from Great
Britain, 1865–1914 (London: St Martin’s Press, 1999). 175
5.2 The Metropolitan Bank of England and Wales’ investment
portfolio, 1880–1913 (share of total investments). From
C. A. E. Goodhart, The Business of Banking: 1891–1914
(London: London School of Economics, 1972), pp. 469–78. 218

viii
 Tables

3.1 Outward movement of people from the British Isles, by

destination, 1853–1920 (in 1,000s). page 69
3.2 Mail exchanged by the United Kingdom with the
colonies, 1904 and 1909 (measured in 1,000 lb). 84
3.3 Total real remittances to the United Kingdom,
1875–1913 (1913 ₤millions). 100
4.1 British exports by regions, 1871–1913 (quinquennial
average percentages). 120
4.2 Index of Britain’s revealed advantage in selected
countries, 1870–1913 (quinquennial average). 123
5.1 Recipients of British capital exports, 1865–1914
(capital called). 173
5.2 British overseas investment by destination, 1865–1914
(annual average capital called; as a percentage of
all overseas investment). 174
5.3 Yields on colonial and foreign government securities,
1882–1912 (as percentage points above the UK
municipal government rate). 177
5.4 Average annual realised returns on various types of
stock, 1870–1913. 178
5.5 News coverage in The Times, selected countries,
1870–1913. 187
5.6 Observed and expected geographical coverage of
The Economist and the Investor’s Monthly Manual,
1880–1905 (percentage of total in brackets). 195
5.7 The value and distribution of UK life insurance
companies’ assets, 1870–1913 (in £1,000; share
of total assets in brackets). 224
5.8 The value and distribution of the Standard Life
Assurance Company’s assets, 1870–1910 (share
of total assets in brackets). 228

ix
 Preface

‘Empire’ and ‘globalisation’ are currently two of the most prominent

and widely debated discourses in the humanities and social sciences.
This book explores the historical relationship between them. We take
as our starting-point one of the great global movements of popula-
tion – the largely voluntary emigration of men, women and children
from Europe to the New World between the mid nineteenth century
and the First World War. While migration may be ‘as old as humanity
itself’, it was during these years that the world witnessed an unprece-
dented exodus of 50 million or so Europeans.1 Britain led the way, sup-
plying approximately 13.5 million migrants, or a quarter of the total.
Aided by improvements in transport and communications, arguably
no less dramatic in their ability to transform life than those witnessed
over the last half-century, the majority of these British people settled
across Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Canada and the United
States.2
The consequences of this population outflow were profound. On the
one hand, emigration was a force for global economic growth – inte-
grating labour, commodity and capital markets to an extent never pre-
viously seen. Yet, on the other, this business of white settlement – for
that is was it was, or at least became – led to the widespread disposses-
sion and oppression of indigenous peoples, as well as to a racialisation
of the social order, the polarising effects of which were felt powerfully at
the time and still resonate today.3 The outbreak of the First World War

1
For the different phases of modern migration, see D. S. Massey, J. Arango, G. Hugo,
A. Kouaouci, A. Pellegrino and J. Edward Taylor (eds.), Worlds in Motion: Understanding
International Migration at the End of the Millennium (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1998), pp. 1–7 (quotation from p. 1).
2
At least 52 million migrants left Europe for overseas destinations between 1815 and
1930; see D. Baines, Emigration from Europe, 1815–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1995), pp. 9–11.
3
For a history of land-taking and its repercussions across the so-called ‘neo-Europes’,
see for example J. C. Weaver, The Great Land Rush and the Making of the Modern World,
1650–1900 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2003).

xi
xii Preface

effectively put an end to this era of European mass migration, ushering

in a period of limited population movements, as well as the passing of
a series of restrictive immigration laws. Not until the 1960s did glo-
bal migration flows increase sharply again, except that from this point
onward they were more likely to come from developing countries, and to
choose a greater variety of destinations, including western Europe.
For those studying the contemporary world, migration and globalisa-
tion might seem inextricably linked. The growth of a more integrated
international society is widely recognised to be the product of the sharp
rise in geographic mobility that occurred in the late twentieth and early
twenty-first centuries. As more and more people have been able to move
more and more quickly, so societies and politics have been re-shaped
around the globe. By contrast, the historical relationship between
empire, migration and globalisation is less well understood. The social
science literature on globalisation still tends to focus on the period after
the Second World War, while scholars in the humanities have only
recently delineated earlier episodes or eras of globalisation: ‘archaic’,
‘pre-modern’ and ‘modern’.4
To explore the origins or ‘ancestry’ of modern globalisation requires
us to reintegrate what have lately become increasingly separated his-
torical specialisms, and to take more seriously branches of historical
enquiry – especially economic history – that seem to have fallen out
of favour in recent years.5 It also requires a greater dialogue between
historical study and the social sciences.6 Hence, our study of the cul-
tural and economic history of the later-nineteenth and early-twentieth-
­century ‘British World’ – those regions of empire and elsewhere
(most notably the United States) where people from Britain settled

4
The most chronologically wide-ranging overview is provided by A. G. Hopkins
(ed.), Globalization in World History (London: Pimlico, 2002). For further theoret-
ical reflections, see G. Eley, ‘Historicizing the Global, Politicizing Capital: Giving
the Present a Name’, HWJ 63 (2007), 154–88. For a key study of the international
economy in the pre-First World War era, albeit weighted towards the western world,
see K. O’Rourke and J. G. Williamson, Globalization and History: The Evolution of
a Nineteenth-Century Atlantic Economy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
1999). For a sophisticated, global history of the ‘long’ nineteenth century, which
pays greater attention to the extra-European world, see C. A. Bayly, The Birth of
the Modern World, 1780–1914: Global Connections and Comparisons (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2004).
5
Ibid.
6
A. G. Hopkins, ‘Introduction: Interactions between the Universal and the Local’,
in Hopkins (ed.), Global History: Interactions between the Universal and the Local
(Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p. 4. For a good example of this revival, see
the Global Economic History Network (including its ‘imperialism and colonialism’
theme) led by the London School of Economics: www.lse.ac.uk/collections/economic_
History/GEHN.
 Preface xiii

in substantial numbers – will combine economic and sociological

approaches from the social sciences with cultural approaches from the
humanities. More specifically, in exploring the material foundations
of this British World, we draw on economic theory and econometric
techniques to analyse trade, investment and remittance flows; on social
network theory, emerging from political science and sociology, to ana-
lyse how notions of trust impacted upon the way economic knowledge
was created, disseminated and consumed; and on histories of identity,
race and culture, to analyse how an expansive, yet racially restricted
sense of Britishness shaped patterns of economic, as much as religious
and political, behaviour.
It will be apparent that our perspective on the relationship between
empire and globalisation eschews both the unbridled enthusiasm of
some proponents of globalisation, and the abject pessimism of some of
its detractors. Instead, we offer a view of economic life that highlights
the importance of co-ethnic networks in expanding the scope of migra-
tion, finance and trade. Distinct structures of economic opportunity
developed around the diaspora of migrants that left Britain in search
of greater opportunity, real or imagined, in the wider world. Yet, if the
trans-national networks fashioned by British migrants expanded the
possibilities for economic growth, they could equally work to limit and
distort it. The powerful and pervasive appeal of ethnic identification
made trade and investment with racial or other ‘outsiders’ less appeal-
ing, and thus skewed these economic activities (further) towards those
communities perceived to be ethnically ‘British’.
The Introduction to the book opens up the question of how, in a
period when putatively ‘impersonal’ market forces had taken hold, eth-
nicity and culture could still influence economic behaviour. We also
explore the notion of an ‘imperial economy’ and discuss the various
forms that it could assume. Here we identify the ‘British World’ econ-
omy of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as a system whose
make-up was as much cultural as it was political, and whose ability
to function depended upon only the most limited guidance from the
British state.
Chapter 1 provides the crucial historiographical context for our
enquiry, focusing in particular upon spatial conceptions of empire and
the new imperial history’s use of the network metaphor to conceptualise
the sets of connections that developed not only between metropole and
colony, but increasingly between the colonies themselves. Here we also
explore conceptions of ‘Britishness’ – as they developed both at home
and overseas – and the extent to which these conceptions underpinned
xiv Preface

the economic integration of the British World. Across the empire’s set-
tler societies, there were non-white and indigenous elite groups who
were attracted to the vision of moral and material progress promised
by British imperialism. Yet, over the period in question, we show how
it became more and more apparent that Victorian notions of free wage
labour, secure property rights, equality before the law and a non-racial
franchise were not, in fact, open to all. On racial, ethnic and religious
grounds, there were those who were wholly or partly excluded from this
greater British community, and its economic possibilities were always
circumscribed therefore.
In Chapter 2 we turn to the literature on ‘social capital’, and what it
reveals about the impact of trans-national networks upon global eco-
nomic behaviour. Here we argue that the networks forged by migrants
created economic value, with specific benefits flowing from the trust
and reciprocity they built; people were therefore prepared to ‘invest’
in these networks, and this social investment was, in itself, an import-
ant determinant of economic activity. Locating these networks at
the heart of the British World economy, we then explore their role
in improving the quality and quantity of information flows, and in
fostering co-operative, collaborative and remunerative forms of eco-
nomic exchange.
Chapters 3, 4 and 5 consider in turn three key spheres of economic
activity: migration, trade and investment. After surveying the main
flows of migration, within and beyond the empire, Chapter 3 seeks to
show that what drew people to the colonies was not just the forces of
industrialisation and demography – important as they were – but the
sense of trust and hope that ‘over there’ was recognisably similar to
‘over here’, and, indeed, that the two were somehow comparable and
there to be compared. In particular, we highlight how a variety of social
networks oiled the wheels of imperial migration and shaped migrants’
responses to the world around them, drawing particular attention to
a hitherto neglected yet fundamental aspect of the migrant’s experi-
ence – the sending of monies (or ‘remittances’) home. Newly discov-
ered data from the Post Office Archives have enabled us to reconstruct
remittance patterns across the English-speaking world, and to assess
the impact and importance of these monetary flows. Chapter 3 also
considers how British migrant networks co-existed, yet also came into
conflict with, other ethnically based migrant networks, especially those
forged by Chinese and Indian contract labourers, and by the merchants
and middlemen who recruited and resettled them. In South Africa,
Australia and Canada the presence of these ‘foreign’ workers increasingly
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