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 PAG E
Adam Page Architectures of survival investigates the relationship
is Lecturer in between air war and urbanism in modern Britain.
History at the
It asks how the development of airpower and the
University of

ARCHITECTURES OF SURVIVAL
Lincoln targeting of cities influenced perceptions of urban
spaces and visions of urban futures. An original and
innovative work of history, this book brings together
a diverse range of source material to highlight
the connections between practices of warfare and
urbanism in the twentieth century.

Moving from the interwar period to the Cold War, this

book demonstrates how airpower created a permanent
threat to cities. It considers how architects, planners
and government officials reframed bombing as an
ongoing urban problem, rather than one contingent
to a particular conflict, and details how the constant
threat of air raids prompted planning for defence and
planning for development to become increasingly
entangled. Page highlights the importance of war and
ARCHITECTURES
the anticipation of war in modern urban history, and
argues that the designation of the city as a target has
had long-lasting consequences. The book draws on
OF SURVIVAL
archival material from local and national government,
architectural and town planning journals, and
AI R WAR AN D U RBAN ISM
cultural texts, to demonstrate how air war became I N B R I TA I N , 1 9 3 5 – 5 2
incorporated into civilian debates about the future
of cities and infrastructure, and vulnerability to air
raids was projected onto the mundane material culture
of everyday urban life.

This book will be of particular interest to urban

historians, social, cultural and political historians of
modern Britain, urban sociologists, architects and
planners. It will also interest historians of the Second
World War and the Cold War.

www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk

A DA M PAG E
Architectures of survival
Architectures of survival
Air war and urbanism in Britain,
1935–52

Adam Page

Manchester University Press

Copyright © Adam Page 2019

The right of Adam Page to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by
him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

Published by Manchester University Press

Altrincham Street, Manchester M1 7JA

www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN 978 1 5261 2258 2 hardback

First published 2019

The publisher has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for any
external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guar-
antee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.

Typeset by
Servis Filmsetting Ltd, Stockport, Cheshire
Contents

List of figures vi
Acknowledgements viii

Introduction 1

1 In the next war: the future of cities and the future of war 20
2 Planning a ‘militant peace’: air raid precautions for
peace and for war 58
3 Cities under fire: the ‘new blitz reality’ 95
4 Seeing cities through bombsights: urban geographies
of war after 1945 132
5 A ‘peace that is no peace’: reconstruction, defence
and development in town and country 169
Conclusion: war without limits 209

Select bibliography 222

Index 237
 List of figures

Figures

1 Poster from the RIBA Exhibition in March 1939, Journal of

the Royal Institute of British Architects, 46 (March 1939),
p. 509. (RIBA Library Photograph Collection) 77
2 The city from above was ‘A Perfect Target for Air Bandits’,
‘A Realistic Plan for ARP’, Picture Post, 21 January 1939,
p. 55.  79
3 The city as a ‘death trap’, ‘A Realistic Plan for ARP’, Picture
Post, 21 January 1939, p. 55.  80
4 PRO: HO 200/4: Plan for new deep tube shelters included
in ‘Report on the New Tube Shelters and Their Use by the
Public’, 22 April 1943. (The National Archives, Kew) 101
5 A bird’s-eye view of the Army Exhibition in the basement
of John Lewis in Oxford Street, ‘The Wartime Exhibition’,
Architectural Review, 94 (October 1943), p. 100. (RIBA
Library Photograph Collection) 112
6 PRO: HO 357/10: Map included in Working Party on the
Effects of Air Attack paper, ‘Total Casualties from the
Assumed Attack on London’, 18 May 1949. (The National
Archives, Kew) 138
7 PRO: HO 357/10: Working Party on the Effects of Air
Attack, ‘Casualties from a Random Attack on London’,
c. September 1949, p. 7. (The National Archives, Kew) 140
8 Detail from the Map of London with proposed Central
Key Areas, in PRO: HO 225/19: Chief Scientific Adviser’s
Office, ‘Proposal for Defining Central Key Areas’, 1950.
(The National Archives, Kew) 145
9 The Rings of the Greater London Plan, in Architects’
Journal, 101 (March 1945). (RIBA Library Photograph
Collection)  147
 List of figures vii

10 The camouflaged cooling towers in Leicester, Architectural

Review, 89 (September 1939), p. 146. (RIBA Library
Photograph Collection) 178
11 A watercolour painting by Hugh Casson used as an
illustration of the aesthetic potential of camouflage in an
English village in his article ‘The Aesthetics of
Camouflage’, Architectural Review, 96 (September 1944),
p. 66. (Copyright © Estate of Hugh Casson RA,
image courtesy of the RIBA Collections) 179
12 This map was included as Annex I in PRO: HO 205/296:
‘Location of the Power Station Proposed to be Erected
at the East India Docks, Poplar’, note by the Air Ministry,
10 July 1946. (The National Archives, Kew)  197
Acknowledgements

I would like to thank friends, family and colleagues for the big and
small parts they played in the making of this book. This project
began with research funded by the University of Sheffield, and my
thanks go first of all to Holger Nehring for his guidance as well as
his openness to different approaches and ideas. I am grateful to
Clare Griffiths for a very valuable second opinion and perspective.
My thanks also go to Simon Gunn and Adam Piette, who helped me
to see the thing afresh and gave me new threads to pursue. Simon in
particular was an invaluable supporter, and I am especially grateful
for his encouragement when the way forward was far from clear. I
was fortunate enough to have six months as a fellow at the MECS
Institute for Advanced Study at Leuphana University in Lüneburg,
funded by the German Research Foundation, where I continued to
work on the project. My time there was a refreshing and inspiring
introduction to ideas and people, which allowed me the time and
space to slowly begin reappraising my research. Thanks to everyone
at MECS, and to Anneke and Dawid in particular, for making me
feel at home in northern Germany. More recently, I have been excep-
tionally fortunate to find myself among so many new friends and
colleagues at Lincoln. I am grateful for the work and support of Tom
Dark, MUP, and the anonymous reviewers who provided helpful
criticism and suggestions. I would also like to thank the archives
and archivists who helped me in my research, and those who have
given me permission to quote from the various papers and collec-
tions cited in the book. Some elements of chapters 2 and 3 previously
appeared in the article ‘Planning Permanent Air Raid Precautions:
Architecture, Air War and the Changing Perceptions of British Cities
in the Late 1930s’, Urban History 43:1 (February 2016), 117–134.
The publication of this book has been made possible by a grant
 Acknowledgements ix

from the Scouloudi Foundation in association with the Institute of

Historical Research. It was supported by the University of Lincoln.
Writing this has often seemed an anachronistic and disconnecting
experience, as life seemed always to be happening in the next room.
I would like to thank friends and family for bringing me back in now
and again. Most of them will get the benefit of anonymity, but not all.
So special thanks to Patrick, Jemma, Anne, Steven and, of course,
Tom for your humour and patience and everything else. In different
ways and at different times, you have proven excellent companions.
It has not been an easy few years for my family, and I would like to
thank my mother and sisters for their strength and solidarity. I am
incredibly lucky to have two interesting and funny sisters, who have
each had a profound influence on me and who I try to be. Thanks
then to Ella and to Sally. I look forward to seeing what happens next,
and I will, of course, be there alongside you throughout. My father
is not here to read this, but I would like to thank him. Although it
was never easy or uncomplicated, some valuable things found their
way through to me, and I can surely trace elements of his somewhat
awkward and stubborn discontent in whatever brought me to where I
am. Finally, I would like to thank my mother, Marian. Her generosity,
courage and commitment has always been quietly inspiring to me.
It was through her experience and outlook that I first began to think
about the impact of militarisation and war on people and their lives.
I think this is some kind of response to that, and I dedicate this book
to her.
Introduction

The days when war was an interval between periods of peace –

even the days when peace was the interval between wars – have
gone.
(J.M. Richards, 1941)1

By the summer of 1941, the old concepts of peace and war had been
surpassed by the realisation of a nightmare and the implementation
of a policy. Airpower had transformed war and created a condition
of permanent vulnerability for cities and civilians. The bombing of
British cities that began in earnest in 1940 was the fulfilment of the
promise of the interwar years. In the pregnant skies of the 1930s,
the technology of airpower and the strategies of air war had fixed
bombers on the horizon, from where war threatened to break at any
moment. In 1938, as conflict moved ever closer, urban historian and
theorist Lewis Mumford described the coming war as an explosion
of the ‘pus-bag of vulgar pretense and power’, which had swelled in
the preceding years. The period before had not been one of ‘peace’,
he wrote, but was ‘equally a state of war: the passive war of war-­
propaganda, war-indoctrination, war-rehearsal’. In these conditions,
‘periodic preparation for defense against an attack by air’ represented
‘the materialization of a skilfully evoked nightmare’. It was through
these rehearsals, carried out extensively in literature before they were
in practice, that ‘the dweller in Megalopolis dies, by anticipation, a
thousand deaths’. It was by the imagination of, and then planning for,
2 Introduction

the disaster that air raids would bring that the fear of bombing was
‘fixed into routine’ before 1939.2
Mumford, foreshadowing Richards’s remarks in 1941, argued that
war and the fear of war had infiltrated peacetime to such an extent
that the notion of a distinct temporal period of conflict was outdated.
Old ideas of peace and war had been displaced by new technologies,
but also by the theories of war which developed in dialogue with the
new weapons. With cities placed permanently under bombsights, the
notion of ‘wartime’ was being refigured along with the urban spaces
that were simultaneously recast as target zones.3 As new methods
and technologies of war were trained on cities and civilians, both
built environments and their inhabitants were placed on the front
lines of future conflicts and cities were made into targets.
In the mid-twentieth century, planning for defence and develop-
ment became increasingly entangled, as air raids were added to
the catalogue of potential threats to urban life. Bombers cast their
shadows over streets and buildings, as perceptions of urban space
were reframed by a permanent and unpredictable threat from above.
The development of modern cities occurred beneath these shadows,
and the planners who attempted to sketch the future of societies often
did so in anticipation of mass urban destruction. The mapping of
imagined destruction onto images of urban centres created a doubled
view of the future cities as sites of development and destruction. The
exhortations for ‘friendly bombs’ to enact slum clearance and enable
urban redevelopment were part of a culture of anxiety about social
decline and material decay in cities, in which airpower was simulta-
neously a symbol of a new technological modernity and the defining
image of a future of permanent danger and vulnerability.

The power of the air

Intense speculation about the future was fuelled by rapid advances
in technology in the early twentieth century and reactions against
the social and material consequences of industrialisation in Britain.
Modernisation and mechanisation were at once liberating, awe-
inspiring and deeply troubling. These ambiguities were articu-
lated in responses to the development of aviation in particular.4 The
Architectural Review wrote in 1934 that aviation had ‘annihilated time
and space’, with man suddenly able to leap over oceans and mountain
ranges.5 Aviation also enabled a new vision of societies, as those with
 Introduction 3

access to the technology could raise themselves above the landscape

to survey, and perhaps control, the lives of those below. The discon-
nection of aviators with terrestrial life was a key theme in interwar lit-
erature and thinking. Bertrand Russell warned against the inhuman
power of aviation and the possibility of a government from the skies,
in which man might ‘begin to feel himself a god’.6 H.G. Wells was
more ambiguous, depicting airpower as both a destructive and con-
structive force. In his vision, airpower and chemical weapons would
enable humanity to bomb civilisation back to barbarism, but it was
the airmen themselves who would have the skill and knowledge to
redeem and rebuild human societies.7
The preoccupation with building bombing capacity in interwar
Europe reflects how belief in the power of the air reached beyond
writers to policymakers and military strategists.8 In these literary
and military visions, airpower and aerial war meant not only swift
destruction with no hope of defence, but specifically urban destruc-
tion and mass civilian deaths. The trenches of the First World War
would be replaced by burning cities choked with poison gases and
whole populations wiped out in moments. Enthusiastic advocates of
airpower celebrated the end to the bloody stalemate of trench warfare,
while some went as far as to credit bombing with the ‘democratisa-
tion’ of war.9 Writers and artists drew vivid images of cities destroyed
from the sky as Stanley Baldwin warned in the House of Commons
that ‘the bomber will always get through’.10
Visions of future air war were drawn against a background shaped
by both the imagined apocalypses of literature and the actual experi-
ences and practices of bombing in the First World War which were
further developed in the interwar period. After 1918, most experi-
ments with aerial bombing were conducted by European countries
above their colonies as a method of colonial policing known as ‘air
control’.11 The destruction moved from the colonial periphery to main-
land Europe when the power of Hitler’s air force was seen at Guernica.12
The bombardment of Spanish cities prompted headlines about the col-
lapse of civilisation and a descent into barbarism. In Britain, it was
interpreted as an indication of the unparalleled and indiscriminate
destructive power of aerial bombing and Hitler’s willingness to delib-
erately target civilians in an attempt to destroy morale.13 The expec-
tation in Britain was that, as soon as war was declared, British cities
would be attacked instantaneously and the results would be devastat-
ing. Despite the anticipation of an immediate all-out attack from the
4 Introduction

air, it was not until the Blitz began in September 1940 that the fears
of aerial bombing were realised in British cities. It was then that the
aerial war against urban centres became a reality for the British gov-
ernment and a part of the everyday lives of people across the country.
The impact of the Second World War (and the bombing war in
particular) on British society remains a key topic in modern history.
Social and cultural histories of Britain at war have reconfigured
notions of ‘the people’s war’ and the ‘home front’ to develop a more
nuanced picture of the experience of war in Britain.14 The distinct
social and cultural impact of air war has been subject to new histories
that move on from the classic accounts, such as those by Angus Calder
and Tom Harrisson.15 Richard Overy, Susan Grayzel and Dietmar
Süss in particular have drawn together a broad range of social, cul-
tural and political sources to deepen the understanding of how people
responded to the threat from the air in Britain and Germany.16 These
histories have shown how air raids against cities and their civilian
inhabitants were understood and incorporated into everyday life.
Architectures of Survival builds on these books and engages with the
idea of ‘war as a social condition’ that is central to Süss’s analysis.17
It does this, however, by focusing on government and architectural
planning for the future of cities from the top down. This approach
highlights the processes by which cities were transformed into targets
in plans before they were in practice, rather than analysing how
people lived and societies functioned under fire.
This history of visions of the future of cities analyses the ways in
which the bombing of cities and civilians became embedded into
British governmental thought and, to an extent, architectural and
planning cultures – cultures which are necessarily concerned with
picturing the shape of the world to come. The nature of air war, that
bombs could fall at any moment, meant that altered perceptions of
cities under the shadow of bombers were projected indefinitely into
the future. The new methods of war had created a permanent threat
from the skies, but one which could not be predicted. As cities became
designated as the primary targets for bombs, it followed that planning
for the future of cities was a crucial question for national security and
national survival.
The periodisation of this study, which extends before and after the
Second World War, reflects the idea that airpower and the designation
of cities as targets fundamentally challenged notions of peacetime
and wartime. The book is designed to contribute to the understanding
 Introduction 5

of war in the twentieth century, rather than a singular instance of

conflict, as uncertainty about unpredictable attacks was translated
into a condition of permanent vulnerability. In this way, it differs
from more traditional studies of the impact of war, and the Second
World War in particular, and engages more fully with broader ques-
tions about militarisation, the genealogies of the Cold War and the
increasing interdependence of civilian and military arms of govern-
mental planning and analysis. It builds on a historiography of air war
that has begun to look beyond the Blitz and the Second World War to
talk about a more international history that is not contained within
the borders of 1939 and 1945.18 The broadening of the chronology of
bombing in this historiography is reflected in the increasing attention
to the literary and cultural imaginations of air war in the interwar
period.19 Architectures of survival develops these approaches by spe-
cifically highlighting how anxieties about air raids were written into
plans for the future of cities by government policymakers, as well as
into the more discursive work of architects and planners. By focus-
ing on cities, the book begins to demonstrate how fear of air raids
moved out of literary speculation and into concrete planning for the
future shape of Britain, but also highlights how air raids were situ-
ated within broader debates in planning regarding slum clearance
and modernisation. A key element of this was the repositioning of the
eye above the city.
The development of aviation technology alongside photography
provided civilian and military planners with a new view of the land
and of the organisation of space. The aerial view was a key component
in planning approaches to cities in the mid-twentieth century, which
revealed a new schematic of urban space. This synoptic view enabled
cities to be perceived as distinct areas, containable in a photograph,
which, despite the shapeless sprawl at the peripheries, had recog-
nisable limits and boundaries. The aerial view flattened landscapes,
abstracted urban form and shifted the balance between the perceiver
and the object of perception. The view from above was the source of a
liberating new vision, while also a disconcerting portent of the power
of new technologies to dominate human life. This tension reflected
broader responses to new technologies that promised to transform
the world, but aviation and the aerial view were particularly impor-
tant to the developing practices of town planning. Representations of
cities as defined units helped planners to see urban development in
a new way and thus propose interventions and new urban shapes.20
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