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 Migration,
Diasporas and
Citizenship

DIASPORA AS CULTURES
OF COOPERATION
Global and Local Perspectives

Edited by David Carment and Ariane Sadjed

Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship

Series Editors

Robin Cohen
Department of International Development
University of Oxford
Oxford, United Kingdom

Zig Layton-Henry
Department of Politics and International
University of Warwick
Kenilworth, United Kingdom
Aim of the series
Editorial Board: Rainer Baubock, European University Institute, Italy;
James F. Hollifield, Southern Methodist University, USA; Daniele Joly,
University of Warwick, UK; Jan Rath, University of Amsterdam, The
Netherlands. The Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship series covers
three important aspects of the migration process: firstly, the determinants,
dynamics and characteristics of international migration. Secondly, the
continuing attachment of many contemporary migrants to their places
of origin, signified by the word ‘diaspora’, and thirdly the attempt, by
contrast, to belong and gain acceptance in places of settlement, signified
by the word ‘citizenship’. The series publishes work that shows engage-
ment with and a lively appreciation of the wider social and political issues
that are influenced by international migration. This series develops from
our Migraton, Minorities and Citizenship series, which published lead-
ing figures in the field including Steven Vertovec, Daniele Joly, Adrian
Favell, John Rex, Ewa Morawska and Jan Rath. Details of publications
in the series can be viewed here www.palgrave.com/products/series.
aspx?s=MMC

More information about this series at

http://www.springer.com/series/14044
 David Carment • Ariane Sadjed
Editors

Diaspora as Cultures
of Cooperation
Global and Local Perspectives
Editors
David Carment Ariane Sadjed
Norman Paterson School European Ethnology
Carleton University University of Vienna
Ottawa, Ontario, Canada Wien, Austria

Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship

ISBN 978-3-319-32891-1    ISBN 978-3-319-32892-8 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-32892-8

Library of Congress Control Number: 2016958139

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of
illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and
transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar
or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or
the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any
errors or omissions that may have been made.

Cover image © PhotoAlto sas / Alamy Stock Photo

Cover design by Jenny Vong

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature

The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 For Anna and William
For Nura, Rafi, and Kian
 Preface

When my father arrived in Krefeld in Germany in the summer of 1960,

after six months of studying German at the Goethe Institute in Hamburg,
he and two other young men were the only Iraqis in town. The three had
come to Germany to study and were going to return home afterwards.
They used to hang out with a group of foreign students alongside their
German college friends. All of them ended up staying and marrying local
German women.
In the 1970s and 1980s, a number of male political exiles from Iraq
joined the three students: mainly communists, Arab nationalists, and
Kurdish activists, who had been in opposition to the Ba‘th regime that
had come into power through a coup in 1968. In the 1980s, a new wave
of refugees, including entire families, arrived in the context of the eight-
year-­long Iran–Iraq war, the atrocities linked to the Anfal campaign
against Kurds, as well as the deportations by Saddam Hussein of Shia
Iraqis who were allegedly of Persian origin. It was not until the 1990s,
however, that a much larger group of Iraqis, fleeing the devastating impact
of the first Gulf war and economic sanctions, arrived in Krefeld. Initially
mainly several dozens of younger and middle-aged men made it who
had managed to come the long and hazardous journey of present-day
asylum seekers, some of them crossing over ten countries, using all kinds
of transportation under extremely dangerous circumstances, to finally
cross the border to Germany and, for one reason or another, ending up
vii
viii Preface

in my hometown of Krefeld. Some of their immediate families managed

to come a few years later through family unification schemes. Two of
my cousins from Baghdad arrived with their families during this period.
Another wave of migration followed the 2003 invasion of Iraq and the
increased sectarian tensions and violence as well as lawlessness we have
seen unfolding since then. For the first time, female Iraqis came without
male family members, some widows with children, some single women.
My father estimated a couple of years ago that there were about 300–400
Iraqis in town. However, the latest crisis and atrocities linked to the so-­
called Islamic State, ISIS, has brought another wave of asylum seekers to
Krefeld. According to one of my cousins, who often helps new arrivals by
dealing with the German bureaucracy, at least 200 Iraqis have arrived over
the last few months, mainly via the asylum distribution policy, often via
Dortmund, the seat of one of three main Auslaenderbehoerden in North
Rhine Westphalia, which is the official state body dealing with foreigners.
Major events in the modern history of Iraq resulted in the flight and
the creation of a diaspora of what are now millions of Iraqis; the total
population of Iraq is estimated at about 32 million. By 2008, the con-
tinuous violence that had unfolded since the US-led invasion of Iraq in
2003 had displaced a total of 4.7 million people: 2.7 million of these
were internally displaced persons (or IDPs), and the remaining two mil-
lion had fled the country in search of refuge, adding to the already exist-
ing Iraqi communities in many parts of the globe (Al-Ali 2007a). Based
on anecdotal evidence, over the past ten months tens of thousands of
Iraqis have been fleeing due to the atrocities committed by ISIS, but also
due to the escalating sectarian violence. Iraqis have become the third larg-
est refugee population after Afghans and the Palestinians.

Layers of Migration and Intersectionality

I have recounted the story of the growing Iraqi diaspora in Krefeld
because it is linked to my family’s history, but also because it illustrates
a number of important conceptual points which I would like to address
in my preface. What is now considered to be an Iraqi diaspora actually
 Preface ix

consists of multiple, even if sometimes overlapping, waves of migration,

all rooted in specific historical circumstances and motivations, including
changing social, economic, and political upheavals and tragedies. Iraqi
diasporas, just like diasporas of other ethnic and religious backgrounds,
also consist of different types of migrants, ranging from refugees, asylum
seekers, and other forced migrants to those seeking labour, education,
and family unification. The different migration trajectories of Iraqis who
have left under different circumstances with respect to Iraq’s history of
dictatorship, sanctions, and multiple wars, coincide with the migration of
different ethnic and religious groups, as well as people of varying political
conviction, but also, crucially, different social class backgrounds. Social
class very much divides the first generation of Iraqis, who sought educa-
tion and professional training, from more recent generations of migrants
who fled dictatorship, wars, persecution, but also economic hardship.
The migration trajectory of my father’s generation, for example, is
radically different to that of my cousins who came as asylum seekers dur-
ing the sanctions period, and whose precarious legal status has combined
with an increasing Islamophobia that was not existent when my father
arrived. In fact, when invited for Sunday lunch for the first time to my
mother’s parents’ house in 1965, a rather conservative Catholic German
family that was not happy to see my mother dating a foreigner, the first
question my grandfather posed was “Are you a communist?”, which made
sense given that this was the height of the Cold War. Forty years later, my
cousins are primarily perceived as Muslim before Iraqi or Arab.
We know from other diasporas across the world that serious intra-­
diaspora conflicts tend to arise as new waves of migrants meet people
of previous waves who might preserve bygone traditions or who left
with greatly differing political views and circumstances (Vertovec 2005:
4). Sometimes older generations of migrants want to close the door on
newer migrants, due to an economic crisis and limited resources, but
also fearing that higher numbers of migrants from their specific country
of origin might increase racism, and, in the case of migrants of Muslim
background, Islamophobia. This has also been obvious in the Iraqi con-
text, where older generations of migrants were much more secular and
less sectarian in outlook than newer waves. But older generations might
x Preface

be judgemental and patronising towards more recent arrivals. Although,

in the Iraqi context, as in other diasporas, we also find evidence of intra-­
generational help and solidarity.
Different trajectories of displacement and migration clearly shape iden-
tities and political orientations, as do the specific social, economic, and
political circumstances and conditions in countries of settlement (Al-Ali
2007b). People who were forced to flee in a context of war and violence
might be less inclined to get involved in political mobilisation than those
who had to flee political persecution. However, empirical evidence in the
context of my own work among both Bosnian and Iraqi refugees shows
that the relationship between the specific trajectory of migration and the
level and kind of political involvement is not straightforward. It is com-
plicated by other factors linked to the specific political developments in
the country of origin, a person’s positionality within these developments
and conflicts, but also the politics in the country of settlement, acces-
sible resources, available social and political networks, work-related cir-
cumstances, and individual inclinations and experiences (Al-Ali 2002a,b,
2007b, Al-Ali and Pratt 2009).
My father, for example, increasingly alienated from political develop-
ments in his country of origin, never got involved in politics but became
very active in humanitarian work. During the sanctions period our garage
turned into a storage place for clothes and medicine, which he continu-
ously collected and sent to Iraq. His best friend Hashem, a Turkman
from Kirkuk, a Turkish-speaking minority that mainly lives in the north
of Iraq, became very much involved in a Germany-based Turkman dias-
pora political organisation.
Now, one major variable and aspect that is often neglected when
studying identities and political mobilisation of diasporas is that of
gender. Several waves of Iraqi migrants were predominantly male, cor-
responding to the prevailing and historically specific gender norms and
relations. First generations of students, for example, were largely male.
This changed in the 1960s, when Iraqi women started to seek education
abroad as well. In more recent decades, women have joined the grow-
ing diaspora in increasing numbers, first as part of family reunification
schemes, but then also in their own right, seeking refuge, asylum, educa-
tion, and employment. This corresponds to a wider global trend, not only
 Preface xi

in the context of forced migration but also labour migration, where we

see evidence of the feminisation of migration.
Gender-based legal differentiation is often an issue for women whose
legal status, such as leave to remain, is frequently tied to male family
members, particularly husbands. However, I should stress that a gendered
lens is not merely about noticing whether migrants are male or female, or
paying attention to the potentially different migration motivations and
trajectories of women and men, their specific experiences of the journey,
the processes of settling down and creating new homes away from home.
A gendered lens is crucially a lens that is interested in configurations
of power, inequalities, and injustices. Having moved away from earlier
essentialist articulations of women’s oppression and gender inequalities,
I pay attention, as do many other feminist scholars, to the multiple and
complex processes in which gender is constituted and constitutive of
other power relations and hierarchies. The notion of gendering allows us
to shift from states of being, however fluid, performative, and tangential,
to the ways different configurations of power intersect at specific histori-
cal moments and in particular empirical contexts.
So a female migrant is a woman in two unequal gender regimes, that of
her country of origin and that of her country of settlement, but simulta-
neously she’s positioned in regard to unequal relations of economic class,
of nationality, ethnicity, religion, sexuality, and so on (Anthias 2013).
And it’s the way these various positionalities intersect that shape each
other’s influence on her, and her chances in life—her own relative power
or powerlessness. The same with male migrants, who are not only exposed
to and involved with contestations of masculinities that are also always in
flux and in the making, but are also positioned in relation to configura-
tions of power linked to ethnicity, class, religion, political affiliation and,
crucially, sexual orientation.

Changing Meaning of Diaspora

But let me complicate the picture even further and address the chang-
ing meaning and significance of diasporas: As Vertovec stated, the
word “diaspora” is “of Greek origin and means ‘to sow over or scatter.’
xii Preface

The archetype of forced expulsion and dispersal, persecution, a sense of

loss, and a vision of return has been the historical Jewish experience”
(2005: 1). Other classic historical diasporas include the African diaspora
rooted in slavery, the Armenian diaspora rooted in the Armenian geno-
cide, as well as the more recent Palestinian and Kurdish diasporas, both
rooted in atrocities and oppression.
I would like to take a moment to pause and highlight the Armenian
genocide, which started over a hundred years ago. On 24 April 1915, the
Ottoman government embarked upon the systematic decimation of its
civilian Armenian population. The Armenian population of the Ottoman
state was reported at about two million in 1915. An estimated one mil-
lion had perished by 1918, while hundreds of thousands had become
homeless and stateless refugees. By 1923, virtually the entire Armenian
population of Anatolian Turkey had disappeared. Recognition of what
happened in the past and commemoration are clearly important for the
Armenian diaspora, as they are for the Jewish diaspora and other diaspo-
ras rooted in genocide and human rights abuses. But while we need to
remember the atrocities of the past, recent pictures of Yezidi refugees flee-
ing ISIS haunt me. So do pictures of Palestinian refugees caught in the
crossfire in Yarmouk refugee camp in Syria; the increasing persecution
of Christian and other religious minorities in Iraq and elsewhere in the
Middle East. Meanwhile, sectarian as well as politically and economically
motivated violence continues to displace tens of thousands of Muslims
as well.
Clearly, over the past years, “diaspora” has become a term of self-­
identification among many different groups who migrated, or whose
ancestors migrated, from one place to another. As Vertovec stated over a
decade ago, “Belonging to a diaspora entails a consciousness of, or emo-
tional attachment to, commonly claimed origins and cultural attributes
associated with them” (Vertovec 2005). He added: “Such origins and
attributes may emphasise ethno-linguistic, regional, religious, national,
or other features. Concerns for homeland developments and the plight
of co-diaspora members in other parts of the world follow from this con-
sciousness and emotional attachment”. In policy circles, the question of
diasporas as potential “peace makers” or “peace wreckers” has gained par-
ticular momentum, given the wide range of conflicts, wars, and forms
 Preface xiii

of violence, as well as attempts at conflict resolution and peace processes

(Smith and Stares 2007).
In this context, a gendered lens is instructive, as feminist scholars have
been arguing for many years that for women peace does not merely mean
cessation of armed conflict. But, for women, violence very much exists
on a continuum. We know that historically and cross culturally there is
a relationship between the increased militarisation of societies and the
rise in instances of gender-based violence (Al-Ali 2007b: 46–47). This
has implications for the type of political mobilisation among women in
the diaspora, whose nationalist, ethnic, or political struggles are often
intertwined with struggles for more gender-based rights and equalities.
Moving away from older paradigms about integration and accultura-
tion, more recent scholarship recognises the significance of transnational
networks, activities, and social fields in shaping diasporic identities,
belonging, and political mobilisations. As Vertovec has argued, “Enhanced
transnationalism is substantially transforming several social, political and
economic structures and practices among migrant communities world-
wide” (Vertovec 2007). However, only limited attention has been paid
to the various ways transnational fields and activities are gendered; that
is, the various ways women and men are positioned differently in terms
of prevailing gender ideologies and relations. Unequal citizenship rights
for men and women might hold true in the context of both the country
of origin and the country of residence. Women’s activities might be con-
ditioned by a set of regulations based upon hegemonic interpretations
of gender roles within both their country of settlement and that of ori-
gin. These regulations condition their activities, their identities, and their
likelihood of getting involved in political activities. For example, women
are assigned duties and responsibilities in the reproductive spheres, which
they are expected to carry out while being in their country of origin and
in the diaspora. The obstacles posed by social customs and normative
rules might prevent them from keeping up links with what is perceived
to be “back home”. And I am not speaking specifically about Muslim
diasporas here, as these gendered norms and patterns are found across
different diasporic groups (Al-Ali 2007b: 45).
On the other hand, gender ideologies and cultural norms might
enable women to engage with women from different ethnic and ­religious
xiv Preface

backgrounds or political convictions easier than it would be for their

men-folk. This has certainly been the case among the Bosnian and Iraqi
women and men I have interviewed in the past. As women were per-
ceived to be less significant for political processes, their transgression of
“talking to the other side” was less threatening than if men had done it.
Moreover, some women appeared to have been more willing and eager to
build bridges and mobilise as women, rather than in terms of their ethnic
and religious affiliation or political parties. This is despite the fact that
women who reach out to “the enemy” are frequently branded traitors and
“loose women”. And, certainly we should avoid falling into the trap of
essentialising women as natural peace-makers, as we know that women
can be most fervent supporters of violence and conflict (Al-Ali 2007: 47).

Muslim Diasporas in Europe

Now, the final set of issues I would like to address in this preface relates
to the specific debates and issues linked to Muslim diasporas in Europe.
Anti-Muslim racism and Islamophobia have increasingly characterised
media discussions, policy debates, and public opinion in the context of
Europe’s concern with “the other within”. In this context, I would like to
raise the following points:
Firstly, although the numbers of Muslims in Europe are growing, they
remain a small minority, and this small minority is extremely diverse in
all kinds of ways. In 2010, there were some 20 million Muslims in the
European Union, about 4 percent of the total population.
According to the Moving People, Changing Places website, in the sec-
tion on European Muslims,1 they are from:

many different national and ethnic backgrounds, from various classes and
sects, from rural as well as urban areas. They have had different experiences
depending on their nationality, ethnicity, level of religiosity, adherence to
secular values, age, gender and sexuality. Some have lived in Europe for
several generations, including many Turkish and Kurdish Muslims in
Germany; and South-Asian Muslims in the UK.
1
http://www.movingpeoplechangingplaces.org/locations/muslim-diasporas.html (Accessed 22
February 2016).
 Preface xv

Others have arrived more recently from Asia, Africa, and the Middle
East, like my cousins who came from Iraq in the 1990s. I find Steven
Vertovec’s notion of super-diversity (2007) useful in capturing the
dynamic interplay of variables when we look at the identities and political
mobilisation of people of Muslim origin in Europe today. These variables
include country of origin—itself comprising a variety of possible subset
traits such as ethnicity, languages, religious tradition, regional and local
identities, gender, social class—all potentially influencing cultural val-
ues and practices. Then we have the specific migration channels—often
related to highly gendered flows, specific social networks, and particular
labour market needs. Another crucial variable is legal status—including
numerous categories determining a hierarchy of entitlements and restric-
tions. According to Vertovec:

These variables co-condition identity constructions and maintenance as

well as political mobilisation, along with factors surrounding migrants’
human capital, particularly educational background, access to employ-
ment, locality—related especially to material conditions, but also to other
immigrant and ethnic minority presence—, and the specific responses by
local authorities, service providers and local residents (Vertovec 2007: 3).

My second point, and here I will add to Vertovec’s conceptualisation of

super-diversity, relates to the broad continuum of secular, religious, and
Islamist identities and positions. Clearly, we need to take ISIS and other
Salafi as well as Shia extremist groups seriously, and I personally do not
believe that a liberal multi-cultural attitude of “let them be” is helpful,
especially when it comes to women and gender issues. However, while
more needs to be done to counter the radicalisation of Muslims, especially
young Muslim men and women, across Europe and elsewhere, the vast
majority of Muslims are not sympathetic or supporters of political Islam,
certainly not in its violent manifestations. Moreover, just as many people
of Judeo-Christian background might be culturally identifying with a
specific religious tradition, many Muslims are secular, whether they are
practising or not, even some are actively practising anti-­Islamiosity, as
Reza Gholami shows in his work.
xvi Preface

I would argue that the general designation of “Muslim” tends to

conceal more than it reveals, given the huge differences I have alluded
to throughout this preface. Given the increasing Islamophobia within
Europe, such a designation might not only be analytically problematic,
but also politically dangerous. Many thinkers before me have stressed
that the stereotypes, essentialisations, and attacks on Muslims and Islam
are of course contributing to a sense of alienation and radicalisation. It
also leads to knee-jerk reactions and overzealous concerns about authen-
tic identities and culture. Although the story here is far more complex, it
is beyond the scope of this preface to address this in any depth or detail.
Moreover, and this is my third point, even if numbers of self-­identified
Muslims are increasing in Europe, rather than reacting with panic or
knee-jerk right-wing reactions appealing to cultural authenticity and
purity, I think it is about high time that we rethink the concept of
Europeanness and European identities, as well as its composite national
identities. Islam and Muslims are not out there, external to Europe. Islam
and Muslims have been part of Europe for a long time and will be more
so in the future. I would even argue that Europe and Europeanness need
to be understood transnationally. Clearly, what is happening politically,
socially, and economically in places like Iraq, Turkey, Syria, and the many
other countries of origin for people with or without Muslim background
will influence identity constructions and political mobilisations of dias-
pora populations.
Some countries in Europe are doing better than others in recognising
that Muslims are an integral part of diverse and pluralistic societies that
increasingly characterise Europe and the larger contemporary world. The
UK, for example, partly due to its long, even if problematic, history of
colonialism and encounters with Muslim populations, particularly from
South Asia, is probably the most progressive country within Europe in
terms of the normalisation of British Islam and British Muslims. But even
within the UK, there are of course problems, and British Muslims have
become increasingly racialised and exposed to racism and Islamophobia
over the past years.
Finally, contestations of gender norms, relations, and identities are cen-
tral to cultural constructions of social identities and collectivities. Often
women are perceived to be both biological and cultural ­reproducers of a
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