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 AFRICAN HISTORIES AND MODERNITIES

CRISIS OF LEGITIMACY
AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE
IN UGANDA, 1890 TO 1979

Ogenga Otunnu
African Histories and Modernities

Series Editors

Toyin Falola
The University of Texas at Austin
Austin, Texas, USA

Matthew M. Heaton
Virginia Tech
Blacksburg, USA
This book series serves as a scholarly forum on African contributions to
and negotiations of diverse modernities over time and space, with a partic-
ular emphasis on historical developments. Specifically, it aims to refute the
hegemonic conception of a singular modernity, Western in origin, spread-
ing out to encompass the globe over the last several decades. Indeed, rather
than reinforcing conceptual boundaries or parameters, the series instead
looks to receive and respond to changing perspectives on an important but
inherently nebulous idea, deliberately creating a space in which multiple
modernities can interact, overlap, and conflict. While privileging works that
emphasize historical change over time, the series will also feature scholar-
ship that blurs the lines between the historical and the contemporary, rec-
ognizing the ways in which our changing understandings of modernity in
the present have the capacity to affect the way we think about African and
global histories. Editorial Board Aderonke Adesanya, Art History, James
Madison University Kwabena Akurang-Parry, History, Shippensburg
University Samuel O. Oloruntoba, History, University of North Carolina,
Wilmington Tyler Fleming, History, University of Louisville Barbara
Harlow, English and Comparative Literature, University of Texas at Austin
Emmanuel Mbah, History, College of Staten Island Akin Ogundiran,
Africana Studies, University of North Carolina, Charlotte

More information about this series at

http://www.springer.com/series/14758
 Ogenga Otunnu

Crisis of Legitimacy
and Political Violence
in Uganda, 1890 to
1979
Ogenga Otunnu
DePaul University
Chicago, USA

African Histories and Modernities

ISBN 978-3-319-33155-3    ISBN 978-3-319-33156-0 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-33156-0

Library of Congress Control Number: 2016960039

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2016

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the
publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to
the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made.

Cover image © Imagestate Media Partners Limited - Impact Photos / Alamy Stock Photo

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature

The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 This book is dedicated to my best teachers, my inspiration and best
friends, Baba Evangelist Dr. Yusto Otunnu and Mama Amato
Otunnu, for their unwavering and selfless commitment to social justice
and inclusive rights-­based human development. You will not be forgotten.
 Preface to Book 1

Historical and political examinations of the development of Uganda

abound. Many scholars have conducted book-length analyses of the politi-
cal situation in the country. Ogenga Otunnu’s book offers a different per-
spective. It brings to the analysis of Uganda a depth of investigation that
offers new conceptual frameworks and fresh intellectual insights. In high-
lighting the phenomenon of political violence, Otunnu is not necessarily
offering much that is radically new. However, the analysis in the book
critically interrogates many of the quite settled ideas of how the phenom-
enon of political violence in Uganda has been manifested. Taking on those
who offer only partial or erroneous explanations for the phenomenon,
Otunnu’s analysis compels a second look at accepted historical interpre-
tations that should also be cause for pause and serious introspection as
we examine the contemporary situation. Not only does the book make
the point that we need to revisit the dominant narratives about Uganda’s
accepted history, it argues that to understand “Uganda” we need to reach
back much further than has hitherto been the case.
Few countries have simultaneously experienced as much hope and
despair as the colloquially named “Pearl of Africa.” Travelling through
the continent at the turn of the twentieth century, British jingoist and
then Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies, Sir Winston Churchill,
counseled his countrymen to “concentrate on Uganda.” Huge returns
would come from small investments, he prophesied. While to Churchill
the country he so admired (or coveted) presented a façade of tranquil-
ity and pacific harmony, as a matter of fact the onslaught of imperialism
had already stained the empire’s African gem. Indeed, political violence

vii
viii PREFACE TO BOOK 1

marked the very establishment of Uganda, given the inter-religious wars

and numerous coups d’etat that heralded the arrival of empire in this part
of the continent. The struggle for control of the nascent protectorate
between the Ba-Faransa (the followers of French Catholicism) and the
Ba-Ingeleza who were aligned to the English Protestant/Anglican faith
was decisively concluded in favor of the latter. Lord Frederick Lugard’s
cannon fire and Sudanese corps of soldiers on which he mainly relied did
much to settle the battle in this manner. Regardless of the often paternalis-
tic Churchillian way in which the establishment of imperialism in Uganda
is often portrayed, the fact is that the very creation of the protectorate in
1894 was marked by a heavy dose of political violence.
This book is important not simply because it seeks to unsettle accepted
historical truths. It is important because it is not content to consider
only the colonial experience and its impact on the Ugandan body politic.
Instead, it begins with an analysis of a number of the prominent pre-­
colonial structures that existed in the country that eventually became
Uganda. Taking us back to the pre-colonial allows for an appreciation
of the continuities and the disruptions that imperialism wreaked on the
country and which still manifest in the contemporary political economy.
It challenges the idea that history begins with colonialism, while accepting
that colonialism left a significant imprint on Ugandan political history. As
much as this is a lesson in history, it is much more compelling as an argu-
ment of contemporary political significance.
Makerere University J. Oloka-Onyango
 Acknowledgments

One of the results of completing this study is that I have acquired and can
now discharge the obligations to express my appreciation to many people,
institutions and organizations that contributed directly to this study.
First of all, I am indebted to many Ugandans, including those I met
in concentration-like camps in the Luwero Triangle and West Nile in the
early 1980s, in Acholi, Lango, Teso and West Nile in the late 1980s and
late 1990s, who patiently, generously and candidly shared with me their
time, lived experiences, imaginations and views on political violence in the
country. Some Baganda who were violently uprooted from their stations
by harrowing political violence in the 1960s and Ugandan refugees in
Kenya, Sudan, South Africa, Sweden, the UK and Canada also shared their
experiences with me. I am humbled by their insights, traumatic experi-
ences and courage.
In the 1980s, colleagues at Makerere University enriched my under-
standing of the history of political violence in the country by sharing
with me their lived experiences of being “outsiders,” the risk of being
declared “bandits,” the terror of being declared stateless “Rwandese”
or “Sudanese,” and the degradation and fragmentation of being vio-
lently uprooted and internally displaced. Seventeen colleagues from the
Makerere University Guild accompanied me on a very risky but noble
fact-finding tour to every district and subdistrict in the country in 1984.
In February 1985, thousands of my colleagues demonstrated their collec-
tive opposition to terror, intimidation, dictatorship and corruption in the
government and at Makerere University. I thank them for their patience,
resistance, solidarity and activism.

ix
x ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

My fellow political detainees at the Central Police Station in Kampala

in 1985 shared with me their tragic stories. Their humor, friendship and
strength, in the face of protracted inhumane and degrading treatment,
taught me how the country has maintained a semblance of sanity under
intense and prolonged political terror and violence. Life in the prison of
torture, humiliation and social death would have been unbearably trau-
matic without the prayers, love and encouragement of my wonderful par-
ents, sisters, brothers, nieces, nephews and cousins. My friends, Colonel
Kapuchu and Grace Kafura, smuggled in food, medicine and newspapers.
May God bless them. My friends and colleagues from Makerere University,
Okello Lucima and Ben Tumuharwe, with whom we were detained by the
Obote regime, also deserve a word of appreciation for their friendship and
courage.
In the 1980s and 1990s, some prominent political leaders and military
officers shared with me their views on the ensuing political conflicts in the
country. I will mention a few of them: O. Alimadi (Prime Minister), Dr.
A. Tiberonda (Minister of Industry), Dr. J.J. Otim (Minister of Animal
Resources), E. Nyanzi (Democratic Party [DP] Member of Parliament
and later Minister of Commerce), Dr. Paul Ssemogerere (President of
DP and later Deputy Prime Minister), Zachary Olum (Vice-President of
DP and MP), Dr. Ambrose Okullu (DP and later Minister of Education),
J. Ssenteza (Member of Parliament, DP), Professor Benjamin Obonyo
(DP and Minister of Health), Professor I. Ojok (Minister of Education),
T. Atwoma (Leader of the Liberal Party and former Vice-President,
DP), Dr. O. Mulozi (DP), Major General Oyite Ojok (Army Chief of
Staff), General Basilio Okello (Brigade Commander, 10th Brigade, and
Army Chief of Defence Forces) and Lieutenant-Colonel F. Agwa (Joint
Chairman of Security Committee). A number of my former colleagues
from Makerere who served as senior army and government officers in the
Museveni regime, between 1986 and 2016, also provided information
and documents on political violence under the regime. Their names are
not mentioned because of security consideration. Thank you.
Special thanks go to General T. L. Okello for providing me with the
rare opportunity to discuss the chronic political crisis with many promi-
nent political and military players in the country in the early 1980s. From
1980 to 1992, General Okello also shared with me his interpretations and
analyses of political violence in Uganda since the 1930s. Apwoyo cwiny me
wat ki kony ma inyutu.
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xi

My debt remains to my former students of African History, refugee and

forced migration studies, comparative genocide and “Third World” poli-
tics at York University, Northwestern University and DePaul University,
who encouraged me to carry out a rigorous and extensive interdisciplinary
research that enriched this study.
I am grateful to my former professors: S. Muwanga, M. Mamdani,
S.R. Karugire, B.A. Mujaju, A. Nsibambi (Makerere University);
T. Shaw, P. Aucoin, L. McIntyre, F. Parlemo and G. Weinzel (Dalhousie
University); W.G. Mills and J. Reid (St. Mary’s University); S. Kanya-­
Forstner (Professor of European Imperial History), Professor H. Adelman
(Director of the Graduate Programme in Philosophy, founder and for-
mer Director of the Centre for Refugee Studies/Centre of Excellence),
J. Saywell (Distinguished University Professor and Director of the Graduate
Programme in History), D. Leyton-Brown (Professor of Political Science
and Dean of the Graduate Studies), P.E. Lovejoy (Distinguished University
Research Professor), T. Cohen (former Coordinator of the Undergraduate
Programme in History), J. Saul (Professor of African Politics), and profes-
sors Liisa North, J. Hathaway, Wenona Giles, M. Lanphier, A. Simmons
and L. Lam (York University).
Professor A.A. Mazrui (the Director of the Institute of Global Cultural
Studies and Albert Professor in Humanities, State University of New York
at Binghamton) passed my Ph.D. thesis, which forms an important part
of this work, with a distinction. Mazrui also invited me to his home sev-
eral times and shared his extensive understanding of political violence
in uganda. As my mentor over several years, he reminded me to pub-
lish the study. Professor O. H. Kokole (Binghamton State University of
New York) and Professor D. Rubadiri (formerly of Makerere University)
also shared with me their unrehearsed views about political violence in
Uganda. Professor Toyin Falola (Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker
Chair in Humanities, University Distinguished Teaching Professor at the
University of Texas at Austin) and Professor B.E. Harrel-Bond (Oxford
University) also provided some useful documents and comments and
encouraged me to publish this study. Thank you.
Finally and most importantly, my love and greatest debt remain to every
member of my wonderful family: Baba Evangelist Dr. Yusto Otunnu, Mama
Evangelist Josphine Amato, Edisa Auma, Kidega Otunnu, Evangelist
Lukonyomoi Otunnu and Filda Abelkec, Olara Otunnu, Omara Otunnu,
Lapolo Rwot-Oyera Otunnu, Philip Ochola, Lalweny Otunnu, Luwum
Otunnu, Miriam Aol Otunnu, Ochoro Otunnu, Lajiri Vanness-Otunnu
xii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

and Dr. Ron Vanness-Otunnu, Mony-Oruma Chua, Kilama Anyena,

Onen Anyena, Atabi Luremoi, Aloyo Otunnu, Ageno Otunnu, Abidok
Otunnu, Lakica Otunnu, Latango Otunnu, Ageno Betty, Okonya Ochola,
Omara Sam, Owinya Otunnu, Yusto Otunnu, Amato Otunnu, Adwogo
Otunnu, Oyella Otunnu, Otim Otunnu, Mwaka Otunnu, Tolit Otunnu,
Acii Otunnu, Acola Otunnu, Larib Omara-Otunnu, Teki Omara-Otunnu,
Ajula Vanness-Otunnu, Jane Laloyo, Attii-Ammii Laloyo, Camilla Laloyo,
Allen Arthur and Maria Alaroker. My family collected data for the research
from friends, archives and libraries. They then prodded me to be short
with my excuses and get on with a comprehensive study of political vio-
lence in Uganda. May the Almighty God wipe your tears, nurse your
bleeding veins and bless your paths. The responsibility for the views and
analysis contained herein, however, is mine alone.
 Contents

1 Introduction   1

2 Background: Legitimacy and Political

Violence in Pre-Colonial Societies  31

3 Crises of Legitimacy and Political Violence in Colonial

Uganda, 1890–1962  71

4 The Obote Regime and Political Violence, 1962–1971 157

5 The Amin Regime and Political Violence, 1971–1979 237

6 Conclusion 321

Bibliography331

Index 363

xiii
 List of Tables

Table 4.1 Total number of refugees living in Uganda, January 1,

1966 to January 1, 1967 218
Table 4.2 Number of refugees in Uganda in 1969 and 1970 219
Table 4.3 Size of settlements and allocation of land per
Rwandese family in 1969 219
Table 5.1 Refugees in Uganda, 1971–1979 295
Table 5.2 Uganda refugees, 1972–1979 298

xv
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Uganda, as an imagined territorial state and a tragic human drama, was the
“child” of the late nineteenth-century European expansionist violence.
This child came into imperial “existence” in 1890, following the Anglo-­
German Agreement. Since that time, it has experienced intense political
violence. Indeed, it has become an important example of a state that con-
tinues to be ravaged by harrowing political violence.
This study focuses on why intense political violence persisted in Uganda
from 1890 to 1979. It also examines how both state and non-state actors
responded to the phenomenon and the effects of political violence on
the society. The utility, types, intensity and location of political violence
are also highlighted. The central argument is that the most significant
factor accounting for the persistence of intense political violence is the
severe crisis of legitimacy of the state, its institutions, political incumbents
and their challengers. This violence, both a cause and effect of the crisis
of legitimacy, in turn, has exacerbated and sustained the severe crisis of
legitimacy—thus, completing the vicious cycle. On the most general level,
it suggests that societies experiencing prolonged and severe crises of legiti-
macy are prone to intense and persistent political violence. Other second-
ary propositions are (i) more often than not, political violence is employed
alongside other non-violent political methods to address the crisis of legit-
imacy by enlisting support, cooperation, compromise, control and com-
pliance; (ii) in specific instances of intense power c­ ontestation, political

© The Author(s) 2016 1

O. Otunnu, Crisis of Legitimacy and Political Violence in Uganda,
1890 to 1979, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-33156-0_1
2 O. OTUNNU

violence is employed as an abbreviated method of conflict elimination or

conflict resolution or revenge; (iii) a despotically strong and infrastructur-
ally strong state by its very nature has a severe crisis of legitimacy and is
an important site of political violence. Such a state will exhibit stability
of a police state; (iv) a despotically strong but infrastructurally weak state
is an important site of political violence and instability; (v) a despotically
weak and infrastructurally weak state is an important site of political vio-
lence and widespread anarchy; (vi) a despotically weak but infrastructur-
ally strong state is an important site of political legitimacy and sustainable
rights-based stability; (vii) response to political violence is influenced by
many and constantly changing variables: legitimacy of the state, its institu-
tions, political incumbents and their challengers; perceptions and nature
of threat; duration of conflict; contested and/or imagined histories of
relations between the protagonists; contested and/or imagined histories
of relations between the protagonists and secondary targets; history of
relations between the protagonists and spillover targets; coercive poten-
tials of the protagonists; objectives, strategies, tactics, targets and effects
of political violence; and relations between the protagonists and other
stakeholders; and (viii) effects of political violence depend on a host of
variables: relations between the protagonists; relations between the pro-
tagonists and secondary targets; relations between the protagonists and
other stakeholders; and objectives, targets, nature, duration, intensity, his-
tories and location of political violence.1
1
M. Mann, “The Autonomous Power of the State: Its Origins, Mechanisms and Results”, in
J. A. Hall, ed., States in History. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986: 109–127, makes a distinction
between infrastructural power, the capacity of the state to penetrate society by imposing its
decisions, and despotic or direct, forceful power of the state and the state elite. According
this observation, infrastructural power is compatible with democratic as well as totalitarian
regimes. Contemporary Western democracies, this view maintains, are despotically weak but
infrastructurally strong. Feudal states, on the other hand, were weak in both respects.
Modern authoritarian states, it is further asserted, are despotically strong and infrastructur-
ally strong. For informative debates about these political forms, see B. Buzan, “The Concept
of National Security for Developing Countries,” in M. Ayoob and Chai-Anan Samudavanija,
eds., Leadership Perceptions and National Security. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian
Studies, 1988: 1–2; C. B. C. O’Brien, “The Show of State in Neo-Colonial Twilight:
Francophone Africa,” in J. Manor, ed., Rethinking Third World Politics. London: Longman,
1991: 145–165. See also, D. K. Gupta, The Economics of Political Violence: The Effects of
Political Instability on Economic Growth. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1990: 251–258;
F. Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press, 1963: 21–2, 72, 87, 102–103;
R. J. Goldstein, Political Repression in Modern America. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman
Publishing Co., 1978, especially: 530, 548; T. R. Gurr, Why Men Rebel. Princeton: New
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