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THE MIDDLEMOST AND THE MILLTOWNS

BOURGEOIS CULTURE AND POLITICS

IN EARLY INDUSTRIAL ENGLAND
THE MIDDLEMOST AND THE MILLTOWNS
BOURGEOIS CULTURE AND POLITICS
IN EARLY INDUSTRIAL ENGLAND

Brian Lewis

Stanford University Press

Stanford, California
2001
Stanford University Press
Stanford, California
©2001 by the Board of Trustees of the
Leland Stanford Junior University
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free,
archival-quality paper.
Library of Congress Cataloging-m-Pubhcation Data
Lewis, Brian, 1965-
The middlemost and the milltowns : bourgeois culture and
politics in early industrial England / Brian Lewis.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8047-4174-3 (alk. paper)
1. Middle class - England - History - 18th century. 2. Middle
class - England - History - 19th century. I. Title.
HT690 G7 L39 2002
305 5'5'0942 - dc21 2001049442
Original printing 2001
Last figure below indicates year of this printing:
00 09 08 07 06 05 04 03 02 01
Typeset by Janet Gardiner in 9.5/12.5 Sabon
For My Parents
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I have incurred many debts during the research and writing of this book In
one sense the research began when I was a teenager at Queen Elizabeth's
Grammar School, Blackburn, where the late Lynne Martmdale and the late
David Ramm guided my first, faltering steps in the study of history, and Alan
Petford piqued my interest in the methods and promise of local history At
Balliol College, Oxford, where I was an undergraduate, Colin Lucas stimu-
lated a fascination with the French Revolution and its ramifications across
Europe John Prest, my tutor in modern British history, then and ever since
has been an unfailing source of wisdom and support, a model Oxford tutor
His very helpful critique of the book manuscript is only the most recent ex-
ample of his generosity
This book is based on my Ph D dissertation at Harvard University, where
my graduate work was generously funded by a Frank Knox Memorial Fellow-
ship, the Harvard Krupp Foundation, and research grants from the History
Department I received much encouragement and advice at Harvard from the
late John Chve (my first adviser), Simon Schama (who became my adviser),
Caroline Ford, Charles Maier, and Susan Pedersen David Blackbourn gave
me valuable feedback on the dissertation and has been very supportive ever
since Boyd Hilton, my supervisor during a productive year as a graduate vis-
iting student at Trinity College, Cambridge, suggested a number of new ave-
nues to explore, and I benefited from a research grant from the college's Ed-
dington Fund I received early guidance and suggestions from John Brewer,
Graeme Davison, John Garrard, Patrick Joyce, R J Morris, Linda Colley, V
A C Gatrell, Gareth Stedman Jones, Leonore Davidoff, Michael Rose, and
Roger Schofield
I have spent months at a time in a number of libraries and record offices I
am deeply indebted to the staff at Bolton Archives and Local Studies, the Lan-
cashire Record Office in Preston, Blackburn Reference Library, Preston Refer-
ence Library, the Public Record Office at Kew, Cambridge University Library,
the Widener Library at Harvard, and the McLennan Library at McGill for
their efficient and friendly service, and to those at the other libraries and rec-
ord offices in London, Lancashire, and Cambridge (listed in the footnotes)
where I spent briefer periods Letters of the Rev John William Whittaker in
viu Acknowledgments

the library of St. John's College, Cambridge, are quoted with the permission
of the Master and Fellows. For accommodation during research trips to Lon-
don I must thank above all Carolyn and Jeremy Bradburne for allowing me
the use of their flat in Kew, and Steve and Debi Maughan for putting me up in
Camden Town. For much-needed help with computing and printing, my
thanks to David Wu and Jesse Wen. Friends, colleagues, and students at the
Center for European Studies at Harvard, in the Department of Modern His-
tory at the University of Manchester (where I spent a semester as a sabbatical-
leave replacement), and for the last five years in the Department of History at
McGill have provided inspiration and congenial environments for the writing
and rewriting of this study.
Two of my McGill colleagues, Nancy Partner and Kate Desbarats, read the
manuscript in its entirety and have been particularly generous in proffering
advice Catherine LeGrand, the then Chair, allowed me some welcome relief
from teaching during a critical phase of the writing, and Suzanne Morton, the
current Chair, has been very supportive. My coworkers in British history,
Colin Duncan, Elizabeth Elbourne, and Michael Maxwell, have made the pur-
suit of the British past at McGill a pleasure Georgn Mikula and her staff in
the departmental office perform miracles on a daily basis, and their assistance
has been enormous. A McGill internal grant from the Social Science and Hu-
manities Research Council of Canada facilitated a further summer in Lanca-
shire archives, and McGill conference-travel grants enabled me to present
some of my thoughts at conferences in Manchester and Washington, DC
Comments on these occasions, and at seminars in a number of different ven-
ues in and around McGill, have been most helpful. Katie Sams's editorial
work on the manuscript and Sebastian Normandm's help with proofreading
and indexing have been painstaking and meticulous. At Stanford University
Press Norns Pope has been a most courteous editor—I am particularly grate-
ful to him for accommodating such a stout manuscript—and the sharp eyes of
Janet Gardiner and Louise Herndon have prevented many remaining errors I
am indebted to Carman Miller, Dean of the Faculty of Arts at McGill, for a
grant toward the cost of publication.
My greatest debt is to my parents for all of their support and for providing
the home in Blackburn where much of this book was researched and written.
It would not have been possible without them, and it is dedicated to them,
with love and gratitude.

Brian Lewis
 CONTENTS

Introduction 1

Chapter 1: Wartime 15

Chapter 2: Seriousness 37

Chapter 3: Containment 69

Chapter 4: Domesticity, Sex, and Marriage 94

Chapter 5: Policing and Punishment 126

Chapter 6: The Peace of God 151

Chapter 7: Regulating Poverty 221

Chapter 8: Voluntary Associations 248

Chapter 9: Dealing with Labor 287

Chapter 10: Ordering the Town 312

Chapter 11: Bourgeois Time and Space 346

Chapter 12: Peacetime 371

Conclusion 402

Appendixes 407

Notes 431

Index 557
 LIST OF TABLES

1 Population Growth 10
2 Other Populous Townships 11
3 Bourgeois Heads of Household in 1851 12
4 Leading Occupations, Not Heads of Household, 1851 13
5 Occupations of Preston Councillors, 1835-50 317
6 Occupations of Bolton Councillors, 1843-50 321
7 Bourgeois Voting in Bolton, 1832 385
Al Catholic and Dissenting Strength in Preston and
Surrounding Townships, 1829 412
A2 Catholic and Dissenting Strength in Blackburn and
Surrounding Townships, 1829 413
A3 Catholic and Dissenting Strength in Bolton and
Surrounding Townships, 1829 414
A4 Bourgeois Voting in Bolton, 1835 418
A5 Bourgeois Voting in Bolton, 1837 419
A6 Bourgeois Voting in Bolton, 1841 420
A7 Sample of Bourgeois Voting in Bolton, 1847 421
A8 Voting by Religious Affiliation, Bolton, 1847 423
A9 Voting in Blackburn, 1835 424
A10 Bourgeois Voting in Preston, 1835 426
All Bourgeois Voting in Preston, 1837 427
A12 Bourgeois Voting in Preston, 1841 429
THE MIDDLEMOST AND THE MILLTOWNS

BOURGEOIS CULTURE AND POLITICS

IN EARLY INDUSTRIAL ENGLAND
 INTRODUCTION

Tis observed . . that oysters, when placed in their barrel,

Will never presume with their stations to quarrel.
They still make the best of their present condition,
Tho' preference is due to the middle position
When the top is turn'd downward, the highest must fall
And the lowest will rise to the top of them all.
Not so with the middlemost—their situation
No change can experience, or feel degradation.
The middlemost, too, their bland juices bestow,
On their poor piping brethren embedded below
From this let us learn what an oyster can tell us,
And we all shall be better and happier fellows
Acquiesce in your stations whenever you've got 'em,
Be not proud at the top, nor repine at the bottom,
But happiest they in the middle who live,
And have something to lend, and to spend, and to give.

The Rev. Thomas Wilson, in his capacity as Deputy Rhymesmith of

the Preston Oyster and Parched Pea Club, 1808.

This book investigates the lives, ideologies, and actions of women and men
like the Rev. Wilson, in the Lancashire cotton towns of Blackburn, Bolton,
and Preston between the late-eighteenth and mid-nineteenth centuries. He
called them the middlemost; I shall generally call them the bourgeoisie, maybe
envisaging a narrower segment of society; others prefer upper-middle class(es),
local elite, urban gentry, urban patriciate, leading or respectable inhabitants 2 1
am referring to the merchants, manufacturers, professionals, substantial re-
tailers, and their families—people who exercised the most power locally,
whose voice was loudest in the public square, and who played the most criti-
cal role in the formation of urban Britain. The nation, in the long run,
emerged closer to their multifarious norms and values than to those of any al-
ternative groups or discourses.
The book follows these people from boardroom to bedroom, assembly to
art gallery, garden to ghetto, through their volunteer corps, vacation cottages,
2 Introduction

churches, and chapels. It is a social and cultural history in which politics is

central, a local history m which the development of church and state are to the
fore Beginning in 1789 with the onset of revolution abroad, and ending with
the Great Exhibition of 1851, a symbol of mid-Victorian stability, it is orga-
nized around the quest for order how members of the bourgeoisie sought to
bring order to their own lives and to create an orderly society within the con-
text of rapid urbanization and the ever-increasing reach of the state Each of
the chapters speaks to an aspect of this search. The chapter sequence disrupts
the narrative and thematic flow to convey a sense of this simultaneous creat-
ing and being created—to suggest that the whole cannot be understood with-
out a perpetual oscillation between public and private or the interleaving of
culture and politics. More broadly, the study revisits an old favorite in the his-
torical repertoire: Why was there no French-style revolution in Britain? How
was stability maintained in a volatile society of brutal inequalities of wealth
and power ?4 How did the nation weather the aftermath of defeat in America,
the crisis of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, the postwar de-
pression and radical agitation, the Reform Act turmoil, Chartism, the traumas
of early industrialization and rapid urbanization—with, at the end of it all, the
monarchy still intact, Victoria's head and shoulders still attached, the House
of Lords unchanged, the House of Commons somewhat broadened but still
highly restricted, and the great parties, Whigs/Liberals and Tones/Conserva-
tives, still under the control of a small group of aristocratic families5
A brief sketch of some of the competing explanations is in order The first
set of explanations latches onto the findings of economic historians over the
last quarter century that have flattened out the growth curve of the "Industrial
Revolution." The "Tory" version tends to deny that there is a problem
needing explanation. Gradual growth meant that no great fault lines of class
or extreme ideological cleavages developed.6 The loyal, deferential, patriotic
lower orders remained substantially more important than radical and disrup-
tive elements; clergymen preaching a gospel of social quiescence and accep-
tance of one's station in life always had a greater impact than Thomas Paine
and his successors. In sum, as socioeconomic change was not cataclysmic, it is
hardly surprising that political change was not cataclysmic. A more "liberal"
version contends that because British industrialization was so protracted and
uneven, labor was able to adapt 7 Political agitation, sometimes violent, was
pan of the worker response, but the development of trade societies, friendly
societies and benefit clubs proved more durable, easily expanding into the tra-
dition of reformism and labonsm that characterized Britain's labor move-
ments later in the century.
The second set of explanations does not dissent from the premise that a
violent revolution was possible and even likely given the intensity of economic
upheaval, exploitation, and state repression But the lower-class attempts at
Introduction 3

emancipation failed, and Britain continued (continues?) to labor under an an-

tique political system with real power in the hands of a privileged few, and the
nation suffered (suffers?) from not experiencing a democratic, let alone a so-
cialist, revolution. One way to explain this failure is to point to key figures—
Methodists, the labor aristocrats—who were bought off, co-opted, seduced
into conformity to the established order. 9 Another way, more plausibly, em-
phasizes the effectiveness of repression. The state remained strong—it lost no
wars after 1782, did not run out of money like the French monarchy in 1789
and could attract the united support of the propertied classes in defense of law
and order—so was able to defeat popular radicalism by brute force. Though
the state bureaucracy was tiny by Continental standards, it could speedily
mobilize adequate coercive power to subdue and control any likely scale of
unrest in Britain or Ireland.
A somewhat more subtle variant places most weight on the notion that at
key, potentially revolutionary moments in British history, the propertied
classes remained united—quite unlike the disastrous situation in France in
1789, 1830, and 1848 when division in the middle and upper classes heralded
revolution. As Lenin was to argue, what is needed beyond the acute suffering
and consequent agitation of the oppressed classes is "a crisis . . . among the
'upper classes', a crisis in the policy of the ruling class, leading to a fissure
through which the discontent and indignation of the oppressed classes burst
forth." In Britain there was no such fissure. Michael Mann, in the most
strongly stated recent version of this thesis, underlines the scope, intensity, and
organization of Chartism—more impressive than anything prior to the revolu-
tions in France—and suggests that the movement failed because there was no
weakness on the other side. The working class encountered an equally reso-
lute, class-conscious, and self-righteous ruling regime and capitalist class.
They clashed head-on, there was no dialectical resolution, and the working
class lost, plain and simple.
A third constellation of explanations revolves around the notion of a
"quiet revolution." One take on this is the Whig narrative. The British consti-
tution and state were sufficiently adaptable to accommodate the strains and
stresses in society, hence there was no need for a violent revolution. The ruling
elite made concessions to the newly volatile classes in society, ultimately en-
suring a graceful, peaceful transition from aristocracy to democracy. This is
the language of incorporation, accommodation, and compromise as enlight-
ened rulers shepherded bigger and bigger flocks into the fold. A non-
conservative variant acknowledges the success of radicalism. The Chartists
failed in their immediate political objectives, still less provoked a revolution,
but the strength and the size of the movement forced the state to make conces-
sions—factory legislation, Repeal of the Corn Laws, the dismantling of Old
Corruption, steady reductions in taxation, a shift in emphasis from indirect to
4 Introduction

direct taxation. 1 This was not a process of calm adaptation, but the panicky
reaction of the old order to seething discontent. The emphasis is on conflict
and instability, not consensus 14 But the end results were similar- further steps
in a quiet transformation, reducing the prospects or need for a noisy revolu-
tion.
A final star in this particular galaxy is the "bourgeois hegemony" argu-
ment—an answer to those puzzled as to why the middle classes failed to enact
a revolution in spite of the continuing predominance of the aristocracy in
church and state It contends that the bourgeoisie controlled all the economic
levers—all the important aspects of a capitalist society—and that aristocratic
political control at the center was largely irrelevant As long as governments
followed policies broadly favorable to the economic interests of manufacturers
and industrialists, the latter were quite content for the old elite to remain in
nominal power at the top. This quiet revolution of the bourgeoisie, which suc-
ceeded in establishing middle-class norms as the common sense of nineteenth-
century Britain, meant a political revolution was unnecessary. Like the other
quiet revolutionary models, it implies a transformation that was deeper and
more enduring than the surface froth of the French model. 5
These, in very broad, monochromatic brush-strokes, have been the princi-
pal interpretations In practice most scholars have dabbed at colors from a va-
riety of such palettes to create vibrantly subtle compositions and to paint over
some of the many imperfections. The considerable growth in the number of
studies of the middle classes in the past few years—an attempt to correct the
depiction of the faceless bourgeoisie or propertied ranks seen in the great
foundational social histories fixated on working-class formation and lower-
class radicalism—is, implicitly or explicitly, a recognition (and m turn a dem-
onstration) that none of these interpretations make sense without a detailed
examination of the middle-class role.
But what is meant by "the middle classes"? After the assaults m recent
years is there much left of the idea of class, or at least of broad classes estab-
lishing through conflict a form of consciousness as the motor of history ? Em-
pirical research, contemporary politics, the challenge of academic feminism,
the linguistic turn: all have left the class narrative bloodied and bowed.16 Vig-
orous mental gymnastics are now required to claim a particular date or period
when the middle class was "made," consciousness achieved, the finish line
crossed The confident assumption that in the generation after the French
Revolution the middle class passed along the highway to consciousness, refu-
eling at familiar stations—Pitt's income tax, the Orders m Council, the trade
embargo against the United States, the Corn Laws, Peterloo, the Queen Caro-
line Affair, Reform, Repeal, 1848—has withered 17
Partly this doubt stems from backward glances at the rich scholarship on
the late-seventeenth- and eighteenth-century middling sort, which has depicted
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