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A New Generation
Draws the Line
Humanitarian Intervention and the
“Responsibility to Protect” Today


Noam Chomsky

Expanded Edition
First published 2001 by Paradigm Publishers

Published 2016 by Routledge

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright © 2001, 2012 by Noam Chomsky.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in
any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter
invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used
only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

Some portions of this book were published in an earlier version, A New Generation
Draws the Line: Kosovo, East Timor and the Standards of the West, by Noam Chomsky
(Verso 2001.)

The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data for this title is available

from the Library of Congress.

ISBN 13 : 978-1-61205-073-7 (hbk)

ISBN 13 : 978-1-61205-074-4 (pbk)

Designed and typeset by Straight Creek Bookmakers.

 Contents

Foreword iv

1 Intentional Ignorance and Its Uses 1

2 “Green Light” for War Crimes 48

3 Kosovo in Retrospect 94

4 Human Rights in the New Millennium 148

Acknowledgments 167

 iii 
 
Foreword

This book deals with the new interventionism of the Western

powers, mostly of the United States.
These interventions are repeatedly justified on grounds
of the “right (or duty) of humanitarian intervention” or the
“responsibility to protect” — publicized as R2P1. This ideol-
ogy justifying intervention was developed following the end
of the Vietnam War and the collapse of the European colonial
empires. It drew on the tragedies that occurred in the newly
independent countries, starting with the “boat people” in Viet-
nam and the “killing fields” of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia,
and later with the events in Rwanda and Yugoslavia, to justify
intervention, including military intervention, by Western pow-
ers in the internal affairs of the rest of the world. NATO bomb-
ing of Yugoslavia and more recently of Libya was justified on
that basis. The wars in Afghanistan and in Iraq were justified
on more traditional pretexts of “national security” (including,
in the case of Iraq, a preventive strike against hypothetical
weapons of mass destruction), but arguments based on the

 iv 
 Jean Bricmont

idea of humanitarian intervention, such as protecting Afghan

women or toppling a dictator, were also used to gain support
from left-liberal opinion in Western countries.
The humanitarian rhetoric was particularly strident at the
beginning of the 2011 Libyan war, not least within the Euro-
pean left, where we were told that we must “do something”
even if it means “allying with the devil” (the United States,
NATO, Sarkozy, and company) in order to stop the “dicta-
tor” from “murdering his own people”. Anyone opposed to,
or even just lukewarm about, this intervention risked being
considered an accomplice of the dictator, and retrospectively
guilty of Munich, of refusing to support the Spanish Republic,
or of abandoning the Jews to their fate during World War II.
The main target of the humanitarian interventionists is the
concept of national sovereignty, on which the current inter-
national law is based, and which they stigmatize as allowing
dictators to kill their own people at will. The impression is
sometimes given that national sovereignty is nothing but a
protection for dictators whose only desire is to kill their own
people.
But in fact, the primary justification of national sovereignty
is precisely to provide at least a partial protection of weak
states against strong ones. A state that is strong enough can
do whatever it chooses without worrying about intervention
from outside. Nobody expects Bangladesh to interfere in the
internal affairs of the United States in order to force it to re-
duce its CO2 emissions, which threaten to drown large parts
of that Asian country. Nobody is going to bomb the United
States to force it to modify its immigration or monetary policies

v
 Foreword

because of the human consequences of such policies on other

countries. Humanitarian intervention goes only one way: from
the powerful to the weak.
The very starting point of the United Nations was to save
humankind from “the scourge of war,” with reference to the
two world wars. This was to be done precisely by strict respect
for national sovereignty, in order to prevent Great Powers from
intervening militarily against weaker ones, regardless of the
pretext. The protection of national sovereignty in international
law was based on recognition that internal conflicts in weak
countries can be exploited by strong ones, as was shown by
Germany’s interventions in Czechoslovakia and Poland os-
tensibly “in defense of oppressed minorities,” which led to
World War II.
Then came decolonization. Following World War II, dozens
of newly independent countries freed themselves from the
colonial yoke. The last thing they wanted was to see former
colonial powers openly interfering in their internal affairs (even
though such interference has often persisted in more-or-less
veiled forms, notably in African countries). This aversion to
foreign interference explains why the “right” of humanitarian
intervention has been universally rejected by the countries
of the South, for example at the South Summit in Havana
in April 2000. Meeting in Kuala Lumpur in February 2003,
shortly before the US attack on Iraq, “The Heads of State
or Government reiterated the rejection by the Non-Aligned
Movement of the so-called ‘right’ of humanitarian interven-
tion, which has no basis either in United Nations Charter or
in international law”; and “also observed similarities between

 vi 
 Jean Bricmont

the new expression ‘responsibility to protect’ and ‘humanitar-

ian intervention’ and requested the Co-ordinating Bureau to
carefully study and consider the expression ‘the responsibility
to protect’ and its implications on the basis of the principles of
non-interference and non-intervention as well as the respect
for territorial integrity and national sovereignty of States.”
The main failure of the United Nations has not been that it
did not stop dictators from murdering their own people, but
that it failed to prevent powerful countries from violating the
principles of international law: the United States in Indochina
and Iraq, South Africa in Angola and Mozambique, Israel in its
neighboring countries, Indonesia in East Timor; not to speak of
all the coups, threats, embargoes, unilateral sanctions, bought
elections, and so on. Many millions of people lost their lives
because of such repeated violation of international law and of
the principle of national sovereignty.
In a post–World War II history that includes the Indochina
wars; the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan, of Panama, and
even of tiny Grenada; as well as the bombing of Yugoslavia, Lib-
ya, and various other countries, it is scarcely credible to maintain
that it is international law and respect for national sovereignty
that prevent the United States from stopping genocide. If the
United States had had the means and the desire to intervene in
Rwanda, it would have done so, and no international law would
have prevented that. And if a “new norm” is introduced, such as
the right of humanitarian intervention or the responsibility to
protect, within the context of the current relationship of political
and military forces, it will not save anyone anywhere, unless
the United States sees fit to intervene, from its own perspective.

 vii 
 Foreword

US interference in the internal affairs of other states is multi-

faceted but constant, and repeatedly violates the spirit and often
the letter of the UN Charter. Despite claims to act on behalf
of principles such as freedom and democracy, US interven-
tion has repeatedly had disastrous consequences: not only the
millions of deaths caused by direct and indirect wars, but also
the lost opportunities for hundreds of millions of people who
might have benefited from progressive social policies initiated
by leaders such as Arbenz in Guatemala, Goulart in Brazil,
Allende in Chile, Lumumba in the Congo, Mossadegh in Iran,
the Sandinistas in Nicaragua, or President Chavez in Venezuela,
who have been systematically subverted, overthrown, or killed
with full Western support.
But that is not all. Every aggressive action led by the United
States creates a reaction. Deployment of an anti-missile shield
produces more missiles, not fewer. Bombing civilians — whether
deliberately or by so-called “collateral damage” — produces
more armed resistance, not less.
Trying to overthrow or subvert governments produces
more internal repression, not less. Encouraging secessionist
minorities by giving them the often false impression that the
sole Superpower will come to their rescue in case they are
repressed leads to more violence, hatred, and death, not less.
Surrounding a country with military bases produces more
defense spending by that country, not less, and the possession
of nuclear weapons by Israel encourages other states of the
Middle East to acquire such weapons.
Moreover, the humanitarian disasters in Eastern Congo are
mainly due to foreign interventions (mostly from Rwanda, a

 viii 
 Jean Bricmont

US ally), not to a lack of them. To take a most extreme case,

which is a favorite example of horrors cited by advocates of
the humanitarian interventions, it is most unlikely that the
Khmer Rouge would ever have taken power in Cambodia
without the massive “secret” US bombing followed by US-
engineered regime change that left that unfortunate country
totally disrupted and destabilized.
Another problem with the “right of humanitarian interven-
tion” is that it fails to suggest any principle to replace national
sovereignty. When NATO exercised its own self-proclaimed
right to intervene in Kosovo, where diplomatic efforts were far
from having been exhausted, it was praised by the Western
media. When Russia exercised what it regarded as its own
R2P in South Ossetia, it was uniformly condemned in the
same Western media.
When Vietnam intervened in Cambodia to put an end to
the Khmer Rouge, or India intervened to free Bangladesh
from Pakistan, their actions were also harshly condemned in
the United States. So either every country with the means to
do so acquires the right to intervene whenever a humanitarian
reason can be invoked as a justification, and we are back to the
war of all against all, or only an all-powerful state, namely the
United States (and its allies) are allowed to do so, and we are
back to a form of dictatorship in international affairs.
It is often said that the interventions are not to be carried
out by one state, but by the “international community.” The
concept of “international community” is used primarily by
the United States and its allies to designate themselves and
whoever agrees with them at the time. It has grown into a

 ix 
 Foreword

concept that both rivals the United Nations (the “international

community” claims to be more “democratic” than many UN
member states) and tends to take it over in many ways.
In reality, there is no such thing as a genuine international
community. NATO’s intervention in Kosovo was not approved
by Russia, and Russian intervention in South Ossetia was con-
demned by the West. There would have been no Security Council
approval for either intervention. The African Union has rejected
the indictment by the International Criminal Court of the Presi-
dent of Sudan. Most of the world — Latin America, India, Russia,
China — does not approve of NATO’s war against Libya, despite
the UNSC Resolution 1973. Any system of international justice
or police, whether it is R2P or the ICC, would need to be based
on a relationship of equality and a climate of trust. Today, there
is no equality and no trust, between West and East, between
North and South, largely as a result of the record of US policies.
For some version of R2P to be consensually functional in the
future, we need first to build a relationship of equality and trust.
The Libyan adventure has illustrated another reality con-
veniently overlooked by the supporters of humanitarian inter-
vention, namely that without the huge US military machine,
the sort of safe no-casualty (on our side) intervention that can
hope to gain public support is not possible.
The Western countries are not willing to risk sacrificing
too many lives of their troops, and waging a purely aerial
war requires an enormous amount of high technology equip-
ment. Those who support such interventions are supporting,
whether they realize it or not, the continued existence of the
US military machine, with its bloated budgets and its weight

x
 Jean Bricmont

on the national debt. The European Greens and Social Demo-

crats who support the war in Libya should have the honesty
to tell their constituents that they need to accept massive cuts
in public spending on pensions, unemployment, health care,
and education in order to bring such social expenses down to
an American level and use the hundreds of billions of euros
thus saved to build a military machine that will be able to
intervene whenever and wherever there is humanitarian crisis.
If it is true that the 21st century needs a new United Nations,
it does not need one that legitimizes such interventions by
novel arguments, such as R2P, but one that gives at least moral
support to those who try to construct a world less dominated
by a single military superpower. The United Nations needs to
pursue its efforts to achieve its founding purpose before setting
a new, supposedly humanitarian priority, which may in reality
be used by the Great Powers to justify their own future wars
by undermining the principle of national sovereignty.
There should be an active peace policy through internation-
al cooperation, disarmament, and non-intervention of states
in the internal affairs of others. We could use our overblown
military budgets to implement a form of global Keynesianism:
Instead of demanding “balanced budgets” in the developing
world, we should use the resources wasted on our military to
finance massive investments in education, health care, and
development. If this sounds utopian, it is not more so than the
belief that a stable world will emerge from the way our current
“war on terror” is being carried out.
Moreover, one should strive toward strict respect for inter-
national law on the part of Western powers; implementing the

 xi 
 Foreword

UN resolutions concerning Israel; dismantling the worldwide

US empire of bases as well as NATO; ceasing all threats con-
cerning the unilateral use of force; stopping all interference
in the internal affairs of other States, in particular all opera-
tions of “democracy promotion,” “color” revolutions, and the
exploitation of the politics of minorities. This necessary respect
for national sovereignty means that the ultimate sovereign of
each nation-state is the people of that state, whose right to
replace unjust governments cannot be taken over by suppos-
edly benevolent outsiders.
It will be objected that such a policy would allow dictators
to “murder their own people,” the current slogan justifying
intervention. But if non-intervention may allow such terrible
things to happen, history shows that military intervention fre-
quently has the same result, when cornered leaders and their
followers turn their wrath on the “traitors” supporting foreign
intervention. On the other hand, non-intervention spares
domestic oppositions from being regarded as fifth columns of
the Western powers — an inevitable result of our intervention-
ist policies. Actively seeking peaceful solutions would allow a
reduction of military expenditures, arms sales (including to
dictators who may use them to “murder their own people”),
and use of resources to improve social standards.
Coming to the present situation, one must acknowledge
that the West has been supporting Arab dictators for a variety
of reasons, ranging from oil to Israel, in order to control that
region; and that this policy is slowly collapsing. But the lesson
to draw is not to rush into yet another war, in Libya, claiming
this time to be on the right side, defending the people against

 xii 
 Jean Bricmont

dictators, but to recognize that it is high time for us to stop

assuming that we must control the Arab world. At the dawn
of the 20th century, most of the world was under European
control. Eventually, the West will lose control over that part
of the world, as it lost it in East Asia and is losing it in Latin
America. How the West will adapt itself to its decline is the
crucial political question of our time; answering it is unlikely
to be either easy or pleasant.
The ideology of humanitarian intervention is part of a long
history of Western attitudes toward the rest of the world. When
Western colonialists landed on the shores of the Americas,
Africa, or Eastern Asia, they were shocked by what we would
now call violations of human rights, and which they called
“barbaric mores”: human sacrifices, cannibalism, women
forced to bind their feet. Time and again, such indignation,
sincere or calculating, has been used to justify or to cover up
the crimes of the Western powers: the slave trade, the exter-
mination of indigenous peoples, and the systematic stealing
of land and resources. This attitude of righteous indignation
continues to this day and is at the root of the claim that the
West has a “right to intervene” and a “right to protect” while
turning a blind eye to oppressive regimes considered “our
friends,” to endless militarization and wars, and to massive
exploitation of labor and resources.
The promoters of humanitarian intervention present it as the
beginning of a new era, but in fact it is the end of an old one.
From an interventionist viewpoint, this doctrine backtracks
with respect to the “rights” invoked by traditional colonialists.
Millions of people, including American citizens, reject war as a

 xiii 
 Foreword

means to settle international disputes and strongly oppose the

blind support of their country for Israeli Apartheid. They ad-
here to the goals of the non-aligned movement of international
cooperation within the strict respect for national sovereignty
and equality of all peoples. They risk being denounced in the
media of their own countries as being anti-Western. Yet they
are the ones who, by opening their minds to the aspirations
of the rest of mankind, carry on what is genuinely of value in
the Western humanist tradition.
The major social transformation of the 20th century has
been decolonization. It continues today in the elaboration of
a genuinely democratic world, one in which the sun will have
set on the US empire, just as it did on the old European ones.

Jean Bricmont
July 2011

Note

1. At the 2005 World Summit, Member States included RtoP

in the Outcome Document (http://www.who.int/hiv/universalac-
cess2010/worldsummit.pdf ) in paragraphs 138 and 139 that state:
138. Each individual State has the responsibility to protect
its populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and
crimes against humanity. This responsibility entails the prevention
of such crimes, including their incitement, through appropriate
and necessary means. We accept that responsibility and will act in
accordance with it. The international community should, as ap-
propriate, encourage and help States to exercise this responsibility

 xiv 
 Jean Bricmont

and support the United Nations in establishing an early warning

capability.
139. The international community, through the United Nations,
also has the responsibility to use appropriate diplomatic, humanitar-
ian and other peaceful means, in accordance with Chapters VI and
VIII of the Charter, to help protect populations from genocide,
war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. In this
context, we are prepared to take collective action, in a timely and
decisive manner, through the Security Council, in accordance with
the Charter, including Chapter VII, on a case-by-case basis and
in cooperation with relevant regional organizations as appropri-
ate, should peaceful means be inadequate and national authorities
manifestly fail to protect their populations from genocide, war
crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. We stress
the need for the General Assembly to continue consideration of the
responsibility to protect populations from genocide, war crimes,
ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity and its implications,
bearing in mind the principles of the Charter and international law.
We also intend to commit ourselves, as necessary and appropriate,
to helping States build capacity to protect their populations from
genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against human-
ity and to assisting those which are under stress before crises and
conflicts break out.

 xv 
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