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A M ER IC A N C R EOL E S
The Francophone Caribbean
and the American South
Edited by
Martin Munro
and
Celia Britton
Introduction 1
Martin Munro and Celia Britton
Creolizations
Music
Leaving the South: Frantz Fanon, Modern Jazz, and the Rejection of
Négritude 129
Jeremy F. Lane
The Sorcerer and the Quimboiseur: Poetic Intention in the Works of
Miles Davis and Édouard Glissant 147
Jean-Luc Tamby
Creolizing Jazz, Jazzing the Tout-monde: Jazz, Gwoka and the Poetics
of Relation 165
Jerome Camal
vii
viii
There is a curious relationship between the birth of an academic field and its
death. In the manifestos and declaration of intent that mark the invention of
a field there is often a recognition of its limitations and an intimation of its
future demise. In some cases there is even a tacit challenge to bring about
and hasten that expiration, or at least quickly to render the field’s initial
manifestations and conceptual apparatus redundant. Such would seem to be
the case with Francophone Postcolonial Studies, a field of study that itself
came into being through the end of another, the Association for the Study of
African and Caribbean Literature in French. From the first issues of the new
society’s self-named journal, statements establishing the field and setting its
parameters existed alongside self-reflexive critiques that questioned already
the durability of many of its founding concepts (see, e.g., Assiba d’Almeida,
2003; Britton, 2003; Harrison, 2003).
This critical self-questioning has been an important and indeed salutary
element in the subsequent development of the field. Key works edited by
Charles Forsdick and David Murphy have primarily sought to prise open and
‘decolonize’ the terms ‘Francophone’ and ‘postcolonial’: through including
France in their investigations of the former term they emphasize the complex,
connected relationship between France and its former colonies; while by
stressing the importance of French-language works to the postcolonial field
more generally they seek to disrupt the almost exclusively anglophone focus
of that discipline (Forsdick and Murphy, 2009: 4–5). One of the consequences
of the rapid evolution of Francophone Postcolonial Studies and its distinc-
tively self-reflexive nature is that its two constituent terms – Francophone
and postcolonial – are put under a particular conceptual and semantic stress
that seems both to load them with meaning and deprive them of some of their
critical usefulness. In a sense, they appear at once to mean too much and too
little. Significantly in this regard, the second of Forsdick and Murphy’s edited
volumes jettisoned the term Francophone in favour of the more neutral
‘French-speaking’ – a move that acknowledges the ongoing difficulties of
dissociating the notion of the Francophone from colonial connotations. It
is similarly significant that a further edited work, Transnational French
Studies: Postcolonialism and Littérature-Monde, likewise excludes the term
Francophone and introduces a new term, transnational, which to some extent
shifts the emphasis away from exclusively colonial and postcolonial situations
and onto contacts and relations between, across and beyond nations no
matter their history. Thus, the more its founding concepts are brought to
light, the more they disappear, and the more the field develops, the more it
in a sense breaks up. Paradoxically, too, the demise of the field, or at least
some of its early incarnations, is a sign of its inherent health.
Our primary intention in this volume is to further this process of productive
reinvigoration through directing attention towards a neglected though
important dimension of ‘Francophone’ studies: the relations between the
French-speaking Caribbean, including Haiti, and the American South. This
shift in focus is prompted by several factors. First, a number of innovative
recent works have altered the map of French studies in ways that resituate
France into Atlanticist frameworks and asserted the importance of the
Americas to French cultural and economic history. Christopher L. Miller’s
landmark study, The French Atlantic Triangle: Literature and Culture of the
Slave Trade (Miller, 2008), provides a timely reminder of the importance of
the oceanic circuits of capital and human bodies to hexagonal prosperity
and intellectual activity. Because slavery did not take place in France, it
has been relatively easy, not to say convenient, to forget it and to leave
its many and enduring consequences unacknowledged and misunderstood.
Miller’s work addresses this historical blind spot and in effect seeks to
bring the experiences of slavery, and the social, political and philosophical
conditions that allowed it to flourish, out of the shadows of memory and
time to which much French political and historiographical discourse has
cast them. Building an analytical model that is determined principally by
both geography and economics, he shifts his analyses around the three
points of the ‘French Atlantic triangle’ – metropolitan France, West Africa
and the Caribbean – and retraces the trajectory that shaped the lucrative
commerce between the three Atlantic sites. Miller’s particular geographical
focus reflects most obviously that of Paul Gilroy, though Miller works still
in a largely colonial context and does not incorporate the United States.
that runs through much of Francophone Postcolonial Studies over the fate
of metropolitan France and its apparent inability to come to terms with its
colonial past and postcolonial present. This anxiety has tended to deflect
attention away from the non-metropolitan, postcolonial world and created an
exaggerated sense of France’s importance to the postcolonial world, partic-
ularly the circum-Caribbean, which encompasses a great variety of territories
and states, ranging in historical and political terms from the US South
and Haiti, both of which became independent from Europe more than 200
years ago, to the French Overseas Departments of Martinique, Guadeloupe
and Guyane. In redirecting Francophone Caribbean studies in the way we
propose, we highlight a set of relations that do not require the mediation of
France. Taking the French out of Francophone studies liberates the discipline,
reduces the significance of France to the ‘Francophone world’, and shifts the
focus away from metropolitan political and social intransigence and onto
issues of history, language, politics and ‘culture’ in more or less tangible
forms: for example, literature, dance, music, theatre, architecture, cooking,
religion.
In other words, it focuses attention on the notion of ‘Creoleness’, that
elusive, slippery, contested concept that is a peculiarly American invention, a
term rooted in, born and indicative of contact between European and African
people and cultures in the Americas. Its contested nature is epitomized
in the debates it has provoked in the Francophone Caribbean in the past
twenty years. The Créolité movement was effectively launched in 1989 with
the publication of Éloge de la créolité, which later appeared in a bilingual
edition with the English title of In Praise of Creoleness. The principal figures
in this movement are the Martinicans Jean Bernabé, Patrick Chamoiseau and
Raphaël Confiant. Créolité centres on a belief in the importance of Creole
language and culture, and an interest in the processes of creolization. Like
Glissant, the Créolité group challenges the traditional, colonially inherited
mimetic impulses in French Caribbean culture. Whereas they cite Glissant
as an important influence, they have posed a very direct challenge to Aimé
Césaire and négritude. Because Césaire wrote only in French, they say, he
neglected the island’s ‘authentic’ language, and the rich oral tradition. In their
turn, however, the Creolists and their doctrine of Créolité have been criticized
for their apparent desire to fix Antillean identity in their new, essentialized
version of Creoleness. Critics say that, unlike Glissant, the Creolists have
underplayed the evolving, non-teleological elements of creolization, and
sought to ground identity once more in a new oneness. Perhaps the most
strident critic of the Creolists has been Maryse Condé. She argues that the
Martinican school of Créolité ‘is singular because it presumes to impose
law and order’, and in implying a notion of ‘authenticity’, which inevitably
Creolizations
Many of our contributors comment on the semantic instability of the term
‘Creole’: it has had a complex history, from designating the original white
settlers of Louisiana to the potentially worldwide Glissantian dynamic of
creolization. There is also a connection to be made between this linguistic
indeterminacy and the hybridity and fluidity that are so prominent in its
referent – Creole culture itself. As a cultural identity, ‘Creole’ seems to be
definable only as a shifting set of differential terms which depend upon the
particular context: French- versus English-speaking, mixed-race versus either
black or white, culturally as opposed to biologically defined racial identity,
and so on. Thus, Angel Adams Parham, for instance, groups her Creole-
identifying interviewees according to the term that they define themselves
against. In a rather different sense, however, binary oppositions are also
deeply antipathetic to Creole culture. One of its most prominent features
is its three-tiered racial classification as opposed to the Anglo-American
binary black–white divide. Similarly, the characters of the play analysed by
Typhaine Leservot are shown as building an identity as American citizens of
Louisiana in opposition to both revolutionary Saint-Domingue and revolu-
tionary France.
The chapters in this volume that deal explicitly with definitions of Creole
culture and Creole identity discuss a wide range of types of text: journalism,
ethnography (amateur and professional), interviews, drama, novels, political
slogans, autobiography. This generic hybridity is indeed often in evidence
within the work of one particular figure. Mary Gallagher’s analysis of
Lafcadio Hearn’s writing on nineteenth-century Louisiana and Martinique
Music
This notion of a creolized and continually creolizing cultural sphere across
the circum-Caribbean is developed and expanded in four chapters – by
Martin Munro, Jeremy Lane, Jean-Luc Tamby and Jerome Camal – that focus
on the particular contributions of music and musicians. Music appears as
a distinctively fluid and effective conduit for the kinds of non-hierarchical
exchanges that creolization thrives on. Munro’s essay deals specifically with
rhythm and starts from the idea that European colonists in the plantation
world created anti-rhythmic societies that lacked the basic rhythmic sociali-
zation (a common, functional understanding of time, culture and work) that
has been a fundamental element in bonding communities from the beginning
of human history. As Munro argues, however, among the enslaved people
more organic and benign rhythms persisted and helped them survive the
plantation and its anti-rhythmic foundations. A crucial aspect of Munro’s
thesis is that rhythm was not the property of one group, and that it became
one of the most effective means of transgressing social and racial divides
and in creating the unique social order and culture of the circum-Caribbean.
The chapter examines some of the ways in which rhythm has functioned
and continues to serve as a particularly malleable and persistent social and
cultural element both in the Caribbean and in the American South. The
initial focus is on James Brown’s rhythmic innovations in the 1960s, and
Brown’s interpretation of his rhythms not as echoes of a recoverable racial
past but as pre-echoes of the future, and of sounds and ways of thinking
yet to be realized. The chapter discusses Brown’s rhythms in relation to
other instances in Haiti, Martinique and Trinidad where rhythm has been a
prominent factor in moments of social and personal transformation. Rhythm,
Munro argues, has been a primary force in creating these creolized societies,
and remains a dynamic element of the circum-Caribbean world.
Jeremy Lane writes on Frantz Fanon, a figure not normally associated
with creolization or with circum-Caribbean cultural relations. As Lane
shows, however, Fanon’s interest in one prominent manifestation of creolized
American culture – jazz music – formed an important, if neglected, part of
the Martinican’s critique of Romantic interpretations of black cultures in the
Americas. Arguing that Fanon’s biographer David Macey misunderstands
and underestimates the significance of Fanon’s allusions to jazz, Lane calls
into question Macey’s assumptions about ethnic or national identity and the
says, style in this case has a primarily collective value. Careful analyses of the
rhythmic qualities of Glissant’s and Davis’s work lead Tamby to conclude that
the power of the artists’ rhythms cannot be reduced to their shared history,
and that through rhythm they manage to escape the confines of history and
attain a style that transcends their place in time, reaching perhaps a kind of
ultimate destination of creolization, a space that incorporates all of history
yet is freed from it.
Jerome Camal’s essay similarly employs Glissantian concepts to frame
its analyses of circum-Caribbean musical forms. Camal reflects on musico-
logical debates concerning the usefulness of the concept of creolization
in globalization studies as a means of emphasizing the fluid and unstable
nature of culture, and in postcolonial studies as a marker of the putative
creative ingenuity of ‘subaltern and deterritorialized peoples’ (Khan, 2007:
237). Noting that a number of anthropologists have argued that the historical
process of creolization in the Caribbean has been fundamentally different
from contemporary processes of globalization, and that creolization not be
divorced from its original historical and geographic contexts, Camal sets out
to test the usefulness of creolization through a study of American saxophonist
David Murray’s collaboration with Guadeloupean musicians. Drawing on
written, ethnographic and musical sources, Camal compares musicological
understandings of Glissant’s créolisation with the meaning of creolization for
the musicians involved in the Creole Project in Guadeloupe. Camal shows
that ‘creolization’ – and its related terms ‘Creole’ and ‘Créolité’ – continue to
hold specific and disputed meanings in Guadeloupean society, which render
difficult their wider application as concepts capable of describing global
processes of cultural exchange or identity formations.
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