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 DUNEDIN

SECOND EDITION

THE MAKING
OF LANGUAGE
Mike Beaken
The Making of Language
The Making of Language
Mike Beaken

DUNEDIN
 Published by
Dunedin Academic Press Ltd
Hudson House
8 Albany Street
Edinburgh EH1 3QB
Scotland

ISBN 978-1-906716-14-1
© 2011 Mike Beaken

First edition published 1996 (by Edinburgh University Press)

Second Edition 2011

The right of Mike Beaken to be identified as the author of this book has been asserted by
him in accordance with sections 77 & 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988

All rights reserved.

No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by
any means or stored in any retrieval system of any nature without prior written
permission, except for fair dealing under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act
1988 or in accordance with a licence issued b the Copyright Licensing Society in
respect of photocopying or reprographic reproduction. Full acknowledgment as
to author, publisher and source must be given. Application for permission for any
other use of copyright material should be made in writing to the publisher.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Typeset by Makar Publishing Production, Edinburgh

Printed in Great Britain by CPI Antony Rowe Ltd.
To Kate, Jack and Joe
Contents

Contents

Introduction xiii
Chapter 1: The Story so Far 1
Neglect and rediscovery 1
Soviet tradition 3
The search for proto-languages 4
Chomsky and Universal Grammar 6
The end of Universal Grammar? 7
Variety in languages 7
Recursion 8
Mathematics and recursion 9
Long-distance WH-movement 9
Templates 9
How children learn language 10
Darwin and language origins 12
Problem of biological reductionism 14
Animal communication 14
Languages and ‘descent with variation’ 16
Genetics 18
Brains and language 19
Children’s brains and language 23
Brain plasticity 25
Finally 25

Chapter 2: Language and Labour 28

Traditions of linguistic thought 28
What is meant by labour? 28
Relevance to language origins? 29
Origins of communication in labour 29
The sign, a solution to a problem 30
Labour, language and consciousness 32
Language and technology 33
Significance of tools 33
Division of labour 34
Forms of ideality 35
The ideality of money 35
Comments on ideality 37
Language as a form of ideality 37
Concepts, knowledge, language 38
Notions and concepts 38
The concept of seed 40
Historical concepts—the best available 41
Language as a power 42

vii
viii Contents

Words as controllers: linguistic determinism 42

Two-sided nature of words 43
Language as tool 44
Memorising 44
Knot-tying 44
Language as a means to self-control 45
Decision-making 46
Social activity and register 46
Registers and linguistic change 48
Conclusion 49

Chapter 3: Apes, Hominids and Common Ancestors 52

Chimpanzees’ life in the wild 53
Chimp intelligence 54
Chimp egocentrism 55
Studies of chimpanzee communication 55
Limits to symbol use 56
The ideational and the interpersonal 57
Chimpanzee gestures in the wild 58
How important are gestures to apes? 59
Why can’t chimps speak? 60
The vocal apparatus of chimpanzees 60
They are governed by emotions 62
They use noise in a different way from us 62
Gaining self-control 63
Music and dance 65
Co-operation among chimps 65
Embryonic co-operation and language 66

Chapter 4: Gesture and Origins of Meaning 70

The gesture theory of language origins 70
Supporting evidence 71
Existing gesture languages 71
Children’s language development 72
Language pathology 73
The characteristics of gestural language 73
Technical progress 74
Learning time 75
The form of early gestural language 75
‘Semantic phonology’ and the origins of syntax in gesture 76
Life and syntax 77
The development of early gestures 77
Disadvantages of gesture? 79
Differential access to information? 79
Can gesture support abstract ideas? 79
Iconicity v. arbitrariness 80
Speed of processing information 81
Overload of information 81
Natural selection of speech? 82
Gesture today 83
 Contents ix

Chapter 5: The Making of Human Beings 86

The upright apes 90
Tools 93
Australopithecine language? 93
Homo habilis and Homo erectus 94
Anatomy of Homo erectus 94
Sexual dimorphism reduced 95
Brain size 95
Tools and technology 95
Hunters? 96
Children 96
The human factor 97
The home-base and the generation taboo 98
How are taboos relevant to language? 99
Language in this period 99
Tools and language 101
Language of Homo erectus? 102
Archaic Homo sapiens 102
Technology 104
Fire, diet and anatomy 104
Social effects of fire 105
Anatomy for language among archaic Homo sapiens 106
Language among archaic Homo sapiens 106
A true transition 107
The Neanderthals 107
Anatomy 107
Were they a separate species? 108
Neandrophobia 109
Could they speak? 111
What happened in Europe? 112
Genetic tests 113
The ‘human revolution’ 113
Development of the tribe 114
Brother looks after sister 115
Effect of taboos 116
Origins of hunter gatherer life 117
Features of hunter gatherer life 118
Egalitarianism 118
No formal system of political organisation or control 119
All problems dealt with collectively 119
Mutual dependence across groups 119
Group size and resources adapted to the low 120
Importance of totemism 120
Language for survival among foragers 120
Oral traditions for survival 120
Magic as part of oral tradition 121
Magic in the Upper Palaeolithic 122
Summary 122
x Contents

Chapter 6: The Making of Speech 129

Biological bases of speech 129
Why replace gesture? 129
Advantages of speech 129
Fossil evidence for speech 130
Language as memory 131
Anatomical changes in the vocal tract 132
The lowering of the larynx 132
Changes in the glottis 133
Shape of jaw, teeth, tongue 135
Changes in breathing 135
Theories of speech origins 135
Speech from animal call 135
Speech from music and song 136
Speech from mimicry 136
Motor theory 137
Sound symbolism 137
Secret languages 138
Origins of speech sounds 141
Vocalisation freed from instinct 142
Self-defence and intimidation 142
Calling 142
Singing 142
Co-ordinating activities 143
The structure of human vocalisations 143
CV structure—why is it important? 143
Where do vowels come from? 144
Where do consonants come from? 145
Regulating social and individual activity 146
Work song as psychological tool 147
The beginnings of contrastive sound 147
The emergence of meaningful sound 148

Chapter 7: The Making of Music 150

Introduction 150
Universality of music 151
Music and the body 152
Brains 152
Physical basis of music 153
Origins of music in activity 154
The importance of rhythm 155
Music and language 156
Music for survival 157
Summary 159

Chapter 8: The Making of Grammar 162

What is grammar and where does it come from? 162
The first words 162
Comparisons with infants’ learning 162
Grammaticisation 165
 Contents xi

Syntax and discourse 167

Grammar as reflection of practical activity 170
Prepolitical languages 170
Characteristics of prepolitical languages 171
The tasks of a prepolitical language 174
Division of labour between men and women 174
Grammar as reflection of world-view 175
Noun-class grammar 176
What is the principle of noun-class categories? 177
Leakey on Kikuyu 179
Decline of world-view 180
Conclusion 180

Chapter 9: Is there Progress in Language? 183

Introduction 183
Culture and language 184
Vocabulary 184
Class, society and sex gender 186
Forms of possession 188
The grammar of the verb have 191
Concrete to abstract in grammar 193
Prepolitical societies and semantic grammar 194
City life and abstract notions 194
Semantic and syntactic grammars compared 195
City life and language 196
Weights and measures 197
The emergence of the copula 198
Activities and roles 199
Halliday on science 199
Critical Discourse Analysis 201
Finally 201
Glossary 203
Bibliography 212
Index 226
Introduction

Introduction

Since the first edition of this book in 1996 there have been some far-reaching
changes in attitudes to the topic of language origins. One of the reasons I gave for
writing this book in the first place was the intrinsic interest of the topic. While
the record of fossils and of tools and artefacts is absolutely silent on the issue of
language, the topic gives rise to so many questions that it calls in all areas of lin-
guistics, as well as archaeology, anthropology, psychology and even musicology.
Some of the changes in attitudes are welcome. Fifteen years ago the theory of
Universal Grammar was fairly widely accepted among linguists, though less so
among archaeologists and hardly at all among anthropologists. Nowadays the
notion of innate properties of mind has come to seem less and less an explana-
tion for the mysteries of language, and more and more a cover for ignorance.
There are other changes in ideas about language origins, many of which
encouragingly confirm the views in the first edition, such as

▶▶ the idea that language has had a long and gradual development rather than
a sudden appearance on the scene;
▶▶ the idea that gesture was an early form of communication, before speech
was physically possible;
▶▶ the idea that there is not really that big a gap between animal and human
communication;
▶▶ the idea that language is related to the activity of human beings;
▶▶ the idea that language changes in line with social developments;
▶▶ the idea that music is relevant to the origins of language and of human
society;
▶▶ the idea that Neanderthals had a form of language just as effective as that
of their contemporary humans;
▶▶ the idea that the major difference between Neanderthals and Cro-Magnon
humans was cultural, not physical or cognitive;
▶▶ the idea that the Upper Palaeolithic period in Europe did not represent a
‘human revolution’.

xiii
xiv Introduction

Some questions remain unanswered: one is whether Neanderthals were

replaced or absorbed by the human beings coming into Europe in the Late Stone
Age.
In the research for the second edition of this book I have had the pleasure
of reading a great many recent publications, but have also been lucky enough
to rediscover some inspiring writers of the past two centuries. Writers such as
Briffault,1 who challenged the view that humans have always lived in families
led by the father; Evelyn Reed, who argued for the significance of kinship and
totemism in the lives of the first humans, and for the crucial role of women
in early societies; George Thomson, whose meticulous studies of the Ancient
world included ideas about language, music, dancing and the origins of poetry.
What these writers have in common is a strongly materialist view of the
world. They recognise that it is our relations with the external world around us
that shape our lives, our ideas and our language—rather than what goes on inside
our heads, or the way our individual genes are arranged. Because this view of
things represents a challenge to the dominant modes of thinking in our univer-
sities and intellectual circles, these writers are often dismissed or ignored. This
has happened to other materialists, such as Lewis Henry Morgan2 and Frederick
Engels, whose ideas on the evolution of human societies are often dismissed on
the basis of ‘more recent evidence’, though those who dismiss them rarely take
the trouble to investigate what such recent evidence might be. There have even
been attempts to dismiss the wonderful Stephen J. Gould as slightly old-fash-
ioned and out of touch.3
So the aim of this book is to continue this tradition of materialist approaches
to human life and language. In looking for the origins of human language we are
looking also for the origins of human society. Any attempt to separate the two
means failing to understand either. The past 50 years in linguistics has been dom-
inated by what is an essentially idealist view of human beings: that is, a view that
what happens inside our heads is the most important determinant of our behav-
iour. A peculiar distortion of this idealism is neo-Darwinism. This is a peculiar
mish-mash of materialism and idealism that sees our behaviour as determined by
what happens in our minds—but sees the working of our minds as determined
by our genes. The discovery, by now a commonplace, that we share at least 99
per cent of our genetic material with chimpanzees and other great apes—and
incidentally, 95% of our genetic material with mice—provides a baffling stum-
bling block to any advance in thinking along these lines. The more investigators
 Introduction xv

examine physical differences between us and the other apes, the smaller these
differences turn out to be. So how to explain what is and what is not human? The
only way out of this dilemma is to look outside of our corporeal bodies, at the
way humans interact with each other, working together and building commu-
nities. Human languages, after all, can only exist in communities. The numerous
sad cases of children growing up without human contact and therefore without
language show this clearly.
Luckily, the notion of Universal Grammar, a name given to the idea that all
humans have ‘hard-wired’ within them a unique capacity for language, is starting
to look distinctly frayed at the edges. Better still, a number of researchers cur-
rently active in the field of language are starting to produce findings that accord
with the materialist views of the inspiring writers I have mentioned above—
writers like Tomasello, those in the integrationist school of linguistics, functional
linguists in the school of Michael Halliday, and many others whose work I have
tried to draw on in producing this revised edition. To them all, much thanks.
Mike Beaken
Sheffield March 2010

Notes
1 Briffault 1931, 2004.
2 Morgan 1963.
3 See Kenneally 2007, p. 55.
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