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Style: Language Variation and Identity

Style refers to ways of speaking – how speakers use the


resource of language variation to make meaning in social
encounters. This book develops a coherent theoretical
approach to style in sociolinguistics, illustrated with copious
examples. It explains how speakers project different social
identities and create different social relationships through
their style choices, and how speech-style and social context
inter-relate. Style therefore refers to the wide range of stra-
tegic actions and performances that speakers engage in, to con-
struct themselves and their social lives. Coupland draws on
and integrates a wide variety of contemporary sociolinguistic
research as well as his own extensive research in this field.
The emphasis is on how social meanings are made locally, in
specific relationships, genres, groups and cultures, and on
studying language variation as part of the analysis of spoken
discourse.

NIKOLAS C O U P L A N D is Professor and Research Director


of the Cardiff University Centre for Language and Communi-
cation Research. He is a founding co-editor of the Journal
of Sociolinguistics.
KEY TOPICS IN SOCIOLINGUISTICS

Series editor:
Rajend Mesthrie

This new series focuses on the main topics of study in sociolinguistics


today. It consists of accessible yet challenging accounts of the most
important issues to consider when examining the relationship between
language and society. Some topics have been the subject of sociolinguistic
study for many years, and are here re-examined in the light of new
developments in the field; other are issues of growing importance that
have not so far been given a sustained treatment. Written by leading
experts, the books in the series are designed to be used on courses and in
seminars, and include suggestions for further reading and a helpful
glossary.

Already published in the series:


Politeness by Richard J. Watts
Language Policy by Bernard Spolsky
Discourse by Jan Blommaert
Analyzing Sociolinguistic Variation by Sali A. Tagliamonte
Language and Ethnicity by Carmen Fought

Forthcoming titles:
World Englishes by Rakesh Bhatt and Rajend Mesthrie
Bilingual Talk by Peter Auer
Style
Language Variation and Identity
NIKOLAS COUPLAND
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo

Cambridge University Press


The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK
Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521853033

© Nikolas Coupland 2007

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of


relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place
without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published in print format 2007

ISBN-13 978-0-511-35005-4 eBook (NetLibrary)


ISBN-10 0-511-35005-8 eBook (NetLibrary)

ISBN-13 978-0-521-85303-3 hardback


ISBN-10 0-521-85303-6 hardback

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of urls
for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not
guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
Contents

List of figures and tables vii


Preface and acknowledgements ix
Transcription conventions xiii

1. Introduction 1
1.1 Locating ‘style’ 1
1.2 Variationism in sociolinguistics 4
1.3 Style in sociolinguistics and in stylistics 9
1.4 Social meaning 18
1.5 Methods and data for researching sociolinguistic
style 24
1.6 Style in late-modernity 29
1.7 Later chapters 31
2. Style and meaning in sociolinguistic structure 32
2.1 Stylistic stratification 32
2.2 Limits of the stratification model for style 37
2.3 ‘Standard’ and ‘non-standard’ 42
2.4 ‘Non-standard’ speech as ‘deviation’ 45
2.5 Social structure and social practice 47
3. Style for audiences 54
3.1 Talking heads versus social interaction 54
3.2 Audience design 58
3.3 Communication accommodation theory 62
3.4 Some studies of audience design and speech
accommodation 64
3.5 Limits of audience-focused perspectives 74
4. Sociolinguistic resources for styling 82
4.1 Speech repertoires 82
4.2 The ideological basis of variation 85
4.3 Habitus and semantic style 89
4.4 Language attitudes and meanings for variation 93

v
vi Contents
4.5 Metalanguage, critical distance and performativity 99
4.6 Sociolinguistic resources? 103
5. Styling social identities 106
5.1 Social identity, culture and discourse 106
5.2 Acts of identity 108
5.3 Identity contextualisation processes 111
5.4 Framing social class in the travel agency 115
5.5 Styling place 121
5.6 Voicing ethnicities 126
5.7 Indexing gender and sexuality 132
5.8 Crossing 137
5.9 Omissions 145
6. High performance and identity stylisation 146
6.1 Theorising high performance 146
6.2 Stylisation 149
6.3 Decontextualisation 155
6.4 Voicing political antagonism – Nye 156
6.5 Drag and cross-dressing performances 163
6.6 Exposed dialects 171
7. Coda: Style and social reality 177
7.1 Change within change 177
7.2 The authentic speaker 180
7.3 The media(tisa)tion of style 184

References 189
Index 206
Figures and tables

Figures:
The International Phonetic Alphabet
Consonants (Pulmonic)
Vowels xiv
Figure 2.1: Class and style stratification for (th) 33
Figure 2.2: Class and style stratification for (r) 34
Figure 2.3: Distributions of variants of (e), (ay) and (wedge)
among jocks and burnouts, boys and girls 52
Figure 3.1: Percentage of intervocalic /t/ voicing by four
newsreaders on two New Zealand radio stations,
YA and ZB 59
Figure 3.2: Sue’s convergence on (intervocalic t) voicing to
five occupation classes of client; input level taken as
Sue’s speech to ‘her own class’ 73

Tables:
Table 3.1: Foxy Boston’s vernacular usage in Interviews III and IV 66
Table 3.2: Percentages of less ‘standard’ variants of five
sociolinguistic variables in four ‘contexts’ of
Sue’s travel agency talk 72
Table 4.1: Mean ratings (whole sample, 5,010 informants) of
34 accents of English according to social
attractiveness and prestige 98
Table 6.1: Phonetic variables generally distinguishing South
Wales Valleys English and Received Pronunciation 158

vii
Preface and acknowledgements

In the new world of sociolinguistics, the simple concept of ‘style’ has a


lot of work to do. The idea of ‘stylistic variation’ emerged from
William Labov’s seminal research on urban speech variation and
language change, and it existed there in order to make a few key
points only. As Labov showed, when we survey how speech varies,
we find variation ‘within the individual speaker’ across contexts of
talk, as well as between individuals and groups. Also, when individual
people shift their ways of speaking, survey designs suggested that they
do it, on the whole, in predictable ways that are amenable to social
explanation.
From this initially narrow perspective, crucial as it was in establish-
ing a basic agenda, a sociolinguistics of style has steadily come to
prominence as a wide field of research, whether or not researchers
use the term ‘style’ to describe their enterprise. Style used to be a
marginal concern in variationist sociolinguistics. Nowadays it points
to many of the most challenging aspects of linguistic variation, in
questions like these: How does sociolinguistic variation interface
with other dimensions of meaning-making in discourse? What stylis-
tic work does variation do for social actors, and how does it blend into
wider discursive and socio-cultural processes? Are there new values
for variation and for style in the late-modern world?
When we work through issues like these, some important bounda-
ries shift. For one thing, the study of sociolinguistic variation becomes
very much wider. The canonical study of language variation and
change will always remain a pillar of sociolinguistics, but it need not
be an autonomous paradigm. One of my ambitions for the book is to
show what variation study is like when it ‘goes non-autonomous’. The
boundary between ‘dialect variation’ and the social construction of
meaning in discourse starts to collapse. Theories and sensitivities
from different parts of sociolinguistics start to coalesce – interactional
sociolinguistics, pragmatics, anthropological linguistics and even

ix
x Preface
conversation analysis do not need to stand outside of variationism,
nor it outside them.
My own thinking on sociolinguistic style has spanned two-and-a-half
decades, although it remains to be seen whether this particular quanti-
tative index (like some other quantitative measures that come up for
review in the book) makes a meaningful difference. I was enthused to
write this book mainly because of the acceleration of sociolinguistic
interest in things ‘stylistic’ and ‘contextual’ and ‘socially meaningful’ in
the last decade, prompted by some remarkable new waves of research. I
won’t attempt to list the relevant names and paradigms here – they fill
out the pages of the book. But I would like to make a few biographical
notes, by way of personal acknowledgement.
I had begun writing about style in the late 1970s, when the theme
emerged from my doctoral research on sociolinguistic variation in
Cardiff, the capital city of Wales. I was fortunate to start long-running
dialogues, soon after that, with Allan Bell and Howard Giles. In their
own research they developed new relational perspectives on spoken
language variation that opened up an entirely new theoretical chapter
for sociolinguistics. I continued to collaborate with Howard Giles over
many years on various themes that lay at the interface between socio-
linguistics and social psychology. I have been fortunate to be able to
develop some of that work, more recently, in collaboration with Peter
Garrett and Angie Williams in Cardiff, and more recently still with
Hywel Bishop.
After some scratchy ink and pen exchanges about his evolving theory
of audience design in the very early 1980s, Allan Bell and I maintained
close links, latterly in co-editing the Journal of Sociolinguistics. That partic-
ular collaboration ensured we would have no time to write collabora-
tively about style, although we had firmly intended to do this. I have no
doubt that this book would have been much the better if Allan and I had
achieved our aim of writing a similar book together.
As the Centre for Language and Communication Research at Cardiff
University grew and diversified through the 1980s and 1990s, several
of my colleagues there were involved in developing new sociolinguis-
tic fields, particularly critical and interactional approaches to lan-
guage and society. The study of style needed the sorts of insight that
they were developing in their own and in our joint research. In partic-
ular there has been the formative effect of my many collaborations
with Adam Jaworski, for example on metalanguage, sociolinguistic
theory and discourse analysis. My other Cardiff colleagues, including
Theo van Leeuwen and Joanna Thornborrow, have again been impor-
tant sources of inspiration. My research collaborations with Justine
Preface xi
Coupland, for example on the theme of discourse and ideology, social
identities in later life and on relational talk, have been where I devel-
oped most of the ideas behind the present book, although her contri-
butions to this book are far too pervasive to summarise.
Apart from those already mentioned, a long list of people have made
very valuable input into my thinking and writing about ‘style’, whether
they recall it or not. No doubt with unintended omissions, let me thank
Peter Auer, Mary Bucholtz, Janet Cotterill, Penelelope Eckert, Anthea
Fraser Gupta, Janet Holmes, Tore Kristiansen, Ben Rampton and John
Rickford. Thanks also to Rachel Muntz and Faith Mowbray for their
help in connection with the BBC Voices research that has a walk-on part
in Chapter 4. Reading groups convened by Julia Snell, Emma Moore and
Sally Johnson fed back some valuable criticisms on parts of the text. Ayo
Banji made extremely helpful input into compiling the Index. Allan
Bell, Adam Jaworski and Natalie Schilling-Estes, as well as Rajend
Mesthrie, read and commented on the whole manuscript in draft
form, for which I am extremely grateful.
I have summarised and rewritten parts of my previously published
writing in this book. The main sources in this connection, listed in the
References section, are Coupland 1980, 1984, 1985, 1988, 2000b,
2001b, 2001c, 2003, in pressa, in pressb, Coupland and Bishop 2007,
Coupland, Garrett and Williams 2005, Coupland and Jaworski 2004. I
am particularly grateful to my co-authors for letting me rework some
parts of this material here. Figures 2.1 and 2.2 are adapted from
Figures 7.23 and 7.11 in Labov (2006).
The disciplinary boundary-shifting that I referred to above has
presented me with the problem of knowing where to draw the line
around style in this book. I have given most space to those studies of
how classical forms of sociolinguistic variation – what most people
call accent and dialect features – are worked into discursive social
action and where they make meaning at the level of relationships and
personal or social identities. As I say later, this is a rather artificial
boundary to try to police, because my motivating concerns for the
book are social meaning and social identity, much more than socio-
linguistic variation itself. For example, I would have liked to include
some detail on the discursive management of age-identities in later
life (an area of my own my research with Justine Coupland). But this
would have taken the book away from indexical meanings linked to
the domains of social class, gender and racial/ ethnic identities, which
is where style research has been most active to date.
This book can be read as a critique of variationist sociolinguistics.
Meaning-making through talk has not been what variationists have
xii Preface
generally tried to explain, although it has seemed to me a strange
omission. It is all the more strange when we think of William Labov’s
commitment to the politics of language variation, his interest from the
outset in the social evaluation of varieties, and his ground-breaking
work in narrative analysis and interactional ritual. His followers in the
field of variationist sociolinguistics have not often been able to main-
tain that breadth. In order to bridge back into questions of social
meaning, I have found it important to challenge some of the assump-
tions of variationist research. These are mainly its dogged reliance on
static social categories, its imputation of identity-values to numerical
patterns (quantitative representations of linguistic variation), and its
thin account of social contextualisation.
I fully recognise that, and celebrate the fact that, variationist socio-
linguistics has taken great strides through keeping within these con-
straints, when research questions have been formulated at the level of
linguistic systems and how they change. But I think we need a socio-
linguistics of variation for people and for society, as well as (not instead
of) a sociolinguistics of variation for language. ‘Sociolinguistic style’ has
been the rubric under which quite a lot of that extension of the
programme has already been achieved, and where further progress
is clearly in prospect. ‘Stylistics’, as a label for a sub-discipline of
linguistics, has a dated feel to it, and so does ‘style’. But in the context
of sociolinguistics, style nevertheless points us to a range of highly
contemporary phenomena. We seem to find meaning in our lives
nowadays less through the social structures into which we have
been socialised, and more through how we deploy and make meaning
out of those inherited resources. How social reality is creatively styled
is a key sociolinguistic question, and the main question in what
follows.
NC
July 2006
Transcription conventions

Where necessary, International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) symbols are


used to identify consonant and vowel qualities, as in the following
charts (as shown over).

THE INTERNATIONAL PHONETIC ALPHABET

EXTRACTS OF TRANSCRIBED CONVERSATION

These are numbered consecutively within each chapter. Where possi-


ble, I have re-transcribed data extracts from the original sources in the
interests of simplicity and consistency. Wherever possible, these tran-
scriptions use orthographic conventions, but with the following addi-
tions and deviations:
(.) a short untimed pause of less than one second
(2.0) a timed pause, timed in seconds
[quietly] stage directions and comments on context or spoken
delivery
[ ] between lines of transcript, denotes overlapping
speech, showing beginning and end points of overlap
: lengthened sound
:: more lengthened sound
you (underlined) said with heavy stress
? marks question intonation not interrogative syntax
(( )) inaudible speech sequence or unreliable transcription
italics sequences of particular analytic interest, explained in
the text
Any other conventions used in particular extracts are explained in
the text.

xiii
The International Phonetic Alphabet (revised to 1993, updated 1996)
1 Introduction

1.1 LOCATING ‘STYLE’

‘Style’ refers to a way of doing something. Think of architectural styles


and the striking rustic style of house-building in rural Sweden. That
particular style – what allows us to call it a style – is an assemblage of
design choices. It involves the use of timber frames, a distinctively
tiered roofline, a red cedar wood stain and so on. We can place this
style. It belongs somewhere, even if the style is lifted out of its home
territory and used somewhere else. It has a social meaning. The same
is true for styles in all other life-domains. Cultural resonances of time,
place and people attach to styles of dress and personal appearance
in general, to styles in the making of material goods, to styles of social
and institutional practice, perhaps even to styles of thinking. We
could use David Machin and Theo van Leeuwen’s (2005) idea of ‘social
style’ to cover all these. The world is full of social styles.
Part of our social competence is being able to understand these
indexical links – how a style marks out or indexes a social difference –
and to read their meanings. The irony is that, if we ourselves are
closely embedded in a particular social style, we may not recognise
that style’s distinctiveness. Reading the meaning of a style is inher-
ently a contrastive exercise. You have to find those red cedar buildings
‘different’ in order to see them as having some stylistic significance.
This is the old principle of meaning depending on some sort of choice
being available. But style isn’t difference alone. When we use the term
‘style’ we are usually attending to some aesthetic dimension of differ-
ence. Styles involve a degree of crafting, and this is why the word
‘style’ leaks into expressions like ‘having style’, ‘being in style’ or
‘being stylish’. The aesthetic qualities of styles relate, as in the case
of the Swedish red cedar buildings, to a process of design, however
naturalised that process and its results might have become in our
experience. We talk about ‘style’ rather than ‘difference’ when we

1
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