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 Pr a ise for Empire of Guns

“Satia’s detailed retelling of the industrial revolution and Britain’s relentless empire expansion
notably contradicts simple free market narratives. . . . She argues convincingly that the expansion of
the armaments industry and the government’s role in it is inseparable from the rise of innumerable
associated industries from finance to mining. . . . Fascinating.”
—The New York Times

“A fascinating study of the centrality of militarism in 18th-century British life, and how imperial
expansion and arms went hand in hand. . . . This book is a triumph.” 
—Guardian

“Satia marshals an overwhelming amount of evidence to show, comprehensively, that guns had a
place at the center of every conventional tale historians have so far told about the origins of the
modern, industrialized world. . . . Though not presented as a political book, the implications of
Satia’s work are difficult to ignore.”
—The New Republic

“Sweeping and stimulating. . . . An extensively researched and carefully crafted narrative. . . . This
important book helps us to look at British and United States history in an unconventional way and
makes for great reading.”
—BookPage

“A solid contribution to the history of technology and commerce, with broad implications for the
present.” 
—Kirkus

“Empire of Guns offers a sweeping revision of the history of the origins of the industrial revolution
and the nature of capitalism itself.” 
—Public Books

“A fascinating and important glimpse into how violence fueled the industrial revolution, Priya
Satia’s book stuns with deep scholarship and sparkling prose.” 
 —Siddhartha Mukherjee, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of The Emperor of All Maladies

“Empire of Guns is a richly researched and probing historical narrative that challenges our
understanding of the engines that drove Britain’s industrial revolution. With this book, Priya Satia
introduces Samuel Galton and the economies of guns and war into the historical equation and, with
it, affirms her place as a deeply captivating and thought-provoking historian.”
 —Caroline Elkins, winner of the Pulitzer Prize for Imperial Reckoning

“Empire of Guns is an important revisionist account of the industrial revolution, reminding us that
the making of the modern state and the making of modern capitalism were tightly intertwined. A
revelatory book.” 
 —Sven Beckert, finalist for the Pulitzer Prize for Empire of Cotton

“Empire of Guns boldly uncovers a history of modern violence and its central role in political,
economic, and technological progress. As unsettling as it is bracing, it radically deepens our
understanding of the ‘iron cage’ of modernity.”
 —Pankaj Mishra, author of Age of Anger

“A strong narrative bolstered by excellent archival research. . . . Tremendous scholarship. . . . Satia’s

detailed and fresh look at the industrial revolution has appeal and relevance grounded in and reaching
beyond history and social science to illuminate the complexity of present-day gun-control debates.”
—Booklist
This page intentionally left blank

EMPIRE


of GUNS

The Violent Making of the

Industrial Revolution

PRIYA SATIA

s ta n f o r d u n i v e r s i t y p r e s s
Stanford, California
 S ta n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Pr e s s
Stanford, California

© 2018 by Priya Satia

Reprinted by arrangement with Penguin Press, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group,
a division of Penguin Random House LLC

Image credits appear on page 509.

This book has been partially underwritten by the

Peter Stansky Publication Fund in British History.
For more information on the fund,
please see www.sup.org/stanskyfund.

No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means,
electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage
or retrieval system without prior written permission.

Printed in the United States of America on acid-free, archival-quality paper

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available upon request.

ISBN 978-1-5036-1048-4 (paperback)

ISBN 978-1-5036-1082-8 (electronic)

Cover design: Rob Ehle

Cover map: 1731 map of Birmingham by William Westley.

The top of the map is orientated westwards. Wikimedia Commons.

designed by amanda dewey

For Kabir and Amann
This page intentionally left blank
So she followed her r­ ed-​­coats, whatever they did,
From the heights of Quebec to the plains of Assaye,
From Gibraltar to Acre, Cape Town and Madrid,
And nothing about her was changed on the ­way;
(But most of the Empire which we now possess
Was won through those years by o­ ld-​­fashioned Brown Bess.)

​­r udyard kipling , “Brown Bess: The Army Musket,

1700–​­1815” (1911)
This page intentionally left blank
 CONTENTS

Preface xi
Introduction 1

Part One
THE INDUSTRIAL LIFE OF GUNS
1. The State and the Gun Industry, Part 1: 1
­ 688–​­1756 25

2. Who Made Guns? 66

3. The State and the Gun Industry, Part 2: 1

­ 756–​­1815 101

4. The State, War, and Industrial Revolution 146

Part T wo
THE SOCIAL LIFE OF GUNS
Interlude: A Brief Lesson from African History 183

5. Guns and Money 191

6. Guns in Arms, Part 1: Home 219

7. Guns in Arms, Part 2: Abroad 261

 Part Three
THE MORAL LIFE OF GUNS
Interlude: A Brief Account of the Society of Friends 303

8. Galton’s Disownment 316

9. The Gun Trade after 1815 345

10. Opposition to the Gun Trade after 1815 380

Acknowledgments 411

Notes 417

Bibliography 485

Index 511
 Preface

M
y father is from Muktsar, Punjab, a town just on the Indian
side of the border with Pakistan. That border was drawn in
1947, when he was four years old, as part of the subcontinent’s
independence from British rule. Through various commercial, industrial,
and agricultural pursuits, his father, Des Raj Satia, slowly acquired a great
deal of land in and around Muktsar. Indian Punjab was itself divided in
1967 according to new state lines, and Des ­Raj—“Baoji,” we called ­him—​
­was unsure what would ensue, going by his experience of the Partition of
1947. So, partly to insure against the risk of displacement, he sent one of his
five sons to the new state of Haryana, one to neighboring Rajasthan, one to
Delhi, and one to the United States: my father. One son, Bharat, stayed in
Muktsar, along with Baoji’s younger brother Balraj and Balraj’s two sons.
(This schematic narration condenses into two sentences a host of accidents,
acts of personal courage, ambition, and confusions. It also writes out of the
story Baoji’s two daughters. But in the manner of a fable, we will allow it.)
My brother recently attended the latest court hearing about our family
property in Muktsar. He brought back for me a copy of Baoji’s will, dated
1970 and signed by Baoji, my grandmother Shanti Devi, and Balraj, each
in a different script (Persian, Devanagari, and Roman). Despite this doc-
ument, upon Baoji’s death in 1983, the family fought over the disposition
of his property. Bharat claimed everything in and around Muktsar on the
basis of having been the only one who had stayed and endured Punjab’s
descent into nightmarish political and military conflict during the late
xii preface

seventies and eighties. Bharat’s brothers, Balraj, and Balraj’s sons chal-
lenged his claim. As the struggle over hundreds of acres unfolded, the
strip of land dividing Bharat’s and Balraj’s homes in Muktsar became a
daily irritant between the households. Guns were part of the martial fron-
tier culture encouraged in this region during British rule, and Bharat had
always talked and acted tough as a youth. As tempers boiled, finally, in
1991, he stood in the contested garden and aimed his revolver at Balraj,
threatening to shoot. Exactly what followed remains obscure. Certainly,
he fired several shots, and Balraj fought for his life for three months in
hospital. I have seen photos my father later took of bullet marks in the
garden wall. A cold war between the neighboring families unfolded there-
after as a property settlement continued to elude the family.
Bharat’s wife and son were at his side when he pulled the trigger. His
wife later described to me how he shook as he pointed the gun, insisting
that he meant only to intimidate his uncle. To her, he had shot his uncle
despite himself. But her own and their son’s presence at Bharat’s side
during the standoff also raises questions: If he was shaking, did they goad
him? Or restrain him? I know that my uncle Bharat alone was responsible
for nearly killing his uncle, but from what I recall of his temperament, I
cannot shake the feeling that he would not have physically assaulted his
uncle had he had recourse only to a knife. He was too afraid; he was all
bluster, without the malignant emotional energy required for such an in-
timate attack. But pulling a trigger was thinkable in a different manner.
The gun changed what he was capable of; he meant it to terrorize his
uncle and keep him off his property. I can imagine him that day, against
the backdrop of an increasingly militant Punjab, casting himself in a script
in which the gun was a prop that he waved to instantly cast his uncle in
the role of common trespasser, alienating their familial bond into a contest
between strangers. (In court, to protect his wayward nephew, Balraj said
he had shot himself accidentally while cleaning his gun, reaffirming the
severed bond.) By shaping his actions, the gun made Bharat, just as some-
one had made the gun. As I wrote this book, I recalled this scene in the
garden time and again. The script by which Bharat’s revolver fig­­­ured
in our family land dispute came to him through culture. Through this
 preface xiii

book, I have found one of its origins in the eighteenth century, when, in
some places in the world, guns found their first role in interpersonal vio-
lence through contests over property in societies of strangers. This inci-
dent, its backdrop of provincial turmoil, its lasting legacy, the cotton
industry that produced much of Baoji’s w ­ ealth—​­this family history has
shaped my investigation of the British gun trade and the industrial revo-
lution in the eighteenth century.
Perhaps my memory of the shooting in the Muktsar garden was sub-
consciously at play when I stumbled on the curious story of a Quaker
­arms-​­making family in the eighteenth century, the Galtons. As I looked
through the Galton records in the Birmingham City Archive, I discov-
ered a point of view that seemed to me to upend received wisdom about
the industrial revolution, and so, partly by accident and partly by will, I
hunkered down for a long spell in the eighteenth century and communion
with the troubles of another extended ­family—​­every unhappy family be-
ing unhappy in its own way, as Tolstoy tells us.
But I have also written this book in a time of mass shootings in the
United States. My daughter was in first grade when the Sandy Hook
shooting happened, in December 2012. My heart broke like everyone
else’s, five years into my study of guns in the e­ ighteenth-​­century British
Empire. My investigation into the place of guns in that world showed me
that their uses are not fixed, but change with time and place. There were
no casual shootings in Britain until suddenly, because of cultural shifts
inaugurated by the Napoleonic Wars, there were. Likewise, the shooting
in my family was not unrelated to the violence that tore up Punjab in the
1980s, and the mass shootings of our time are not unrelated to the war on
terror. Culture and technology produce each other. Like all my work on
empire and technologies of violence, this book is against militarism and
imperialism. Some might be tempted to take its ­conclusion—​­that war was
foundational to modern industrial ­life—​­as approbation of war, but my
point is rather that this finding should give us pause in our embrace of that
life and in our tolerance for the vast international trade in arms today.
It raises the question of how far complicity in war stretches in differ-
ent times and places. When guns became central to e­ ighteenth-​­century
xiv preface

violence in a new way in the 1790s, the Quaker church demanded that the
Galtons abandon their ­century-​­long investment in the gun trade. Samuel
Galton Jr. went to great lengths to explain that it was not so easy to dis-
tance oneself from investment in war; apart from the difficulty of passing
on his business, almost any other industrial activity he might pursue in its
place would be similarly, if less directly, complicit in war. We continue to
face such dilemmas. After Sandy Hook, the investment firm Cerberus
Capital Management publicly pledged to sell Remington Outdoor, the
company that made the Bushmaster rifle that the shooter used. Public
pension fund investors like the California State Teachers’ Retirement Sys-
tem had long called on the firm to sell the gunmaker. Four years later, as
I finish this book, Cerberus has failed to find a buyer and has decided to
let its investors sell their stakes in Remington and then move the manu-
facturer out of its funds into a “special financial vehicle.” (All this is quite
apart from the relentless boom in gun sales and stocks in these years.) The
difficulty Galton perceived in 1795 continues to shape the efforts of cap­
italists and industrialists seeking to distance themselves from violence.
Meanwhile, philanthropic capitalists like Bill Gates have begun to donate
money toward the campaign for greater gun control. But given the diver-
sity of investment portfolios, where is the beginning and end of the invest-
ment in guns and other arms? And how have those connections shifted
since the eighteenth century? These are the questions this book tries to
answer.
EMPIRE of GUNS
Samuel Galton Jr., 1753–1832.
 Introduction

F
or more than 125 years, between 1688 and 1815, Britain was in a
state of more or less constant war. The British gun industry was
vital to the kingdom’s survival. In 1795, however, during war with
revolutionary France, one of the British government’s regular gun suppli-
ers, Samuel Galton Jr. of Birmingham, became the subject of scandal. Gal-
ton was a Quaker and a prominent, if not the prominent, gunmaker in
England. The Quaker church, the Religious Society of Friends, had si-
lently accepted his family business for nearly a century, but now suddenly
demanded he abandon it. Their censure forced Galton to defend himself
publicly. At the core of his defense were two related claims: first, that ev-
eryone in the Midlands, including fellow Quakers, in some way contrib-
uted to the state’s ­war-​­making powers; he was no worse than the copper
supplier, the taxpayer, or the thousands of skilled workmen manipulating
metal into everything from buttons to pistol springs for the king’s men.
Second, like other metalware, guns were instruments of civilization as
much as war, as essential to preserving private property in a society of in-
creasingly mobile strangers as doorknobs and hinges. Galton saw himself
as part of a ­military-​­industrial society in which there was little, if any,
economic space outside the war machine and in which the paraphernalia of
war doubled as the paraphernalia of civilization based on property. He
took the Society of Friends’s easy tolerance of his family business up to 1795
as evidence in support of his case. Was there any merit in Galton’s view?
Was Britain’s emerging industrial economy actually a military economy?
2 empire of guns

And if it was, why did the Society of Friends suddenly find that reality
intolerable in 1795?
The story of Britain’s transformation from a predominantly agrarian,
handicraft economy to one dominated by industry and machine
­manufacture—​­the commonly accepted story of the industrial ­revolution—​
­is typically anchored in images of cotton factories and steam engines in-
vented by unfettered geniuses. The British state has little to do in this
version of the story. For more than two hundred years, that image has
powerfully shaped how we think about stimulating sustained economic
­growth—​­development—​­the world over. But it is wrong: state institutions
drove Britain’s industrial revolution in crucial ways. Galton was right: war
made the industrial revolution.
Britain was involved in major military operations for e­ ighty-​­seven of
the years between 1688 and 1815, declaring war against foreign powers no
fewer than eight times. At any given time, Britain was either at war, mak-
ing preparations for war, or recovering from war. Even in peacetime, con-
temporaries assumed war was imminent, or at least that government should
act as if it were so. The Seven Years’ War (­1756–​­63) and subsequent con-
flicts took place on a vastly expanded scale, too, involving entire societies
and economies and posing unprecedented logistical problems that utterly
dwarfed civilian enterprise. With British troops mobilized for most of the
century, Parliament’s famed antipathy to a standing army was more or less
incidental. War was the norm in this period. And it shaped the economy;
that’s why radical Britons called military contracting and its system of par-
asitical elite partnerships with the state “Old Corruption.” The state was
the single most important factor in the economy, the largest borrower and
spender and employer. Its minions advanced into civil society to clothe,
feed, and arm the expanding army, stimulating domestic output and inno-
vation. Contractors supplied ships, powder, arms, shot, foodstuffs, uni-
forms, beer, drivers, horses, and more. The state was a consuming entity,
supporting private industry through bulk purchases at critical times. It cut
a wide swath as a consumer, literally investing Britons in its war making.
And yet no one has explained how constant war impinged on the
grand economic narrative of the time, the industrial revolution. The
 introduction 3

backdrop of the industrial revolution as told here is not the whims of cal-
ico fashion but the Nine Years’ War, the War of the Spanish Succession,
the War of the Austrian Succession, the Seven Years’ War, the American
War of Independence, and the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars.
In the foreground are the members of the Galton family, proprietors of the
single biggest ­g un-​­manufacturing firm in Britain, the largest suppliers of
guns to the British state and major suppliers of the East India Company
and the commercial arms trade to West Africa, North America, and other
parts of the growing empire.
The Quaker church, known for its belief in the un‑Christian nature of
war, said nothing about these mammoth pursuits until the sudden rebuke
of 1795. This long silence says something about the common sense about
guns and gun manufacture up to that year, encapsulated in Galton’s public
defense of his life as a Quaker gunmaker: in the emerging industrial econ-
omy, there was no way to avoid contributing to the state’s ­war-​­making
powers. He was part of an economic universe devoted to war making, in
which guns were also essential to the spread of a civilization based on
property. But by 1795, that common sense was shifting: guns suddenly
had become objectionable commodities to Quakers. This was partly be-
cause just then, during Britain’s long wars against France between 1793
and 1815, they were acquiring a new role in interpersonal violence that
was no longer defensible as preservation of property. Suddenly, guns
looked bad, and gunmaking worse. Galton tried in vain to remind fellow
Quakers of wider investments in war and of guns’ centrality to the rule of
property. But there was too much at stake in industrial capitalism by then
for him to win the argument about its collectively scandalous nature. The
arms maker morphed from a morally unremarkable participant in indus-
trialization to a uniquely villainous merchant of death. And our memory
of industrial revolution became one of pacific genius unbound. But Gal-
ton’s defense opens a window onto past convictions, and looking through
it helps us understand that the British state’s colossal demand for war
matériel made it a major driving force of the industrial revolution and
helped guns find a central place in modern violence.
By taking Galton’s claims seriously, by putting them on trial, in a
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