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CONCRETE DEMANDS

Between the 1950s and 1970s, Black Power coalesced as activists advocated a
more oppositional approach to fighting racial oppression, emphasizing racial pride;
asserting black political, cultural, and economic autonomy; and challenging white
power. In Rhonda Y. Williams provides a rich, deeply researched
history that sheds new light on this important social and political movement, and
shows that the era of expansive Black Power politics that emerged in the 1960s
had long roots and diverse trajectories within the 20th century.
Looking at the struggle from the grassroots level, Williams highlights the role
of ordinary people as well as more famous historical actors, and demonstrates that
women activists were central to Black Power. Vivid and highly readable,
is a perfect introduction to Black Power in the 20th century for anyone
interested in the history of black liberation movements.

Rhonda Y. Williams is Associate Professor of History and Founder and Director

of the Social Justice Institute at Case Western Reserve University. She is the author
of and
co-editor of
(Routledge).
This page intentionally left blank
CONCRETE DEMANDS
The Search for Black Power in the
20th Century

Rhonda Y. Williams
First published 2015
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
and by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

© 2015 Taylor & Francis

The right of Rhonda Y. Williams to be identified as author of this work
has been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced
or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means,
now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording,
or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publishers.
: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Control Number:

2014027468
ISBN: 978-0-415-80142-3 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-0-415-80143-0 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-0-203-12222-8 (ebk)
Typeset in Bembo
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
CONTENTS

Introduction 1

PART I
Roots & Routes 13

1 A Mad Society: Crucibles and Portents of Black Power 15

2 From “Negro Power” Toward Black Revolt 48

3 The Time Is Arriving Now 87

PART II
The Expansive Era 125

4 Into the Public’s Eye 127

5 Girding Up Urban Power Struggles 165

6 The World Cries Freedom 201

vi Contents

7 Revolution for Whom?: Unraveling Romantic Black Unity 234

Epilogue: Echoes 267

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This book, many years in the making, has gone through its own birth pangs and
transformations. It began as another project—one I was supposed to complete in
a couple of years—for Heather Ann Thompson’s “Rethinking” series on Ameri-
can Social and Political Movements of the 20th Century. Time passed swiftly as I
took on new responsibilities, particularly founding and directing the Social Justice
Institute at Case Western Reserve University (CWRU). But even as I carved out
time here and there to write, it became increasingly clear that the book Routledge
signed was becoming something else. Heather and Kimberly Guinta (my awesome
editor at Routledge) offered to pull the book out of the series, and let it become its
own self. Throughout the entire process, they both have provided advice, cheer-
leading, and tremendous patience.
There were numerous witty and loving “thanks” I had imagined writing, but
I now find myself in the unenviable position of having to cut, cut, cut! So forgive
the primarily laundry-like list of names to follow. I appreciate all of you and, in
the end, I figured you would rather I save as much of my word count for the story
itself, and see less gushing praise. So here we go.
I finished because of the people who inspired, encouraged,
and hugged me—as well as this project. I want to give special thanks to David
Goldberg (for sharing his research and trusting me with documents!), to Yohuru
Williams (for the gazillion conversations, line edits, and Peanut Butter Crunch!),
and to Megan Ritchie Jooste (by way of Heather) for her editing advice and
encouraging emails.
At CWRU: graduate students Anthony Crumbley (who graduated), Michael
Metsner, and Erik Miller helped with the research. Michael also helped prepare
the bibliography. To Laila Haidarali, Jenifer Barclay, Shennette Garrett-Scott,
and Shannen Dee Williams, all former fellows in the African American Studies
viii Acknowledgments

Postdoctoral Program in the College of Arts & Sciences. Numerous faculty

and staff colleagues provided citations, spirit-support, victuals, or all three. They
include Ken Ledford, Deepak Sarma, Joy Bostic, Pete Moore, Peter Haas, Janice
Eatman Williams, Tanetta Andersson, Marilyn Sanders Mobley, Christine Ash,
Latisha James, Chalana Gilliham, Allison George, Deborale Richardson Phillips,
Shaii White, Misty Luminais, Kayode Omoyosi, and my dean Cyrus C. Taylor.
Thalia Dorwick read the entire manuscript and shared her enthusiasm and feed-
back as a non-expert reader. “Mother” Krista Franklin’s artistic energy moved me
to create the book cover.
To the folk of “E.C.” (East Cleveland) who checked on how the book and
I were faring. They include many of the community researchers for the Social
Justice Institute’s “Voicing & Action Project”: Brandon King, Michele Hill,
Leslye Huff, Nancy Nolan-Jones, Lady Red Joy, Pamela Owens, LaVora Perry,
Hank Smith, and Earl Williams. Also, Walter “Big Walt” Melton, Derrick Griffin,
Caroline Cole, Rosey Terry, Belinda Kyle (for telling me about
), Trevelle and Aiesha Harp, and Ndeda N. Letson.
I have been blessed by the generosity of a network of scholars beyond my
current institution. They include Lisa Brock, Clarence Lang, Jama Lazerow, Erik
McDuffie, Donna Murch, Derek Musgrove, Alondra Nelson, Karen Sotiropoulos,
Robyn Spencer, Stephen Ward, and anonymous reviewers. To Peniel E. Joseph.
To Ernie Allen, who shared with David Goldberg, who shared with me. To Sister
Sonia Sanchez, Muhammad Ahmad, and Donald Freeman—for the stories. To
Norma Freeman. To the archivists in the Washingtoniana Division of the D.C.
Library who accommodated me at the last minute: John Muller and Derek Gray.
To my U.S.-Australian Connection: “Coach” Dennis Harris, Cleveland Coun-
cilman Kenneth Johnson, Greg Langjhar, William Harris, Lori Urogdy Eiler,
Dr. Colin Dillon, (“Dr. D”), John and Karla Brady, Trevelyn Brady, Leroy Log-
gins (my Baltimore homeboy who lives in Australia), Damien Bani, Paula Colby,
and Michael Aird. Michael opened up his personal library to me as well as shared
photos and stories about family. To my Colchester-UK Connection: Laila, John
Haynes, Colin Samson, Michael Phillip, Candyce Kelshall, Dusan Radunovic, and
Sanja Bahun.
To Dr. Mary Frances Berry, still my mentor and friend.
To Kevin C. Johnson and Rhonda D. Frederick. You know why.
To my nephew Darrell and niece Sherell Williams, who have both made me
“A2.” I love you. Now, how you gonna help make a better future, young people?
And, to My Trio, who remind me about laughing, and dancing, and smiling;
listen to me go on-and-on about this and that; accept me for who I am and desire
to be; and truly know my spirit and provide unconditional love: Thank you Mom
and Dad—“Ginny” (Virginia L. Williams) and “Booney” (Nathaniel McAlister
Williams Sr.)—and “Brotherman” (Nathaniel McAlister Williams Jr.). Because
of you . . .
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INTRODUCTION

I have never known a Negro in all my life who was not obsessed with black power.
—James Baldwin (1968)1

People just have to get used to that word, “Black Power.”

—Shirley Chisholm (1969)2

In 1968 Amy Jacques Garvey published Black Power in America through United
Printers Limited located on Marcus Garvey Drive in Kingston, Jamaica. The pam-
phlet’s featured essay titled “The Source and Course of Black Power in America”
began this way: “What depths of emotion a small word can evoke! Hate and love
seem to take the highest rating of all. While words, by themselves, seem harm-
less, but combined with another they have explosive reaction.” For instance, she
explained, the use of the word “for” in the 40-year-old slogan “Africa for Afri-
cans” had profound implications. It challenged “European Imperialists in Africa”
and served as “a hope and goal to Africa’s sons and daughters all over the world.”
Similarly, “BLACK POWER now confronts the United States of America.” She
continued: “This slogan—in the minds of the whites—seems to conjure up black
magic, as it strikes fear in their hearts, and even causes the Government to become
concerned, as to what actions these two magic words may cause black citizens to
commit.”3
Thirty-five years later, ruminating on his own role in raising consciousness
about Black Power, Kwame Ture (Stokely Carmichael) recalled the moment when
he uttered “just two ordinary” words—black and power—at a June 1966 rally
in Greenwood, Mississippi. Those words traversed the nation, and eventually the
world, with lightning media speed. “Who could have thought it?” he observed. “I
mean, two simple, clear, very commonly used English words. One an adjective, the
2 Introduction

other a noun. Basic. Nothing the least obscure or academically pretentious about
them. Nothing mysterious or even slightly ambiguous either.”4
Yet, as Amy Jacques Garvey, Stokely Carmichael, and others quickly discov-
ered, the words black and power, while separately “harmless and inoffensive,”
had become “apparently incomprehensible in combination” and “entirely beyond
the cognitive reach of the white national media and public.”5 Dr. Martin Luther
King Jr. was among those who immediately offered an explanation for the
growing public trepidation that accompanied the marriage of black to power.
According to King, those two words together “give the impression that we are
talking about black domination rather than black equality.”6
The first black U.S. congresswoman, Shirley Chisholm, also offered her view.
Shortly before mounting her 1972 campaign for the presidency, Chisholm reflected
on the phrase in her speech at Howard University. “Everybody,” she explained,
“is so hysterical and panic stricken because of the adjective that precedes the word
power—‘black.’ ” She, then, offered her take: Black Power simply reflected black
people’s desires to control their destinies. So, that meant, “People just have to get
used to that word, ‘Black Power.’ ”7 People also would have to get used to the word
“power” in combination with many other adjectives that demanded dismantling
race, ethnic, gender, and economic hierarchies and recognition of people’s human
rights. All of this, however, would be easier said (and arguably subverted) than
done.
Jacques Garvey, Carmichael, King, and Chisholm, of course, were not the only
ones trying to come to grips with the term. Lots of people had lots to say about
Black Power, particularly after 1966. This did not mean, however, that they all
understood it in the same way or could agree on a central definition. As Ture
observed in 2003,

Before the dust settled, this verbal combination would inspire scholarly
debate, learned dissertations, hysterical denouncements from press and pul-
pit, and require us to write a number of explanatory essays and a book. We
would discuss them on college campuses, in churches, and from all man-
ner of public platforms and media forums; on national network television
as well as local channels. Yet even today, I keep reading that “one major
problem was that SNCC (or Carmichael) failed to define the term clearly.”8

He clearly disagreed with this assessment, noting: “It sure do seem to me that
I, along with a lot of the folk in SNCC, spent an entire term as chairman doing
little else but defining Black Power.” Where he and others ultimately “failed,” he
opined, was in producing “a definition that the opinion industry wanted to hear.”
Then, he proceeded to challenge the reigning political and historical narrative that
depicted Black Power as a sinister rerouting of the black liberation struggle. With
a characteristic, assertive wit, Ture stated: “But, c’mon gimme a break. We cer-
tainly did not change the entire direction of the black movement or the attitudes
 Introduction 3

of black America merely by combining two simple words at a rally in Greenwood,

Mississippi. That’s silly and absurd, even for the American media.”9
Amy Jacques Garvey clearly agreed. Her essay’s full title—“The Source and
Course of Black Power in America”—did not leave her readers guessing as to
her broad goals in writing, nor did her analysis, which explicitly urged readers to
consider the roots and routes of Black Power. Not surprisingly she privileged the
impact of Marcus Garvey, boldly proclaiming that many of the new purveyors of
Black Power “were Garvey’s under-stud[ies].” She traced Black Power’s genealogy
as born from the rich and fertile soil of “Father and Mother Garveyites,” and the
aroused and angry “New Negro” to Malcolm X. She shared how Rev. King, who
honored Garvey by placing a wreath at his shrine, had remarked, “He was the first
man, on a mass scale, and level, to give millions of Negroes a sense of dignity and
destiny.”10 She argued that white power and violence produced the political situ-
ations and oppressive conditions that fueled oppressed people’s desires for national
liberation. In other words, within two years of Black Power becoming a liberation
slogan in 1966, Amy Jacques Garvey sought to proffer an initial history that drew
attention to many decades, movements, and persons in the making. In her estima-
tion, the specific arrival of the era of expansive Black Power politics had a history
that extended back many decades into (if not before) the 20th century.
Amy Jacques Garvey’s view was but one of many that sought to contextual-
ize the movement. There were other persons, ideas, organizations, and events that
seeded and inspired mid-1960s Black Power and influenced its proliferation and
demise afterward. In the words of author Richard Wright, who himself published
a travelogue on the independence struggles of the Gold Coast colony titled Black
Power in 1954—a decade before Black Power became a rallying cry: “Expressions
spring out of an environment, and events modify what is written by molding
consciousness.”11 While Wright was talking explicitly about “Negro literature,”
political philosophies and struggles are also “written.” Indeed, the overarching
concepts and driving imperatives that emerged under the mantle of mid-1960s
“Black Power”—including the phrase itself—were not wholly novel. Unarguably,
the immediate politics and “social situations” of the mid-1960s contributed to
the rise of Black Power. But so too did previous decades of struggles, genera-
tions of activists, philosophies, and shifting political cultures. In other words, the
publicly heralded Black Power phase of the black freedom struggle has a history,
progenitors, and complex pathways that expose, as I have written elsewhere, “its
precursors, influences, overlaps, and coexistence with other activist traditions.”12
A narrative synthesis for the reader versed and not so versed in this history,
Concrete Demands seeks to chart the roots, routes, and expressions that comprise
the search for Black Power politics in the 20th century. An ancestral and mapping
project, it explores black people’s various struggles to become self-determined,
paying particular attention to the emergent streams and forerunners of the Black
Power phase of the liberation struggle. It adds to a rich, nuanced, and grow-
ing body of scholarship on black freedom struggles that critically informed this
4 Introduction

narrative and to which I am indebted. These include studies on civil rights, Black
Power, black nationalism and internationalism, black radicalism, and black wom-
en’s struggles, including those on public housing and welfare rights.
What of this term, “Black Power”? Rooted in the broad search for empower-
ment for black people, “Black Power” is arguably a general and timeless goal.
However, “Black Power” represents a historically contextualized set of oppositional
ideologies and politics. Undergirded by race consciousness and pride, nationhood,
self-determination, and sovereignty, Black Power is a politics in which black peo-
ple placed less faith in white goodwill and paid more attention to the structures
of power. In doing so, they demanded the authority to control decisions, as well as
resources, impacting black people’s lives and circumstances. While this has often
meant mounting efforts to challenge if not alter regimes of oppression, it has not
always resulted in (or even for some necessitated) transforming oppressive regimes.
For generations, there have always been black people who have hoped for lib-
erty and struggled for rights and inclusion in a country that espoused it. However,
the daily battles and indignities intrinsic to living in a white-controlled nation
fertilized by notions of black inferiority and economic inequality also served as
constant reminders of a different, murkier reality. In eras rife with nation-building,
wars, and rights and liberation struggles, this murkier reality produced caution,
angst, disgust, and desire—all of which gave rise to concrete demands and impas-
sioned liberation struggles in a nation built on, and at times aggressively intent
upon, maintaining racial and economic hierarchies. It fueled nationalist and radical
struggles during the first half of the 20th century, as well as explicit articulations
of “Negro” and Black Power between World War II and 1966. This signaled both
the emergence and suppression of a robust unapologetic black politics that took
center stage in the 1960s and 1970s era of expansive Black Power politics. By 1980
the zeitgeist of Black Power had publicly waned in the face of new political and
economic forces.13
The narrative begins, in Chapter 1, in the early 20th century with a stark
example of how black people experienced white power in the East St. Louis
riot.14 It occurred during an age when the United States and European nations
were embroiled in wars for power, and when race and self-determination battles
undergirded quests for national superiority. In this context, the East St. Louis riot
of 1917 emerged as an exemplar of the profound racial anxiety and violence that
reinforced the desire to preserve the United States as a nation where white people
had power and black people remained powerless. While unfortunately there are
numerous, diverse examples of racial antipathy that one could choose from, this
particular incident of brutality provides a starting point to delineate a range of
travails confronting black people, as well as introduce a rich and varied set of
race-conscious and race-first political actors who expressed outrage and engaged
in resistance.
There existed a continuum of concrete demands—urgent needs, things asked
for, and questions raised. Those who responded held multiple, if not competing,
 Introduction 5

ideologies and goals grounded in specific local and political contexts that fueled
their quests for rights and power. In the early 20th century, the overlapping
relationships among, for instance, Ida B. Wells, Hubert Harrison, the Garveys
(including Marcus Garvey, Amy Ashwood Garvey, and Amy Jacques Garvey), and
A. Philip Randolph offer just one example of how black empowerment ideas and
strategies intersected. These race-conscious women and men would gain inspira-
tion from each other, as well as part ways based on their views about the promise
of U.S. liberty, their experiences with white power, and their belief in how to
bring about change in the face of that power. Black people—far from a social,
economic, and ideological monolith—tried to make sense of what they and others
experienced every day.
By the early 1900s, white power had coalesced in the rise of Jim Crow and
disfranchisement, the maturing of industrial and agricultural capital, the growth
of the state and empire, and domestic and international conflicts. Black struggles
for empowerment—to be self-determined people with measures of authority and
respect—were always in dialogue with, though not limited in their imagination
by, white power in the U.S. nation. Whether the focus was integration, separa-
tion, or expatriation, the concepts of self-determination and nationhood—either
among black people or in relationship to the United States—stood at the center.
In the opening decades of the 20th century, then, the political elements familiar
in the era of expansive Black Power had been seeded. Race pride, militant cultural
aesthetics, assertions of dignity that brooked no white counsel, black economic
radicalism, self-defense, expressions of black manhood, proto-black feminism, and
black nationalism and internationalism were all there. These ideas, frameworks,
expressions, and strategies clashed, mingled, and merged, as did their purveyors
who were influential progenitors of Black Power proliferation.
While Concrete Demands narrates, synthesizes, and analyzes “coming of age”
and proliferation stories of Black Power, I do not claim to write a comprehensive
study of the Black Power movement. There are historical actors, organizations,
and campaigns that one will find underrepresented or even absent.15 Even when
engaged, they may not receive as full a treatment as some readers may seek or have
come to expect. Such is the nature of narrative history.16 An array of actors across
time, space, ideology, gender, and social class are in dialogue in Concrete Demands.
The story is as much about the changing context, roots, routes, and expressions
that help us understand the popularizing of Black Power, as it is about the emer-
gence of struggles in the Black Power era. Sometimes the historical actors and
narrative undoubtedly will (and should) feel familiar and feature known incidents,
campaigns, and organizations.
It is important to remember, however, that even when featuring the now
“iconic” historical actors, they, too, were ordinary people—part of the masses navi-
gating, braving, succumbing to, and battling the injustices throughout the United
States and abroad at the time. They became iconic because their lives, voicing of
issues, charisma, or courage either came to the attention of those in power, or
6 Introduction

influenced many seeking to change the status quo. This often catapulted them
into the public eye—whether in their own historical time or as a result of histori-
cal investigation. But for all those who became icons, there are many more who
have contributed to the struggle. We know that everyday people—those whose
names are not as well known—confronted and in their own ways navigated the
vitriol of white citizens and power structures. They appear as well.
Just as well-known and less celebrated people comprise Concrete Demands, so
too do the voices of women and men who engaged in quests for power from the
early 20th century through the era of expansive Black Power politics. Indeed,
black women contributed in generative ways as intellectuals and mentors before
1966, alongside their roles as activists, cultural workers, and critics.17 Black women
espoused race-first, self-determination, and intersectional agendas—whether as
militant rights activists, black nationalists, black radical feminists, or low-income
rights and power advocates. They played vital activist roles in formal Black Power
organizations and in struggles during the Black Power era. And while it almost
seems trite to write, it behooves us to remember that just as within any group,
black women’s voices, political positions, and activism were varied. This, at times,
meant that black women’s activism did not a priori upend male privilege or patri-
archy. When most edgiest, however, these race-conscious black women critiqued
presumptions of race, gender, social class, and sexuality that too often reaffirmed
exploitation and marginalized statuses.
This book examines intersections between the local and international, as well as
traverses and links U.S. geographies, rural and urban. It does this while also spot-
lighting cities (those places paved in literal concrete) and the specific efforts that
embody the philosophical streams and variety of struggles emerging particularly
after 1966. By that time the majority of black people lived in towns and cities
in the Upper South and in the North, Midwest, and West. For instance, Atlanta,
Washington, D.C., Cleveland, Detroit, and New York are featured here as hubs and
staging grounds for black consciousness, black electoral power, economic radical-
ism, and the grassroots politics of survival that raged from coast to coast.
Concrete Demands unfolds in two parts. Part One comprises the first three
chapters, which examine the multiple persons, ideologies, reactions, and social
situations that presaged and established the context for the eventual popular con-
gealing and proliferation of those two words—“black” and “power”—that caused
so much excitement and anxiety domestically and globally. These chapters focus
on, in the words of Amy Jacques Garvey, “the sources and courses” of Black Power
politics—that is, the roots and routes, as well as continuities and discontinuities,
between eras and people.18 For that most remembered historic cry in 1966 did
not emerge out of nowhere on a sweltering summer day. This much Carmichael
told us himself.
The seeds of Black Power were watered by individual and collective desires for
racial affirmation, self-determination, and autonomy, and grew as a result of tena-
cious white illiberality and oppression. Moments of promise, advancement, and
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