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 P O L I T I C S A N D T H E NAT I O N
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ii Bibliography
 Bibliography iii
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Politics and the Nation
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6 Britain in the Mid-Eighteenth Century
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iv Bibliography

1
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 DP
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It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
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with associated companies in Berlin Ibadan
Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press
in the UK and in certain other countries
Published in the United States
By Oxford University Press Inc., New York
© Bob Harris 
The moral rights of the author have been asserted
Database right Oxford University Press (maker)
First published 
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press,
or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate
reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction
outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department,
Oxford University Press, at the address above
You must not circulate this book in any other building or cover
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Data available
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Harris, Bob, 1964–
Politics and the nation : Britain in the mid-eighteenth century / Bob Harris.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references.
1. Great Britain–Politics and government–18th century. I. Title.
DA480 H26 2002 941.07′2 dc21 2001036595
ISBN 0-19-924693-9
         
Typeset in Baskerville
by Florence Production Ltd, Stoodleigh, Devon
Printed in Great Britain
on acid-free paper by
T.J. International Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall
 Bibliography v
1111
2
3 Preface
4
5
6
7
8 T   an attempt to reconstruct the politics and political culture of
9 Britain in the mid-eighteenth century in a way which helps to highlight the
10 main issues, feelings, ideologies, and realities which gave distinctive form and
1 shape to them. What it is not is a detailed narrative of events. This does not
2 reflect any scepticism about the value of such an approach; such narratives
3 provide the essential foundation for works such as this. Yet the mid-eighteenth
4 century in Britain has perhaps too often been studied from this perspective,
5 and this has helped reinforce an impression that politics in this period was
6 consumed with little more than factional and individual rivalries amongst a
7 small number of politicians. What I have tried to do is to provide a fuller, more
8 rounded picture of political life in this period, and in so doing challenge long-
9 standing preconceptions about it.
20111 Recent years have seen much exciting published and unpublished work
1 which has provided fresh perspectives from which to view the mid-eighteenth
2 century in Britain, and I have benefited enormously from this. The attempt to
3 write a history which includes at least three, and occasionally four, of the
4 nations which made up the eighteenth-century British state is also working
5 with the grain of recent scholarship. That said, the development of ‘British
6 history’ is still at a relatively early stage, and we lack many maps or guides
7 about how to do it. Yet if the result involves quite a few compromises, and
8 many gaps, the challenge is a stimulating one, and one which helps to reveal
9 more clearly than any other several important threads in British politics in this
30 period. This is especially true of the main themes explored in this book.
1 The book is designed to be read as a whole, but chapters pursue particular
2 topics and can be read separately. There is a limited amount of repetition, but
3 this is only because certain topics bear reconsideration from different stand-
4 points. I have sought not simply to replicate the work of other historians—
5 although in several places the debts to this will be obvious—but to present new
6 material which either confirms and extends the findings of this work, or which
7 places it in a new perspective. I have also sought to include new insights, based
8 on a decade of research on politics and political culture on mid-eighteenth-
9 century Britain but also on the fact that this book covers a comparatively short
40 period, enabling me to pursue details which wider-ranging studies of necessity
1 must pass over quickly if not ignore completely. I have tried to write with three
2 main groups of readers in mind—specialists, students, and those with a general
3111 interest in history and the eighteenth century in particular.
vi Bibliography

Acknowledgements

I          of researching and writing this book, I have received assis-

tance and encouragement from several institutions, and individuals. The final
stages of writing were completed whilst on sabbatical leave made possible by
an award from the Arts and Humanities Research Board. The terms of this
award required the University of Dundee to provide leave for a second term,
and I am grateful to the Dean of the Faculty of Arts and Humanities,
Professor Huw Jones, for agreeing to this. The Carnegie Endowment for the
Scottish Universities provided two awards of money to finance research trips.
Material from the Lonsdale Papers is reproduced with the kind permission of
the Earl of Lonsdale. Staff of various libraries and archives have provided
invaluable assistance, especially those at the British Library, the University of
Dundee, the Greater London Record Office, the National Library of
Scotland, the National Archives of Scotland, the University of Nottingham,
the University of St Andrew’s, and the Cumberland Record Office in Carlisle.
Of individuals who have provided support and advice, I would particularly
like to thank Jeremy Black, Harry Dickinson, and Joanna Innes. Jeremy Black
read early drafts of several chapters, and his comments were, as always,
helpful and stimulating. Eoin Magennis also deserves special mention for his
great generosity in sharing his expertise and enthusiasm for Irish politics in the
mid-eighteenth century with me on a visit to Belfast in the summer of .
Much shorter versions of Chapter  were read in  to the North West
Branch of the British Society for Eighteenth Century Studies and the Imperial
History seminar at the Institute of Historical Research, and I am grateful
for comments made by several individuals on both occasions. A version of
Chapter  was read in the spring of  at a joint meeting of the Economic
and Social History and History Department seminars at the University of
Edinburgh, and again remarks made on that occasion have helped to sharpen
my ideas. Various colleagues in the History Department at Dundee have
provided moral and practical support, notably Julie Flavell and Charles
McKean. Professor Chris Whatley has read and commented on various drafts
of chapters over the course of the last two years, and his advice and support
have been much appreciated. My forays into Scottish history have owed much
to his enthusiasm for eighteenth-century Scottish history and his generosity in
sharing his findings and thoughts with me.
 Acknowledgements vii
1111 I am also very grateful to Ruth Parr at Oxford University Press for her
2 encouragement to complete this book and to Kay Rogers for guiding it
3 through production.
4 Finally, to Rachel, Andrew, Charlotte, and Harriet thanks are due for
5 putting up with my periodic visits to them in London. They have made their
6 home a wonderful base from which to make forays into archives in London
7 and the south.
8
9 This book is for Tess.
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viii Bibliography
 Bibliography ix
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2
3 Contents
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5
6
7
8 List of Maps x
9
Abbreviations xi
10
1
2 Introduction 
3
4 . The Political World 
5
6 . Virtue, Liberty, and the ‘Country Interest’ 
7
8 . Britain and France and the ‘Empire of the Seas’ 
9
20111  Scotland: Expunging the Memory of the ’ 
1
2 . ‘True English Genius’: Patriots and Patriot Clubs in Ireland 
3
4 . Trade and the National Interest 
5
6 . Morals and the Nation 
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8 Conclusion 
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1 Appendices 
2 Bibliography 
3
4 Index 
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x Bibliography

List of Maps

. Troop Deployments in the Highlands, Summer  

. Cantonment of Troops to Prevent Raids from the Highlands,
Winter – 
. Patriot Activity in Leinster, Munster, and Connacht, – 
. Patriot Activity in Ulster, – 
. Irish Loyal Addresses, September–December  
 Bibliography xi
1111
2
3 Abbreviations
4
5
6
7
8 BL British Library
9 Bodl. Bodleian Library, Oxford
CLRO Corporation of London Record Office, Guildhall, London
10
CRO (Carlisle) Cumberland Record Office, Carlisle
1 EHR English Historical Review
2 Gent. Mag. Gentleman’s Magazine
3 GLRO Greater London Record Office, London
4 HJ Historical Journal
5 JBS Journal of British Studies
6 Lond. Ev. P. London Evening Post
7 NAS National Archives of Scotland
8 NLS National Library of Scotland
9 NUL Nottingham University Library
20111 Parl. Hist. William Cobbett, The Parliamentary History of England (
vols., –)
1
Scots Mag. Scots Magazine
2 TRHS Transactions of the Royal Historical Society
3 Walpole, Correspondence The Yale Edition of Horace Walpole’s Correspondence, ed. W. S.
4 Lewis, et al. ( vols., New Haven, Conn., –)
5 Walpole, Memoirs of Horace Walpole, Memoirs of the Reign of King George II, ed.
6 King George II John Brooke ( vols., New Haven, Conn. and London,
7 )
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xii Bibliography
1111
2
3 Introduction
4
5
6
7
8 P             -           -       Britain has traditionally not
9 attracted the greatest amount of attention from historians. Until relatively
10 recently, this reflected a perception that politics in this period lacked the
1 drama and wider historical importance of politics in other decades in the
2 eighteenth century. A story can, and has been, told of how Whig politicians
3 from the early s—pre-eminently Sir Robert Walpole, leading minister
4 between  and —succeeded in constructing a stable system of
5 oligarchical rule, and in eliminating or marginalizing potential sources of
6 opposition to this rule.1 Politics had, as a consequence, become an activity
7 engaged in by a narrow, exclusive elite fighting over the spoils of power and
8 office, usually undisturbed by popular pressures.
9 It is a crude sketch, but not an unduly distorted one. It also contains
20111 important elements of truth. National politics in the s and s from one
1 perspective did become a game, fiercely conducted at times, played by small
2 coteries of Whig politicians; opposition coalitions were loose and fissile;
3 national politics also lacked the coherence and depth that party divisions lent
4 it in earlier periods, particularly between c and , and were to do so
5 again from the end of the century. As John Owen showed in his masterly, if
6 narrowly conceived, study of politics in the s, The Rise of the Pelhams (),
7 with party allegiances becoming looser and looser, political battles were char-
8 acterized by a marked degree of individualism. The essential conflict was
9 between ministries and groups of usually opposition Whig politicians seeking
30 to force their way into office or between Whig rivals in office. Politics became,
1 in short, more than was usual in an eighteenth-century context, dominated by
2 the narrow ambitions of a handful or so of politicians. It is a political world
3 which has been painstakingly and exhaustively chronicled by J. C. D. Clark in
4 his The Dynamics of Change: The Crisis of the s and English Party Systems
5 (Cambridge, ).
6 Mid-century politics can seem to lack the intensity and personalities of
7 surrounding periods. Many political debates have an air of shadow boxing, or
8 at least of stereotyped exchanges. Walpole’s successors in office were not made
9 from the same giant mould, with the exception perhaps of Lord Carteret (the
40 Earl of Granville as he became in ). Even the reputation of Pitt the Elder,
1 the most compelling politician of the period, and certainly the one to have
2
3111 1
See esp. J. H. Plumb, The Growth of Political Stability in England, – ().
2 Introduction
stimulated the greatest interest,2 owes more to the myth-making of a genera-
tion of imperial historians who came to maturity at the turn of twentieth
century than to the historical facts.3
However, the lack of apparent unity in political life was not only a function
of the personalized nature of political rivalries. This was a period of political
transition, something which has further encouraged the habit of seeing it as
either a coda to the Walpole years or as a prelude to the politics of the new reign
after . Especially in the s, an older political world—one shaped by
party identities, by the Jacobite threat, and by a generation of politicians
formed in the political conflict of Augustan England—was disintegrating.
George II was born in , while many of the leading political figures—the
Duke of Newcastle, the third Duke of Argyll, Lord Hardwicke—were also of a
generation who reached maturity in the world of Queen Anne and who took
its dimensions as the natural shape of the political world. A younger genera-
tion was now pressing its claims to office and power, led by Pitt, Henry Fox, the
Duke of Bedford, and, at the end of our period, the Earl of Bute, from 
Groom of the Stole to the future George III. Theirs was the political world
which was to emerge much more clearly after , a world in which landed
society was finally united, and long-standing distinctions of Whig and Tory
eradicated or completely disrupted, in which the tempo of politics ‘without
doors’ became more insistent and clamorous, and in which demands for polit-
ical reform took on a new force. The acquisition of a much-expanded territor-
ial empire at the Peace of Paris () also created a series of new issues and
challenges regarding the retention and government of different parts of this
empire, which were to consume an increasing amount of time and energy of
leading politicians from the early s.4 There is often a sense in the mid-eigh-
teenth century of two political worlds colliding against one another, of the older
political world resurfacing and submerging newer issues. Which, for example,
tells us more about the character of politics in this period—the Jacobite demon-
strations which occurred in parts of the West Midlands in the later s and
early s, and which Paul Monod has recently sought to portray (unconvinc-
ingly perhaps) as a near insurrection,5 or the widespread celebrations produced
by the capture of French and Spanish colonies in the great mid-century wars,
the War of the Austrian Succession (–) and the Seven Years War (–)?
2
Brief historiographical studies of writing on Pitt are to be found in R. Middleton, The Bells of
Victory: the Pitt–Newcastle Ministry and the Conduct of the Seven Years’ War, – (Cambridge, );
Marie Peters, ‘The Myth of William Pitt, Earl of Chatham, Great Imperialist. Part I: Pitt and Imperial
Expansion –’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History,  (), –. See also Karl W.
Schweizer (ed.), William Pitt, Earl of Chatham –. A Bibliography (Westport, Conn., ).
3
See Peters, ‘The Myth of William Pitt’; ead., The Elder Pitt (Harlow, ).
4
For a recent overview, see P. J. Marshall, ‘Britain and the World in the Eighteenth Century. I:
Reshaping the Empire’, TRHS, th ser.,  (), –.
5
Paul Kleber Monod, Jacobitism and the English People – (Cambridge, ), –. For a
different interpretation, see Nicholas Rogers, Crowds, Culture and Politics in Georgian Britain (Oxford,
), .
 Introduction 3
1111 Important work in the last two decades has begun to reveal some of the
2 limitations of the traditional view of this period, although without over-
3 turning it completely. The main challenges have come in the form of new
4 histories of Jacobitism, foreign policy and diplomacy, popular politics, and
5 national identities. All have offered fresh perspectives from which to view the
6 period; they have also served to reveal a political world which was far from
7 devoid of creative forces, serious issues, powerful emotions, and deeper histor-
8 ical significance, especially once we move the focus away from the battles for
9 political supremacy amongst national politicians. Broadening our field of
10 vision still further, to include developments in Scotland and Ireland, only
1 further reinforces this conclusion.
2 Recent work on Jacobitism has failed as yet to produce a consensus about
3 the nature and scope of the threat which support for the Stuarts posed to the
4 Hanoverian regime after the early s.6 One thing, however, is clear: minis-
5 ters and their supporters never stopped believing that Jacobitism constituted
6 a serious threat, and if anything their fears about this only grew after .7
7 Jacobite fortunes were inextricably linked to the contemporary conditions of
8 diplomacy and foreign politics, as both Jacobites and their opponents fully
9 recognized. This was because without foreign support a restoration attempt
20111 was very unlikely to succeed. In , Britain was to enter a major European
1 war, the War of the Austrian Succession, for the first time since . Conflict
2 with France was now unavoidable, although war between the two powers was
3 only officially declared in the spring of . The prospect of France, or
4 another foreign power, supporting a restoration attempt was one which
5 continued to exercise ministers (and many Britons) even after the crushing of
6 the Young Pretender’s army at the battle of Culloden ( April ). Indeed,
7 the Jacobite Rebellion of – simply served as a dramatic reminder of the
8 dangers such an attempt continued to hold, especially in the middle of war
9 when British forces were committed overseas. The disaffected clans in the
30 Highlands remained a potentially potent threat to the regime, hence the
1 energy and the resources which ministers committed to eradicating this threat
2 once and for all after . As ministers were only too aware, disaffected
3 clansmen, stirred up by visits from attainted rebels, continued to entertain
4 hopes of further risings in – and again in the early s.8 Whether such
5 a rising could actually have brought about anything other than further disaster
6 and suffering in the Highlands is only partly the point; there was no compla-
7 cency amongst ministers and the Whig establishment in Edinburgh that the
8 Jacobite menace had been eliminated, and Jacobite activity in Scotland
9 continued to be very closely watched and policed into the s.
40
6
1 For a very useful, balanced summary, see Daniel Szechi, The Jacobites ().
7
See Paul Fritz, The English Ministers and Jacobitism between the Rebellions of  and  (Toronto,
2 ).
3111 8
See Ch. , below, pp. ‒.
4 Introduction
The political stability, therefore, which some historians have seen in this
period was a quality which for most of it eluded contemporaries. For minis-
ters, and for most contemporaries, the Jacobite Rebellion of – raised
fundamental and troubling questions about the security of the Hanoverian
and Protestant Succession, and the political, economic, and religious order it
was held to underpin. Was disaffection in the Highlands likely to threaten
again the prosperity and security of Hanoverian Britain? Was the British navy
capable of protecting Britain’s extended coastline against invasion? The
uncomfortable memory of the Young Pretender’s army marching down the
spine of the country to Derby, without significant resistance either from mili-
tary forces under Sir John Cope or elements of the civilian population,
provoked debates about whether a rapidly commercializing society, such as
Britain in this period, could maintain the values and commitments—or, as
contemporaries termed it, the ‘public spirit’—to rebuff international enemies
and rivals and to sustain military security and strength. It was the ’ which
also raised very clearly a fear that recurs throughout debate and perceptions
in the mid-eighteenth century—that God’s chosen people and latter-day
Israel, Britain, had lost his favour, or faced his imminent judgment on their
sins and lax religious observance. Hugh Blair, a moderate minister of the
Church of Scotland, was voicing a commonplace when he argued that the
Jacobite rebels were instruments of Providence for punishing a people that
had responded to his bountiful blessings with sinfulness.9
Any convincing account of this period needs, therefore, to reconstruct a
world of insecurity and challenge which faced contemporaries, and the
complex range of emotions which this elicited. It needs also to integrate
foreign and domestic politics, to examine the impact on domestic perceptions
and emotions of the period’s two major European and global wars—the War
of the Austrian Succession (–) and the Seven Years War (–)—
together with the rivalry between Britain and France which gave these
conflicts their unity as far as the British were concerned. There is, in this
context, a strong temptation to write the history of this period from the
perspective of our knowledge that, eventually, Britain was to emerge from this
rivalry the clear victor. In , the Peace of Paris set the seal on the emer-
gence of Britain as the most powerful, global power the world, ancient or
modern, had hitherto witnessed. It also signalled an important shift towards
territorial, as opposed to maritime, empire, a shift underlined in  when
the East India Company effectively took control of Bengal in India. British
military success in the Seven Years War after  was, however, unanticipated
and indeed had seemed most unlikely in the early stages of the Seven Years
War. It is worth reminding ourselves that the French had threatened, or
appeared immediately and directly to threaten, the security of the Protestant

9
Hugh Blair, The Wrath of Man Praising Man (Edinburgh, ).
 Introduction 5
1111 Succession in Britain in the winter of –, –, and that their armies
2 had conquered the strategically vital territories of the Austrian Netherlands in
3 the later s. The years between the end of the War of the Austrian
4 Succession and the outbreak of the Seven Years War had seen major efforts
5 on the part of the Bourbon powers to reconstruct and increase their naval
6 power, as well as French expansion and aggression in North America, the
7 Caribbean, India, and West Africa. Britain’s much vaunted ‘empire of the
8 seas’—the bulwark of her security and prosperity—appeared to be under
9 formidable challenge. For the British, the Seven Years War began as a struggle
10 to defend the security of its North American colonies. There was relief that
1 conflict had been renewed, since it was widely believed that further delay
2 would have only strengthened French military power. The military failures
3 and setbacks of the early phases of the war appeared to confirm the worst
4 apprehensions of contemporaries about French power and ambition. They
5 also produced an acute sense of vulnerability in Britain, a feeling
6 compounded by a perception of financial weakness. In , ministers were
7 openly speculating about being compelled to conclude an unfavourable peace
8 with France. In July of that year, Charles Townshend lamented to his mother,
9 ‘Indeed, Lady Townshend we are undone.’10 Two years after that, the British
20111 were to face another major Franco-Jacobite invasion threat from France.11
1 For much of the mid-eighteenth century, Britain appeared, in short, to be
2 locked in a conflict for international standing and even survival with a much
3 more populous and therefore, according to contemporary thinking on these
4 matters, powerful state. Contemporaries were haunted by the scope and rest-
5 lessness of French ambition. There was also a strengthening perception that
6 the French state might be a more effective promoter of economic and
7 commercial expansion than the much less centralized British state heralded in
8 so much loyal propaganda in this period; freedom and the rule of law, it
9 appeared, did not uniquely promote commercial vitality. As one of
30 Newcastle’s correspondents wrote in early October :
1
France now seems to be pushing for Universal Commerce, as Lewis the th for what
2 we call Universal Monarchy. I own my self to be more afraid at this hour of French
3 credit and French commerce than of French Fleets and French Armys.12
4
5 French cultural influence was also pervasive amongst the upper ranks, and was
6 easily seen in terms of a betrayal of the nation and national interest.13 The
7 French challenge was, therefore, much more than a military one, although it
8 was, whatever Newcastle’s correspondent said, most immediately threatening
9 10
Quoted in Jeremy Black, America or Europe? British Foreign Policy, – (), .
40 11
See Claude Nordmann, ‘Choiseul and the Last Jacobite Attempt of ’, in Eveline
1 Cruickshanks (ed.), Ideology and Conspiracy: Aspects of Jacobitism, – (Edinburgh, ), –.
12
BL, Add. MS  (Newcastle Papers), fo. : Page to Newcastle,  Oct. .
2 13
See Gerald Newman, The Rise of English Nationalism: A Cultural History, – (New York, ),
3111 esp. ch. .
6 Introduction
in its military and diplomatic guise. The construction of the massive Fort
George at Ardersier Point; the renewal of a road building programme in the
Highlands; the military, judicial, and legislative assault on the disaffected
clans; the construction of the military road between Newcastle and Carlisle;
persistent concerns about the defensibility of Ireland, with its majority
Catholic population; each and all speak eloquently of the apprehensions of
contemporaries about the continuing survival of an independent, free,
Protestant, and prosperous Britain. So too in a different way do fears, referred
to above, and very widely expressed, that God had an argument with his
chosen nation. The sense of alarm and nervousness was compounded by a
very widely shared outlook or mentality which bordered on the paranoid. A
strong ingredient in this was the loose but deeply ingrained ideology of anti-
popery, which constructed the forces of international Catholicism,
represented by the Pretender but also by an axis of Rome, Paris, and Madrid,
as infinitely devious and protean in nature, as well as dedicated to the suppres-
sion of Protestant heresy.14 Jacobites, like Catholic agents, worked through
disguise; the fact that none identified himself publicly as Jacobite did not
mean that they were not present. There was, in short, much to fear, and,
where there was not, contemporaries were eminently capable of conjuring up
imaginary fears. As George Lyttleton wrote in a slightly different context at
the end of the Seven Years War, ‘Britannia is like a nervous lady seldom well
long together, but not dangerously ill’.15 Not everyone was so sanguine.
If the British nation faced grave challenges from within and without in this
period, historians of popular politics have also in recent years revealed a polit-
ical world beyond Westminster and St James’s which was only superficially
calm and tranquil. Following the fall of Sir Robert Walpole, in February ,
the popular opposition to Whig oligarchy which had built up from the later
s, and which helped crucially to sustain an often divided parliamentary
opposition in the period –, did fracture and lose coherence.16 Successive
political betrayals by opposition politicians entering office, starting with, and
most importantly by, William Pulteney and his allies in , also produced
intense public disillusionment with national politics and politicians. Edward
Turner wrote in May , after witnessing Pitt, hero of the opposition of
–, supporting the employment of Hanoverian troops: ‘My patience is
worn out, in seeing Patriots swallow down Ministerial Puddings piping hot
without so much blistering their tongues.’17 Some sections of the opposition
14
For this ideology, see Colin Haydon, Anti-Catholicism in Eighteenth-Century England c. –: A
Political and Social Study (Manchester, ).
15
Quoted in Jeremy Black, ‘The Struggle of Politics in Hanoverian England from the Perspective
of the Huntingdon Library’, Archives (), .
16
See esp. Nicholas Rogers, Whigs and Cities: Popular Politics in the Age of Walpole and Pitt (Oxford,
), ch. .
17
Quoted in Richard Trevanion Connors, ‘Pelham, Parliament and Public Policy, –’,
Ph.D. thesis (Cambridge University, ), .
 Introduction 7
1111 became much more pessimistic about the possibilities of effecting major
2 political change, and of eradicating the corruption which supposedly charac-
3 terized Whig oligarchy. From the later s until the mid-s, national
4 politics also retreated as a topic of press and public discussion. In May
5 , Horace Walpole wrote, looking back to the England of his father’s
6 administration, ‘England is no longer England . . . news, madness, parties,
7 whims, and twenty other causes, that used to produce perpetual events are at
8 an end.’18
9 The institutional bases for widespread discussion of politics and popular
10 interest in political life in England and Wales did not, however, disappear in
1 the early s. This was most obviously the case in respect of the press,
2 although it was also true of the City of London and Westminster, important
3 centres of anti-oligarchical politics throughout the early-Hanoverian period.
4 War and factional fighting amongst Whig politicians served to reanimate the
5 press between – and again in the mid- to later s.19 Even in the
6 later s and early s, during the supremacy of the Pelhams, there were
7 papers, most notably the influential tri-weekly evening paper, the London
8 Evening Post, which kept up a strong flow of hostile commentary on the
9 personnel and politics of the Hanoverian regime. In the mid-s, calls were
20111 made in Parliament for tighter regulation of the press, such was the scurrilous
1 and abusive discourse on politics offered by writers in the London Evening Post.
2 Those who wrote for the paper included several Jacobites, and while ministers
3 resisted the temptation to impose tighter restrictions on the press, in the
4 following year (), the paper’s publisher, Richard Nutt, was prosecuted
5 before the Court of King’s Bench for seditious libel.
6 The press also represented an important vehicle for the construction and
7 dissemination of patriotic and national identities. The contents of the
8 majority of newspapers were dominated by foreign news and reports of the
9 course of war and diplomacy. Through the press, a wide cross-section of
30 society was encouraged to view British fortunes overseas as a proper sphere
1 for the exercise of their imaginations and opinions. A background of
2 continual war and heightened international rivalry only made this politically
3 more important and sensitive; these were conditions too in which patriotic
4 feelings and emotions assumed a new importance. As Linda Colley has
5 observed: ‘The two decades which followed the Battle of Culloden were an
6 intensely creative period in terms of patriotic initiatives and discussion of
7 national identities’.20 The idea that Britain’s destiny was as a maritime power
8 with global interests and influence came into much sharper focus, especially
9 from the later stages of the War of the Austrian Succession. It was in part Pitt
40
1
18
Walpole, Correspondence, xx. .
19
Bob Harris, Politics and the Rise of the Press: Britain and France – (), . See also Marie
2 Peters, Pitt and Popularity: The Patriot Minister and London Opinion during the Seven Years War (Oxford, ).
3111 20
Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation, – (New Haven, Conn. and London, ), .
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