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Raising Children
This page intentionally left blank
Raising Children
Emerging Needs, Modern Risks, and Social Responses

EDITED BY
JILL DUERR BERRICK AND NEIL GILBERT

1
2008
3
Oxford University Press, Inc., publishes works that further
Oxford University’s objective of excellence
in research, scholarship, and education.

Oxford New York

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Copyright ª 2008 by Oxford University Press Inc.

Published by Oxford University Press, Inc.

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www.oup.com
Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise,
without the prior permission of Oxford University Press.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Raising children : emerging needs, modern risks, and social responses =
edited by Jill Duerr Berrick and Neil Gilbert.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-13: 978-0-19-531012-2 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Child rearing—United States.
2. Parenting—United States. I. Berrick, Jill Duerr. II. Gilbert, Neil, 1940-
HQ769.R1695 2008
306.8740973'09045—dc22 2007024285

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed in the United States of America
on acid-free paper
 Table of Contents

Contributors vii
Introduction 1

Part I. Children in Families

1. The Past Is Not a Foreign Country: The Historical

Education of Policy 9
Paula S. Fass

2. From Private to Public: Paying Grandparents as Caregivers 27

Jill Duerr Berrick

3. Supporting Fathers’ Engagement with Their Kids 44

Philip A. Cowan, Carolyn Pape Cowan, Nancy Cohen,
Marsha Kline Pruett, & Kyle Pruett
4. Can Women Have Careers and Babies Too? 81
Mary Ann Mason
5. Motherhood, Work, and Family Policy 98
Neil Gilbert
6. Child Support: How Much Is Just Right? 116
Ira Ellman & Tara Ellman
vi Table of Contents

Part II. Outside Forces: Shaping Health and Education

7. Framing Public Interventions with Respect to Children

as Parent-Empowering 151
Stephen D. Sugarman

8. Childhood ADHD: Biological Reality or Social Construction,

with Policy Implications 167
Stephen P. Hinshaw

9. Do Immigrant Children Have a Fair Chance? 183

Sylvia Guendelman & Kate Cosby
10. Nonacademic Needs of Students: How Can
Schools Intervene? 201
Susan Stone
11. Families and Schools Raising Children: The Inequitable
Effects of Family Background on Schooling Outcomes 221
W. Norton Grubb

Conclusion 250
Index 257
 Contributors

Jill Duerr Berrick

Professor of Social Welfare; Co-Director, Center for Child and Youth Policy,
University of California, Berkeley
Kate Cosby
Program Associate, Maternal and Child Health Program, University of Cali-
fornia, Berkeley
Nancy Cohen
Program Director, Cancer Lifeline, Seattle, Washington

Philip A. Cowan
Professor of Psychology Emeritus, University of California, Berkeley
Carolyn Pape Cowan
Professor of Psychology Emerita, University of California, Berkeley

Ira Ellman
Willard H. Pedrick Distinguished Research Scholar and Professor of Law, Ar-
izona State University; Visiting Scholar, University of California, Berkeley

Tara Ellman
Economic Consultant, Tempe, Arizona
Paula S. Fass
Margaret Byrne Professor of History, University of California, Berkeley

vii
viii Contributors

Neil Gilbert
Chernin Professor of Social Welfare; Co-Director, Center for Child and Youth
Policy, University of California, Berkeley
W. Norton Grubb
David Gardner Chair in Higher Education, University of California, Berkeley
Sylvia Guendelman
Professor and Chair, Maternal and Child Health, School of Public Health,
University of California, Berkeley
Stephen P. Hinshaw
Professor and Chair, Department of Psychology, University of California,
Berkeley
Mary Ann Mason
Professor of Social Welfare, University of California, Berkeley
Kyle Pruett
Clinical Professor of Child Psychiatry, Director of Medical Studies, Yale Uni-
versity School of Medicine
Marsha Kline Pruett
M. B. O’Connor Chaired Professor, Smith College
Susan Stone
Assistant Professor of Social Welfare, University of California, Berkeley
Stephen D. Sugarman
Roger J. Traynor Professor of Law, University of California, Berkeley
 Introduction
Jill Duerr Berrick & Neil Gilbert

Over the past half-century, technological and medical advances, shifting

patterns of employment, the loosening of marital bonds, changing social
norms, and the women’s rights movement have dramatically altered the land-
scape of family life. In this new terrain, parents struggle with balancing the
demands of work and child care responsibilities, selecting the right schools,
and sorting through a bewildering array of medical and psychological nos-
trums. As mothers and fathers strive to nurture and protect their children,
public officials are under increasing pressure to formulate policies that assist
parents to meet the challenges of child rearing in contemporary society. This
book examines some of the most pressing issues in health, education, and
family life that affect child rearing in modern times, and it critically assesses
alternative policy responses to these developments.
The percentage of women who work is on the rise, increasing from 38% in
1960 to 60% in 2002. Women with very young children have not exempted
themselves from this dramatic change. In 1980, 44% of married women and
45% of single women with children under the age of 6 were in the labor force;
by 2002, those figures climbed by roughly 50% (to 61% and 71%, respec-
tively). Women struggle with the transition to the workforce—particularly
when their children are young. Many are haunted by worries about who will
care for their children in their absence, along with concerns about their ap-
propriate role as provider versus parent. While some employers have at-
tempted to make the workplace more ‘‘family friendly,’’ the reality is that
significant public policy has been developed to make families more ‘‘work

1
2 Raising Children

friendly.’’ Child care programs, after-school programs, flexible work schedules,

and telecommuting are all innovations that, at their heart, are designed to
increase women’s (and men’s) capacity to be fully engaged in the workplace.
In addition to emerging needs created by the changing work patterns of
American families, the family itself is undergoing change. Fertility rates have
declined, as has family size. Between 1976 and 2002, the proportion of
women over 40 years of age who had either no children or one child increased
by 80%; at the same time, the proportion of women in that age group with
three or more children declined by 50%. The most recent U.S. census suggests
that the fastest growing family-group pattern in the United States is the ‘‘no-
parent family’’: children raised in relative-headed households with no mother
or father present. While traditional students of the family may celebrate that
rates of single parenthood are finally stabilizing and that marriage rates have
nudged up a bit, the more recent trends in children’s living arrangements are
startling, if not alarming, and suggest undercurrents in family life that are
profoundly unstable.
On the new terrain of family life, children face myriad risks to their well-
being, whether from unstable families, exposure to poor-quality child care,
attendance in substandard schools, violence in the neighborhood, or coping
with chronic health conditions. While some families manage to protect their
children against these risks better than others, even mainstream middle-class
Americans worry regularly about protecting their children from harm. And in
struggling to raise their kids, many subgroups across America—immigrants,
gay and lesbian couples, teenage parents, and low-income adults—experience
heightened vulnerability.
Raising Children offers a fresh perspective on the most troubling concerns
of modern family life and raises provocative questions about the benefits and
hazards of policy alternatives designed to alleviate these issues. Take, for ex-
ample, the rapid expansion in the number of children now being reared by their
grandparents instead of their parents. While child welfare professionals praise
grandparents for stepping in to care for these children, it is easy to forget that
children have lost something important in the transition to Grandma’s house—
their parents. How these fundamental changes in living circumstances affect
children’s well-being is little understood. Asking whether policies that promote
kinship care are desirable challenges conventional wisdom in this realm.
Drawing on the disciplines of history, law, education, psychology, and
social welfare, this volume frames the emerging needs and new risks that have
an impact on child rearing, addressing issues such as the following:

Why do some men become positively involved with their young children while
others remain at a distance? What are the benefits for children if their fathers
develop strong, nurturant relationships with them? How can we create pro-
grams that promote fathers’ active participation in the daily lives of their
children?

Neither the child on whose behalf support payments are made nor the par-
ent charged with making them are likely to live alone. Can the law of child
 Introduction 3

support continue to pretend they do? Do we want child support to insure the
child’s welfare or to ensure that each parent pays a fair share of the child’s
expenses?

With the surge of media attention and controversy over Attention-Deficit=
Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) as a diagnostic category (and medication as a
major treatment), what are the facts and what are the myths? To what extent is
ADHD a social construction devised to manage children’s challenging be-
havior?

Do family-friendly policies such as daycare and parental leave harmonize work
and family life or create incentives for both parents to enter the workforce—
and intensify the daily struggle between the demands of work and child rearing?
Are some families better served by family-friendly policies than others?

Who are the women with fast-track careers? What happens when they face
the challenge of balancing childbirth and infant care with the high-pressure
demands of professional life?

Are recent efforts to provide health and psychosocial services in schools likely
to benefit students? How do families and schools raise students together?

Must public-health policies aimed at reducing drinking, smoking, and obesity
among children be seen as overriding parental authority in the ‘‘best interests’’
of children, or can they be formulated as measures that enable parents to
exercise better control over their children?

How does the U.S. health-care system serve immigrant children, most of
whom live in working poor families? What practical solutions can be im-
plemented to reduce barriers to care for immigrant children?

In addressing these issues, the volume is divided into two parts that focus
on how children are affected by modern circumstances inside and outside of
family life. To place these developments in a broader perspective, Part I begins
with a historical overview of the problems and issues of child rearing in Amer-
ican families. Chapter 1 reminds us that although contemporary concerns are
not exactly the same as past concerns, social anxieties about the fragility of
family life are not unique to the twenty-first century. The subsequent chapters
in this section analyze the needs and risks of children raised under various
settings of modern family life.
Children raised by grandparents or teenage mothers face a new environ-
ment of adaptation as they fashion a normative childhood in the context of
‘‘other.’’ Millions of children are being cared for by their grandparents, often at
public expense. Chapter 2 examines the recent trends and social implications
of government support for kinship care of children. Over the past several
decades, research on family life has generated increasing interest in the role of
fathers in child rearing. Chapter 3 looks at how fathers’ positive relationships
with children foster the children’s well-being and what can be done to pro-
mote such relationships.
While fathers are encouraged to become more actively involved with their
children, mothers struggle to balance the responsibilities of raising children
and working outside the home. And, as parents have increasingly left home for
work, varied provisions have been made to supply the daily care of children.
4 Raising Children

Chapters 4 and 5 explore the form and substance of ‘‘family-friendly’’ mea-

sures to help balance work and child rearing over the life course of women in
occupational positions ranging from high-powered professional careers to
middle- and working-class jobs. When families break up, questions arise
concerning the fair division of responsibility for the support of children.
Chapter 6 probes the complex realities of child support arrangements, the
fundamental conflict between the core purposes of child support, and how to
ameliorate this perplexing situation.
In Part II, the focus shifts to the forces outside of family life that affect a
child’s physical, psychological, and educational well-being, particularly those
emanating from medical and academic institutions and the state. A bewil-
dering array of modern drugs and medical technology has generated rising
expectations for longer and healthier lives. At the same time, parental anxieties
are fueled as diagnostic advances uncover new childhood disorders and ail-
ments, the cost of medical care continues to rise, and children engage in
behaviors that may be detrimental to their health. Heightened concerns about
children’s health are matched by a growing sense of the need for an adequate
education to prepare children to work and flourish in an increasingly com-
petitive global market. The chapters in this section consider how schools are
changing to meet the evolving needs of children and their parents, the risks of
overpathologizing normal variations in children’s behavior, the role of the
state in shaping health-related behaviors among children, and the need to
extend health care to vulnerable populations.
Although public intervention is often thought to substitute for or under-
mine parental responsibility, Chapter 7 formulates an approach that empha-
sizes framing social policies in such a way that they are seen as strengthening
rather than limiting parental authority in family life. This analysis shows how
proposals to deal with controversial issues such as childhood obesity and
school choice can be understood as measures to empower parents. Along with
concerns about the growing problem of childhood obesity, many parents
struggle with what to do about the increasing diagnosis of ADHD in children—
a condition that is poorly understood. Chapter 8 illuminates the myths and
facts about ADHD, the behaviors that define the disorder, controversies
surrounding medication and psychosocial treatments, and the need to un-
derstand the stigmatizing implications of the condition. While all parents
sometimes worry about maintaining their children’s health, these anxieties are
particularly intense in the absence of insurance for care. Examining the well-
being of children from this perspective, Chapter 9 surveys the access to care for
children of the working poor, among whom immigrant children are most
likely to lack health-insurance coverage and least likely to receive medical care.
Children’s physical and psychological ills are not only handled within the
purview of medical institutions. Over the past few decades, schools have in-
creasingly been called upon to provide not only for the education but also for
the heath and mental health care of children. Chapter 10 questions how well
these nonacademic needs of children are being met by school programs and
 Introduction 5

whether, in fact, such special interventions provide added benefits in well-

functioning schools. Finally, Chapter 11 reminds us that although forces
emanating from institutions outside the family influence the well-being of
children, it is rarely a case of either=or—parents are always in the equation.
When it comes to education, parents and schools raise children together. This
final chapter analyzes the impact of family characteristics on a child’s edu-
cational achievement and suggests how school reforms can address the prob-
lem of low-performing students.
Beyond a wide-ranging examination of various needs and risks tied to
raising children in modern times, the chapters in this volume illustrate the
importance of perspective and context in understanding and responding to
these issues. The opening chapter places the issues of child rearing in a his-
torical context that suggests that the problems encountered today are more of
an ongoing struggle occurring over generations than what might feel to some
to be a unique crisis of modern times. This tempers our outlook and sets a tone
for policy recommendations that seek adjustments and changes that are ame-
liorative rather than transformative. The needs of children with ADHD are not
only examined according to their substantive character but also framed in the
larger context of the stigmatization of mental health patients. The health care
of immigrant children is assessed in the broader context of children of the
working poor. The recent practice of public subsidies for grandparents serving
as caregivers of young children is appraised against the larger backdrop of
informal kinship care in the privacy of family life. The struggles of caring for
children by mothers in working-class, middle-class, and high-level profes-
sional jobs are seen from a life-cycle perspective. The involvement of fathers in
raising children is seen as affected by the context of other important rela-
tionships in which the father–child relationship is embedded. State inter-
ventions that affect children are framed as measures designed to empower
parents. The conventional method for determining child support is reframed,
shifting the calculation from the marginal expenditures of an intact family to
more nuanced considerations of the competing purposes of support. Chil-
dren’s educational achievement is examined from the perspectives of both
family background and school-based programs.
In each case, the context and perspective on these issues inform policy
recommendations that address essential features of the modern challenge to
raising children. Of course, the policies suggested in this volume offer no grand,
utopian solutions. Rather, they are mostly incremental in nature, and all of
them are debatable. Looking at these needs and risks from different per-
spectives and in alternative contexts would elicit other policy responses. Our
objective is not so much to resolve the issues as it is to open avenues of
understanding and to stimulate debate about where they might take us.
This page intentionally left blank
PART I
CHILDREN IN FAMILIES
This page intentionally left blank
1
The Past Is Not a Foreign Country:
The Historical Education of Policy
Paula S. Fass

The American imagination is peopled by rugged individuals. From John Henry

to John Wayne, we have pictured ourselves as a nation of self-sufficient men
and (occasionally) women who set off on Walt Whitman’s Open Road, pursue
Huck Finn’s Western territory, inhabit Emily Dickinson’s lonely soul, or hunt
the seas for a great white whale. American literature and popular culture have
always been replete with such images. How do we fit into this picture a regard
for society or, in less grandiose terms, an ability to live with other people and
create an effective sense of social connection and responsibility?
Traditionally, Americans have assigned this task to the family, the one
institution that they trust to devise controls on individual impulse through
effective child rearing, provide a means to convey laws and regulations to all its
members, and be counted on to wrestle individual selfishness into safe di-
rections without entirely taming the emphasis on a self-defined destiny. Since
colonial days, the burden on the family has been large, and whatever the
family’s real achievements or failures along these lines, the family has been
regarded with considerable awe precisely because we as a society have invested
it with so much freight as the one institution we entrust with our commit-
ments for both maintaining social order and protecting the individual. In a
society that has historically rejected many of the strong agents of control
common elsewhere, such as a powerful central state and an established na-
tional church, and which has depended on voluntary bonds for its rich asso-
ciational life, the family alone is viewed as a stable force for order and a reliable
source of authority. Indeed, the family has historically been intimately

9
10 Children in Families

involved in the protection of individual rights, as Martin Guggenheim1 re-

cently pointed out, and parental rights in the United States have traditionally
been regarded as a vehicle for and expression of individual rights.
In this chapter, I offer suggestions as to how this reliance on the family as
the source of social life has created special anxieties about family stability. As a
result of those anxieties, family change is often not viewed realistically, while
we cling to earlier family forms with fervor. I also suggest ways that policy
makers can use a realistic understanding of our historical commitment to ad-
vance more effective policies regarding children.

The Family as an Approved Social Space

When we use the word family today, we usually have a very particular concept
in mind—a small, nuclear unit composed of a married couple and its children.
In fact, however, this definition of family is largely a Victorian invention.2
Until the middle of the nineteenth century, when Americans spoke about
families they often meant households, rather than the nuclear units that we are
likely to imagine when we use the term today. A seventeenth- or eighteenth-
century ‘‘family’’ could be composed of a variety of individuals, many of whom
we would hardly recognize as belonging to the family today, including servants
(often indentured for a period of years); apprentices (under contract); de-
pendent parents or parents-in-law; and sometimes other individuals, including
other people’s children, who might have been placed in the home by public
authorities as dependent paupers or orphans. Even prisoners could be inserted
into households during the colonial period.3 In the South (and, far less fre-
quently but more often than we imagine, in Northern states as well), a
household could include slaves (as household servants, skilled workers, or as
part of a plantation gang). By the mid-nineteenth century, many of these
unrelated individuals had disappeared from households, leaving mostly related
family members. Some of these households=families still contained unmarried
spinster aunts, aged single parents, fostered children who had been placed out,
and, occasionally in poor urban households, boarders not capable of or willing
to maintain their own residences. The household together with its family
represented a living unit, and it was also the basic form of social interaction.
It was this variously composed family=household (not to be confused with a
truly extended family) that was looked to in the colonial period for a large
number of social functions, including financial support, vocational training,
operations of law and social control, and dispensing of community assistance.
In a society such as that of the United States in the nineteenth century, in
which people moved often and immigrants left familiar institutions behind,
the ‘‘family’’ was an indispensable institution. It ordered the life of the indi-
vidual in a nation that was constantly renewing itself and, in newer western
regions especially, was often lacking in other forms of social life. Even many
older regions of the country were still undergoverned and underserviced.
 The Historical Education of Policy 11

By the mid-nineteenth century, the more intimate, domestic family of the

Victorian period no longer provided the array of services that the colonial
family had, and during the second half of the century it began to emphasize
(and, indeed, to create) special family events such as birthday and holiday
celebrations in order to define itself around these personal affairs rather than
its older links to the social order. Above all, the domestic family began to
concentrate on child rearing as it turned increasingly inward, especially in the
privacy-seeking middle class. In so doing, it lost some of its more obvious
social markings. As it turned toward private life, the family became more
obviously the center of personal and emotional sustenance, which is how we
recognize it today. But for most nineteenth-century families, especially in rural
areas (which were dominant until the early twentieth century), the family
continued to provide economic and other services to its members, and it
remained symbolically the institution everyone looked to as a reminder of the
fact that, even in the United States, the individual lived in and depended on
group supports.
This does not mean that all people lived in families. Throughout Ameri-
can history, some people have lived alone, as frontiersmen, fur trappers, and
woodsmen—beloved in our cultural myths—and as city bachelors, sailors, and
students. They have also lived in groups such as religious and secular com-
munes; lumbering, mining, and other labor camps; army encampments; school
dormitories; orphanages; and prisons. None of these were ‘‘households’’ as
I have defined them, although they did provide social linkages. But, through-
out most of American history, the social connection to others usually came
from within some kind of family-based household. Even slaves, who could
not legally marry or form families, belonged to households—those of their
masters.
Despite the central importance of the family=household, Americans have
also viewed this social unit as peculiarly vulnerable. And just as Americans
have come to rely on its services, they have also very much, even dispropor-
tionately, feared its dysfunction or dissolution. This is the paradox of Amer-
ican family history: in a land of individuals, where other social forces were
often weak, the family has seemed always to be both deeply necessary and
perceived to be in peril. This was true to some extent even before the for-
mation of the nation; thus town governments in seventeenth-century Mas-
sachusetts appointed tithingmen to guard their households in order to make
certain that they performed their functions fully. It is interesting that common-
law marriage remained a legal option throughout most of the nineteenth cen-
tury in many American states, longer than in most European countries—a sign,
perhaps, of the need for defining institutions, even in the absence of observed
rituals.4 Throughout our history, American family life has been under some
kind of ‘‘nervous microscope.’’ I suggest that part of this is the result of the fact
that family life has been constantly changing as it adapts to other social forces
and factors, while our images of what families are have often remained con-
stant, as if families exist outside of time and history. In the seventeenth
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