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Drawing and the Non-Verbal Mind

A Life-Span Perspective

Drawing and its analysis has been an important discipline of Develop-

mental Psychology since the early twentieth century. This unique col-
lection of essays unites leading empirical researchers from Europe, the
United States and Canada to provide a valuable introduction to state-
of-the-art drawing research. Focusing on the core problems associated
with the visual mind, the contributors examine how drawing develop-
ment relates to changes in cognition. Topics covered include visual (self)
recognition, style, media understanding, inhibition, executive attention,
priming, memory, meaning, and figural and spatial concepts. The effects
of biological constraints such as motor control, grip and handedness,
blindness, neuropsychological conditions and old age are also explained.
The book provides a fascinating insight into the life-span and produc-
tivity of the non-verbal, visual mind.

Chris Lange-Küttner is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Psychol-

ogy at the London Metropolitan University and Visiting Professor at the
University of Bremen

Annie Vinter is Professor of Psychology at the Université de Bourgogne,

LEAD-CNRS, Dijon, France.
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Drawing and the

Non-Verbal Mind
A Life-Span Perspective

Chris Lange-Küttner
London Metropolitan University

Annie Vinter
Université de Bourgogne, Dijon
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo

Cambridge University Press

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK
Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521872058

© Cambridge University Press 2008

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of

relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place
without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published in print format 2008

ISBN-13 978-0-511-42306-2 eBook (EBL)

ISBN-13 978-0-521-87205-8 hardback

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of urls
for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not
guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
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Contents

Contributors page vii

1 Contemporary enquiries into a long-standing domain:

Drawing research 1
          -                     

Part I. Self, symbols and intention 21

2 Understanding reflections of self and other objects 23
     
3 Drawing production, drawing re-experience and drawing
re-cognition 42
          
4 Style and other factors affecting children’s recognition
of their own drawings 63
    .         ,       .       ,
     .                 .       
5 Children’s understanding of the dual nature of pictures 86
           
6 Pictorial intention, action and interpretation 104
       .                    -   

Part II. Syntax, space systems and projection 121

7 The interaction of biomechanical and cognitive constraints
in the production of children’s drawing 123
                            

v
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vi Contents

8 Graphic syntax and representational development 139

           ,               
 
9 Spatial structures in children’s drawings: how do
they develop? 159
         
10 Figures in and out of context: absent, simple, complex and
halved spatial fields 195
          -       
11 Spatial and symbolic codes in the development of
three-dimensional graphic representation 217
      .                       
12 On contours seen and contours drawn 239
   .    
   

Part III. Aging, blindness and autism 259

13 Benefits of graphic design expertise in old age:
compensatory effects of a graphical lexicon? 261
                ,             ,
                    .    
14 Drawing as a ‘window’ on deteriorating conceptual
knowledge in neurodegenerative disease 281
                     .
     ̧     
15 Drawings by a blind adult: orthogonals, parallels and
convergence in two directions without T-junctions 305
     .                     
16 Differences between individuals with and without autism in
copying tasks: how knowledge interferes when
drawing perspective 325
              ,             
         

Index 344
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Contributors

         -    , Bar-Ilan University, Ramat-Gan

   .    †, Max Planck Institute for Human Development,
Berlin, and University of Virginia
      , University of Portsmouth
              , Illinois State University
            , Karolinska Institute, Stockholm
    .         , University of Stirling
   .    
    , University of Aberdeen
      .       , University of Stirling
     .      ̧      , MRC Cognition and Brain Sciences
Unit, Cambridge
                , Université de Bourgogne, Dijon
       .        , University of Bristol
     .         , University of Stirling
            , University of Staffordshire
            , University of Toronto at Scarborough
     .       , University of Toronto at Scarborough
              , Universität Potsdam
          -        , London Metropolitan University and
University of Bremen
                , Max Planck Institute for Human
Development, Berlin
     .        , University of Stirling

vii
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viii List of contributors

          , University of Nottingham

          , Università di Genova
           , Università de Trieste
             , MRC Cognition and Brain Sciences Unit,
Cambridge
            , University of Montpellier III
          , University of Nottingham
            , University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
           , University of Stirling
               , University of Nottingham
      .          , University College London and Università de
Trieste
           , Université de Bourgogne, Dijon
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1 Contemporary enquiries into a long-standing

domain: Drawing research

Chris Lange-Küttner and Annie Vinter

  has occupied European psychologists from the turn

of the last century (Kerschensteiner, 1905; Luquet, 1927; Ricci, 1887;
Rouma, 1913), maintained their interest ever since, and subsequently
also attracted some attention from psychologists in other continents such
as the United States. The main contribution of the early work was to
describe how this typically human behaviour develops, and in particu-
lar which stages it follows (Piaget and Inhelder, 1956). Still, perhaps
like many other scientists nowadays, Piaget saw drawing only as a fig-
urative, illustrative instrument of representation, as opposed to rational
and operational thought devoted to the genuine understanding of reality.
Thus, drawing behaviour was not frequently studied in relation to cogni-
tive development. However, a notable exception was the ‘Draw-a-person
test’ designed by Goodenough (Goodenough, 1926; Goodenough and
Harris, 1950) which assesses mental age in children via the human figure
drawing, and, because it has a high correlation with intelligence tests until
adolescence, it is still in use today.
Since the 1970s and 1980s, a refreshed interest in drawing from devel-
opmental and cognitive psychologists from an empirical, experimental,
statistically underpinned perspective has flourished, as evident in two
books by Freeman (Freeman, 1980, see also his current contribution to
this book; Freeman and Cox, 1985). Since then a productive scientific
research area has opened and progressed, embedding drawing research
into mainstream cognitive and developmental psychology, as shown by
the many journal articles and books which followed (e.g. Cox, 1986;
Golomb, 1973; Goodnow, 1977; Thomas and Silk, 1990; as well as
Lange-Küttner and Thomas, 1995). The current book offers an up-to-
date and state-of-the-art overview of the main lines of research currently
conducted on drawing from a cognitive perspective.

1
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2 Chris Lange-Küttner and Annie Vinter

Producing and understanding artificial and technical reflections of

reality needs considerable intelligence. Understanding visual reflections
requires an awareness of a second-order reality, perceptual discrimina-
tion and memory. Furthermore, already when young children begin to
scribble with a pen on paper, motor learning also begins to play a role as
they set out to represent an object on paper. A fascinating communica-
tion network evolves in children’s minds in these years where non-verbal
intelligence interacts with social skills to communicate meaning. Mean-
ing is conveyed either in symbolic form, where canonical templates lend
the picture some unambiguous quality, or in literal form, where the great-
est effort is taken to convey the actual optical impression. While, in the
former, the viewer shares the knowledge of the functional properties of
objects, in the latter the viewer just needs to have seen a scene. It thus
appears that the type of picture production in pictorial space changes
considerably, making communication easier and more immediate for the
viewer. In this way, non-verbal communication is intrinsically social. But
to achieve this facilitation effect for somebody else, the rules and require-
ments for productivity need to be changed, and many children and adults
drop out. There are intricate changes in cognitive, motor and psychologi-
cal functioning necessary which are described and explained in this book,
which unites the most original and active researchers in this field.
Two more general points are worth making before introducing the con-
tribution of each of the chapters in turn. We would first like to emphasize
the great role attributed by most researchers in drawing behaviour to
executive functions, particularly to working memory. Sutton and Rose
(1998) were amongst the first authors to point to the important con-
tribution of attentional processes in drawing production, revealing the
importance of parallel, simultaneous processing of model and product
in the transition from intellectual to visual realism, which even overruled
instructional manipulation by the experimenter. Today, there is a large
agreement between authors that factors like working memory and inhi-
bition influence drawing production and drawing understanding. This
functionalist view is shared by several authors in this book. The second
point is related to the impact of the work published by Peter Van Som-
mers (Van Sommers, 1984, 1989) and the late John Willats (Willats,
1985, 1995), who both single-handedly introduced important concepts
into research on drawing, such as conservatism versus flexibility, or draw-
ing systems versus denotation systems.
The book is divided into three parts, each dealing with specific aspects
of drawing that make this behaviour so interesting to study for devel-
opmental psychologists. The organization of chapters into three sections
follows a developmental progression. Chapters in the first part of the book
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Contemporary enquiries into a long-standing domain 3

are concerned with the beginnings and roots of drawing behaviour, under-
stood as a typical symbolic behaviour, and they report mainly from the
infancy and preschool period. Chapters in the second part refer essentially
to the school period, studying influencing factors and their interactions
on drawing behaviour which determine the transition to visual realism.
Finally, adulthood and old age are at the centre of the chapters in the
third part of the book, tackling the role of expertise, and explaining the
impact of diverse conditions such as blindness, dementia or autism on
drawing.
The first part (Self, symbols and intention) comprises the first five
chapters. This section is quite original in a book on drawing behaviour and
deals with the relationships between drawing and the self, which leads to
a discussion of children’s understanding of drawings as genuine symbols
that stand for something else. Indeed, in the same way as infants must
understand mirror images as reflections or re-presentations of something
else (e.g. the self, others, objects alike), also drawings must be conceived
of as independent symbolic representations or reflections of something
else. In each case, infants must understand the one-to-one relationship
between the image (reflected in a mirror or on a paper) and its referent
together with their differentiation or separation. A common difficulty
emerges in each case: acknowledging that the image constitutes an object
in itself, that refers to something else at the same time. However, while
mirror images are reflections strongly constrained in the present time and
space, and share the same space at the same time with their referents,
drawings act as symbols independently of time and space, and make the
evocation of absent referents possible. Within the Piagetian theory, mirror
images could be construed as fully differentiated perceptual signifiers
whose understanding should emerge at the end of the sensorimotor stage,
whereas drawings constitute conceptual signifiers where understanding
should expand largely beyond two years of age.
From this perspective, it is most interesting and appropriate to start
our journey through drawing development in this book with the chapter
by Kim Bard, dedicated to the comparative development of mirror self-
recognition in infants and primates, continuing with studies, by Josephine
Ross in chapter 3 and Campbell, Duncan, Harrison and Mathewson in
chapter 4, on the question of the link between self-recognition and recog-
nition of their own drawing products in young children. To anticipate the
result, it turns out that mirror self-recognition behaviour did indeed pre-
dict true productivity insofar as a drawing is recognized, as a product of
oneself, or as that of somebody else.
In chapter 2, Bard develops a fascinating comparative and develop-
mental approach to the question of mirror self-recognition, and argues
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4 Chris Lange-Küttner and Annie Vinter

that mirror self-recognition is a product of similar epigenetic processes in

hominids, including humans and the great apes, following similar devel-
opmental paths across these species. A ‘great divide’ appears between
hominids and the rest of the primate species in this regard. In agreement
with the traditional literature on mirror self-recognition, she assumes that
success in the mark and mirror test devised by Gallup (1970) indicates
fully differentiated self-awareness, allowing children to understand reflec-
tions of self (in the mirror) as one’s representation of oneself. Bard recalls
briefly the main developmental milestones shown in self-awareness as
revealed by the mirror situation in human infants, and demonstrates that
the pattern of responses to the mirror shown in the chimpanzees follows
a similar evolution, from social responses through contingency testing,
to self-directed behaviour. However, showing self-directed behaviours
does not imply passing successfully the mark test. Only at around
24 months in human infants, and between 28 and 30 months in chim-
panzees, does mirror self-recognition truly emerge. Bard suggests that
mirror self-recognition has to do with secondary intersubjectivity (the
capacity to think mentally about the self and the other as differentiated
intentional agents), with empathy and with a capacity to use symbols.
We share all these abilities with the great apes. Interestingly, Bard con-
siders that the mark test, passed at around 2 years of age, ‘provides a
behavioural index of an ability to hold simultaneously two views of the
self’, the self who is acting and the self in the mirror. We will see later, in
chapter 5, that Jolley claims that the understanding of the dual nature of
pictures, achieved between 4 and 5 years, similarly relies on a capacity to
hold two representations of an entity simultaneously in mind. The sim-
ilarity of these dual-processing assumptions is a nice illustration of the
link that can be drawn between understanding reflections (of self, others
or objects) in the mirror and understanding reflections (of self, others or
objects) in drawing. The gap of two years between both achievements is
probably due to the fact that mirror self-recognition is more immediate
and requires less memory.
In chapter 3, Ross weaves the links between the mirror test situation and
self-drawing production, claiming that self-drawings, or self-portraits,
may reveal the content of self-knowledge, through details and levels of
differentiation, and could thus be considered as advanced forms of the
mirror test of self-recognition. Consistent with a finding from Gellert
(1968), Ross shows that the quality of self-figure drawings is higher than
the quality of other figure drawings, implying that self-drawings produc-
tion is inherently linked to the ability to self-differentiate. However, the
beam of relationships linking self-drawings and self-awareness as indexed
by mirror recognition appears rather more complex. The quality of
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Contemporary enquiries into a long-standing domain 5

self-drawing relates to self-aware mirror behaviours, which are themselves

related to the ability to recognize one’s own drawings. Interestingly, Ross
reveals that recognition of drawings made by others can increase when
children are asked to trace over these drawings before having to rec-
ognize them. This highlights the importance of a ‘physical’ component
of self-engagement in the very act of drawing with respect to drawing
recognition. Thus, memory of perceived graphic objects improves when
information can be in parallel and congruently encoded by the motor
system. A similar result was obtained in a study comparing the effect
of either a handwriting training or a typing training on letter recogni-
tion in preschool children aged 3–5 years (Longcamp, Zerbato-Poudou
and Velay, 2005): letter recognition was better following a motor training
in which kinaesthetic or proprioceptive information was congruent with
visual information. On the other hand, one could say that tracing another
person’s drawing is like drawing it yourself, and thus it is by definition not
another person’s drawing anymore, but a ‘shared’ drawing. This immedi-
ate benefit of repetition of other people’s work has been rarely discussed
in the literature (Wilson and Wilson, 1982); however, it does not need
to be seen in a negative way. On the contrary, it explains that recogni-
tion both of one’s own drawing and of somebody else’s appears to rely
on perceptual and kinaesthetic/proprioceptive memory, i.e. early sensory
components of self-awareness which exist from very early on (e.g. Bahrick
and Watson, 1985; Rochat and Morgan, 1995; Schmuckler, 1996).
Chapter 4 focuses directly on the development of the ability of chil-
dren to recognize their own drawings. Campbell, Duncan, Harrison and
Mathewson list further factors that may support this ability, from the
idiosyncratic constituents of the drawing (related to what may be called
the child’s style) to the memory of the drawing episode itself. They report
several experiments which demonstrate that recognition of own draw-
ings develops between 4 and 5 years, and is scarce before 4 years of
age, contrary to the conclusions drawn from the original experiment of
Gross and Hayne (1999). As a matter of fact, these last experiments
suggest that the ability to recognize self-drawings, at least within delays
of less than 6 months, emerges somewhere between 3 and 4 years. Van
Sommers (1984) showed that children as young as 3 or 4 years of age
are able to represent idiosyncratic features that ground distinctive styles.
In the chapter, it is documented that although these individual styles
do indeed exist – and are documented in the chapter with intriguing
illustrations of drawing series of the Snodgrass and Vanderwart objects –
children’s recognition of their own drawings rarely seems to take advan-
tage of these individually based or biased features. The authors conclude
that improvement of episodic memory is probably a key factor in the
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6 Chris Lange-Küttner and Annie Vinter

development of one’s drawing recognition. Endorsing the claim made by

Ross (chapter 3) that drawing recognition relates to self-awareness, and
following Povinelli’s theory of self (1995), it could be suggested that the
development of one’s drawing recognition may rely on the emergence of
autobiographical self, i.e. on improvement of episodic autobiographical
memory. Povinelli (1995) sustains the view that the self in children around
4 to 5 years can be seen as a genuine representational agent, developing
an organized and unified autobiographical self-representation. As noted
by Gergely (2006), for an event to be encoded in autobiographical mem-
ory, not only the event itself must be represented, but also the fact that
memory has been caused by that event, i.e. the event must be encoded as
an event one ‘personally experienced’ among others. Povinelli and Simon
(1998) consider that the ability to hold multiple representations of the
world in mind simultaneously, and thus the capacity to establish temporal
and causal relationships between diverse ‘personally experienced’ events,
would be a key factor in the emergence of autobiographical memory.
Interestingly, the conclusion reached in the following chapter by Jolley
is close to the idea of a coherent, autobiographical self as developed by
Povinelli and Simon (1998). In chapter 5, Jolley offers an overview of
the developmental progression through which children gain conceptual
understanding of pictures and their dual nature: pictures are objects in
themselves, and simultaneously they stand for some other realities from
which they must be conceived of as differentiated. Jolley argues that the
conceptual understanding of this dual property of pictures involves being
able ‘to think about an entity in two ways at the same time’ (chapter 5,
final page), that is, to hold in mind multiple representations of this entity
simultaneously. This would be fully achieved somewhere between 4 and
5 years, an age period similar to the one which sees the emergence of an
autobiographical self.
When occur the first signs of an ability to recognize similarity and dif-
ference between pictures and the real referents they represent? Whereas
newborns have a basic ability to discriminate visually between pictures
and their referents, it may take a few months before babies can recognize
on some level a similarity between a picture’s contents and its referent.
Only at about 11/2 years is there clear evidence that infants can recog-
nize familiar subject matter in pictures and behave towards pictures in
a way that indicates they would understand that pictures are different
from their real referents. However, Jolley shows that there is still a long
way to go before children capture a complete understanding of the dual
nature of pictures. He reports findings of DeLoache and others from two
different tasks, a search task for a real item in space, using a picture as
a guide, and the ‘false picture’ task, where children need to point to the
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Contemporary enquiries into a long-standing domain 7

photo of an object taken at a particular point in time. Between 2 and

21/2 years, children are able to use information from a picture to locate
a toy hidden in a room, while it is only between 4 and 5 years that chil-
dren’s responses in ‘false picture’ tasks show an understanding that a
change made to an object does not modify the picture taken of this object
shortly before the change was made. Although both tasks were taken as
measures of understanding the dual nature of pictures, Jolley accounts
for the apparently contradictory developmental findings. He argues that
while the search task primarily investigates the child’s understanding of
the representational property of the pictures, the false picture task would
be assessing also the child’s understanding of the independent existence
of pictures. He claims that the delayed success in the false picture task
is due to a more general cognitive limitation experienced by young chil-
dren in being able to think simultaneously in two ways about an entity.
Thus, an increase in attentional resources or in the size of working mem-
ory might constitute one major general cognitive factor underlying this
development. We wonder, however, whether a space-mapping task is eas-
ier than a time-mapping task, just because space offers a visible extent,
while a time scale is much more difficult to grasp.
The role of executive functions in drawing development is also high-
lighted in the following chapter by Freeman and Adi-Japha. They give
a comprehensive overview of the several steps involved in the produc-
tion of a drawing and how they relate one to the other. These authors
focus on whether an interpretation is afforded by the final product, i.e.
whether children form an intention to draw something a priori, or allocate
a convenient interpretation post hoc, which suits the graphic object they
happened to create. They show how children come to relate initial inten-
tions and subsequent interpretations via a complex process that involves
both activating and inhibiting or suppressing drawing rules. Interestingly,
these notions of intention and interpretation throw new light on the above
discussed question of the dual nature of drawings as symbols. Drawing
with the prior intention to depict, for example, recognizable lion makes
it easier to confer representational and referential attributes to the draw-
ing, but also makes failure more likely, if the aim was too ambitious. In
absence of intention, it is likely that the drawing can be seen literally as a
series of lines or marks or as a scribble, i.e. as an object in itself, possessing
some incidental, geometrical attributes. Though some observations sug-
gest that children as young as 2 years can form some connections between
intention, action and interpretation, these links really start to operate by
3 years, that is, approximatively at the same age when children resolve the
DeLoache tasks, or the picture recognition tasks of Campbell et al. Thus,
the angle under which Freeman and Adi-Japha tackle the question of the
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8 Chris Lange-Küttner and Annie Vinter

entry of children into representational drawing brings them to delineate

the same age period as the previous approaches. This certainly shows
that general or domain-general representational capacities underly the
different drawing-related behaviours examined so far. However, through-
out the chapter, Freeman and Adi-Japha prevent us from adopting a
uniquely forward-looking orientation towards each next advance in devel-
opment, as if only progressive acquisition of new abilities, or new drawing
rules, occurred. They repeatedly point to the fact that development is also
a story of recursive ‘rejections’ or suppression of old rules, of inhibition
of up-to-now dominant behaviours. Similar to Jolley, also Freeman and
Adi-Japha consider that changes in executive processes sustain the devel-
opment of drawing behaviour. Freeman and Adi-Japha’s chapter focuses
on the role of inhibition, while Jolley attaches importance to the role of
working memory. Note that attention is perhaps a key common function
underlying these two functional processes. In chapter 9, in the next part
of the book, Morra will in fact discuss an entire array of factors which
develop and interact during the development of drawing.
In conclusion, the chapters included in this first section illustrate how
progressive cognitive expertise and behavioural mastery is gained by chil-
dren in drawing from the very beginning until their fourth or fifth year
of life. The constitution of a representational and autobiographical self
accompanies this development, where a self as producer engages in inten-
tions, graphic actions and interpretations, and exercises or rejects draw-
ing rules, which are progressively assembled or disassembled, partly as a
function of the ease with which connections between the produced draw-
ing and the model can be established. The next section examines how
drawing develops thereafter.
The second part (Syntax, space systems and projection) has six chap-
ters; chapters 7 and 8 deal essentially with syntax in drawing, while chap-
ters 9 to 12 take an ‘internal’ perspective on drawing, asking how graphic
objects are organized within pictorial space, and what the effects of the
transition from ‘intellectual’ to ‘visual’ realism are on the early represen-
tations.
Syntax in drawing refers to the way the movements are organized and
ordered in a sequence. As pointed out by Braswell and Rosengren in their
chapter, the study of the motor aspects of drawing has received less con-
sideration than the study of the final outcome of a drawing episode, at
least in children. Note that a move from a product-oriented approach to
a process-oriented research approach characterizes not only the drawing
domain, but more generally the study of graphic activities, particularly
the study of handwriting (e.g. Thomassen and Van Galen, 1992). The
interest in graphic syntax was elicited by Goodnow and Levine (1973),
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Contemporary enquiries into a long-standing domain 9

who described several starting and progression rules. This work was fur-
ther developed by Goodnow’s Australian collegue Van Sommers’ (1984)
very clever and original investigations on drawing carried out in the
years thereafter. He carefully demonstrated how perceptual, geometri-
cal, biomechanical and cognitive forces act together in the production of
drawing, and proposed heuristic notions, for instance the notion of ‘con-
servatism’ in children’s drawings, which is now often used to contrast
cognitive ‘flexibility’.
In their chapter, Braswell and Rosengren review a series of studies
demonstrating that biomechanical and cognitive constraints interact with
task and cultural constraints during drawing development. With respect
to biomechanical constraints, they examine the development of grip con-
figurations as well as its variability, and the influence of handedness on
stroke directionality. They show that cognitive constraints linked to plan-
ning ability interfere with the application of some syntactical rules, like
starting rules when drawing a line, or threading, i.e. connecting shapes
with each other. Braswell and Rosengren refer also to the scarce literature
that explores how cultural constraints act on syntactical behaviour, in par-
ticular how writing systems impact on drawing. For instance, Arab writing
systems bias directionality from right to left, while Hebrew writing sys-
tems bias it from left to right. Likewise, Braswell and Rosengren explored
laterality effects in drawing, i.e. not only where children and adults start
to draw, but also how they coordinate their drawing when using both
hands, demonstrating entirely different behaviours in adults, who used
the hands in a mirror fashion, while young children had both hands carry-
ing out the same movements. Indeed this poses many unanswered ques-
tions, such as whether the amount of specialization and expertise, which
occurs in adulthood, is matched by different underlying brain processes,
such that drawing becomes a truly right-brain activity. Does drawing
involve increasingly less verbal labelling with which objects are denoted,
as drawing becomes more focused on irregular, view-specific contour of
shapes, and thus becomes increasingly and exclusively part of non-verbal
intelligence (Edwards, 1992)? It was shown that drawing becomes an
increasingly effortful and pressurized activity (Lange-Küttner, 1998), so
much so that it can elicit epilepsy (Kho, Van den Bergh, Spetgens and
Leijten, 2006; Miller, 2006) and fits of action-induced myoclonus-
dystonia (M-D) (Nitschke, Erdmann, Trillenberg, Sprenger, Kock,
Sperner et al., 2006) in young people. In the elderly, impairments in draw-
ing spatial position predicted death in a condition of chronic obstructive
pulmonary disease (Antonelli, Corsonello, Pedone, Trojano, Acanfora,
Spada et al., 2006) and was more common in schizophrenia (Lowery,
Giovanni, Harper Mozley, Arnold, Bilker, Gur et al., 2003). It appears
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10 Chris Lange-Küttner and Annie Vinter

that expert drawers activate more frontal brain activity, related to work-
ing memory, while novices activate more the parietal brain area, related
to perceptual aspects of spatial position (Solso, 2001). A parieto-frontal
network for drawing was indeed also revealed by Ino, Asada, Ito, Kimura
and Fukuyama (2003), with a stronger activation on the right side of
the brain, but when naming was involved parietal lobes were activated
bilaterally (Makuuchi, Kaminaga and Sugishita, 2003; Moritz, Johnson,
McMillan, Haughton and Meyerand, 2004). Thus, for expertise, the
anterior–posterior brain axis appears to be relevant, while the amount of
verbal involvement seems to be reflected in the left–right brain axis. The
chapters of Lange-Küttner in the second section and of Lindenberger as
well as Patterson in the third section discuss further neuropsychological
aspects of drawing.
The central thesis of Vinter, Picard and Fernandes in chapter 8 is that
the way reality is parsed into representational units determines the way
drawing movements are grouped and ordered in a sequence. More pre-
cisely, they argue that changes in drawing behaviour during development
result from changes in the size of the cognitive units or mental represen-
tations used to plan behaviour, and in the capacity to manage part–whole
relationships. The way an object is conceptualized affects the way it is
drawn, not only in its final content, but also in the specific sequenc-
ing of the movements used. Therefore, the study of drawing syntax is
almost entirely a non-verbal approach to representational development
in children. The hypothesis is tested in several experiments carried out by
Vinter and her colleagues, from the study of local application of graphic
rules to the study of the global strategies followed by children when they
copy more or less complex patterns. At a local level, the authors show
that the rules are applied segment by segment, then are planned taking
into consideration the entire figure, before children become able to take
simultaneously into account the constraints imposed by the segments and
by the overall figure configuration. A similar three-step model seems to
characterize drawing syntax development at a more global level, where
authors consider children’s graphic strategies or their capacities to intro-
duce innovations in their drawings (representational flexibility) through
modifications of their drawing movement sequences (procedural flexibil-
ity). Note that such a perspective is not contradictory to a functional-
ist view asserting the role of working memory in this development, for
instance. Indeed, managing part–whole relationships necessitates focus-
ing simultaneously on both the parts and the whole. Finally, in the same
way as Pew (1974) has shown that visuo-manual tracking behaviour can
become an interesting non-verbal test of implicit learning (see also Wulf
and Schmidt, 1997), Vinter, Picard and Fernandes conclude their chapter
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OF the
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