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da ily li ves o f
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Wartime Early
America
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da ily liv es o f
Civilians in
Wartime Early
America
From the Colonial Era to the
Civil War

E DITEDBY D AVID S. H EIDLER

AND J EANNE T. H EIDLER

The Greenwood Press “Daily Life Through History” Series

Daily Life of Civilians during Wartime
David S. Heidler and Jeanne T. Heidler, Series Editors

GREENWOOD PRESS
Westport, Connecticut • London
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Daily lives of civilians in wartime early America : from the colonial era to the
Civil War / edited by David S. Heidler and Jeanne T. Heidler.
p. cm. — (The Greenwood Press Daily life through history series : daily lives
of civilians during wartime, ISSN 1080–4749)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0–313–33526–5 (alk. paper)
1. United States—History, Military—To 1900. 2. United States—Social
conditions—To 1865. 3. War and society—United States—History.
4. Combatants and noncombatants (International law)—History.
5. Civil-military relations—United States—History. I. Heidler, David Stephen,
1955– II. Heidler, Jeanne T.
E181.D23 2007
973.5—dc22 2006030403
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available.
Copyright © 2007 by David S. Heidler and Jeanne T. Heidler
All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be
reproduced, by any process or technique, without the
express written consent of the publisher.
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2006030403
ISBN 10: 0–313–33526–5
ISBN 13: 978–0–313–33526–6
ISSN: 1080–4749
First published in 2007
Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881
An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc.
www.greenwood.com
Printed in the United States of America

The paper used in this book complies with the

Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National
Information Standards Organization (Z39.48–1984).
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
 Contents

Series Foreword vii

Introduction xi
David S. Heidler and Jeanne T. Heidler
Chronology of Principal Events xxi
1. Wartime Colonial America 1
Armstrong Starkey
2. The American Revolution 31
Wayne E. Lee
3. America’s War of 1812 71
Richard V. Barbuto
4. The American Home Front in the Mexican War 113
Gregory S. Hospodor
5. A Very Sad Life: Civilians in the Confederacy 151
James Marten
6. The Northern Home Front During the Civil War 181
Paul A. Cimbala
Index 239
About the Editors and Contributors 247
 Series Foreword

Few scenes are as poignant as that of civilian refugees torn from their
homes and put to plodding flight along dusty roads, carrying their pos-
sessions in crude bundles and makeshift carts. We have all seen the
images. Before photography, paintings and crude drawings told the story,
but despite the media, the same sense of the awful emerges from these
striking portrayals: the pace of the flight is agonizingly slow; the num-
bers are sobering and usually arrayed in single file along the edges of
byways that stretch to the horizon. The men appear hunched and beaten,
the women haggard, the children strangely old, and usually the wide-
eyed look of fear has been replaced by one of bone-grinding weariness.
They likely stagger through country redolent with the odor of smoke and
death as heavy guns mutter in the distance. It always seems to be raining
on these people, or snowing, and it is either brutally cold or oppressively
hot. In the past, clattering hooves would send them skittering away from
the path of cavalry; more recently whirring engines of motorized convoys
push them from the road. Aside from becoming casualties, civilians who
become refugees experience the most devastating impact of war, for they
truly become orphans of the storm, lacking the barest necessities of food
and clothing except for what they can carry and eventually what they
can steal.
The volumes in this series seek to illuminate that extreme example of
the civilian experience in wartime and more, for those on distant home
fronts also can make remarkable sacrifices, whether through their labors
viii Series Foreword

to support the war effort or by enduring the absence of loved ones far
from home and in great peril. And war can impinge on indigenous pop-
ulations in eccentric ways. Stories of a medieval world in which a farmer
fearful about his crops could prevail on armies to fight elsewhere are
possibly exaggerated, the product of nostalgia for a chivalric code that
most likely did not hold much sway during a coarse and vicious time.
In any period and at any place, the fundamental reality of war is that
organized violence is no less brutal for its being structured by strategy
and tactics. The advent of total war might have been signaled by the
famous levee en masse of the French Revolution, but that development
was more a culmination of a trend than an innovation away from more
pacific times. In short, all wars have assailed and will assail civilians in
one way or another to a greater or lesser degree. The Thirty Years’ War
displaced populations just as the American Revolution saw settlements
preyed upon, houses razed, and farms pillaged. Modern codes of con-
duct adopted by both international consent and embraced by the armies
of the civilized world have heightened awareness about the sanctity of
civilians and have improved vigilance about violations of that sanctity,
but in the end such codes will never guarantee immunity from the rage
of battle or the rigors of war.
In this series, accomplished scholars have recruited prescient colleagues
to write essays that reveal both the universal civilian experience in war-
time and aspects of it made unique by time and place. Readers will dis-
cover in these pages the other side of warfare, one that is never placid,
even if far removed from the scenes of fighting. As these talented authors
show, the shifting expectations of governments markedly transformed the
civilian wartime experience from virtual non-involvement in early mod-
ern times to the twentieth century’s expectation of sacrifice, exertion, and
contribution. Finally, as the western powers have come full circle by ask-
ing virtually no sacrifice from civilians at all, they have stumbled upon
the peculiar result that diminishing deprivation during a war can increase
civilian dissent against it.
Moreover, the geographical and chronological span of these books is
broad and encompassing to reveal the unique perspectives of how war
affects people whether they are separated by hemispheres or centuries,
people who are distinct by way of different cultures yet similar because
of their common humanity. As readers will see, days on a home front far
from battle usually become a surreal routine of the ordinary existing in
tandem with the extraordinary, a situation in which hours of waiting and
expectation become blurred against the backdrop of normal tasks and
everyday events. That situation is a constant, whether for a village in Asia
or Africa or Europe or the Americas.
Consequently, these books confirm that the human condition always
produces the similar as well as the singular, a paradox that war tends to
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Series Foreword ix

amplify. Every war is much like another, but no war is really the same as
any other. All places are much alike, but no place is wholly separable from
its matchless identity. The civilian experience in war mirrors these verities.
We are certain that readers will find in these books a vivid illumination of
those truths.

David S. Heidler and Jeanne T. Heidler, Series Editors

 Introduction
David S. Heidler and Jeanne T. Heidler

Archeological evidence shows that before European settlement occurred

in North America, Native American noncombatants endured frequent
war, and from the outset of Spanish, English, and French colonization
in North America, civilians regularly experienced war. Historians such
as Russell Weigley and John Grenier have written extensively about an
“American Way of War,”1 yet the American civilian experience in wartime
defies a rigid description. The only constant during the two centuries after
colonization was that American civilians experienced war, sometimes in
their own backyards, and that the lines between civilians and combatants
were usually blurred.
Though often accompanied by soldiers who had fought in Europe or
Ireland, many colonists who came to North America had never experi-
enced war firsthand. Because soldiers in North America needed help
fighting Indians or other Europeans, civilians quickly learned the rudi-
ments of combat. A militia system rapidly emerged in the British colo-
nies that despite its imperfections at least forced civilians to shoulder the
burdens of organized self-defense. In fact, they had little choice, for as
Armstrong Starkey points out in his essay on civilians during the colonial
wars, military discipline was essential for the survival of the Jamestown
colony. Savage wars that interrupted periods of relative peace featured
frequent attacks on civilian targets by both sides as cycles of retribution
targeted women and children and left entire towns in ashes.
xii Introduction

European and Native American notions of warfare both justified the

killing and terrorizing of civilians, but for different reasons. Protestant
Englishmen who had fought Catholic Irishmen viewed new Indian ene-
mies as virtually the same as old Irish foes, and neither, in the British
estimation, deserved quarter. Indians saw little distinction between sol-
dier and civilian. In war, all were enemies and treated accordingly. By the
late seventeenth century issues of race increasingly justified the killing
or enslaving of noncombatants. Indians were swift to retaliate, and any
undefended white village or home was fair game, although for English
colonists, attacks did not always end in death. Indians often took colo-
nists captive either to take the place of loved ones killed by Europeans or
to hold hostages for ransom. Many such captives eventually returned to
their families, but others, particularly white children raised by Indians,
frequently chose to stay with their captors and live as Indians.
The indiscriminate violence of colonial warfare can create the false
impression that in this world knives were always drawn and fighting
was a constant state of affairs. Yet, most colonists were never attacked
by Indians, and most Indians were not killed directly by colonists. Fol-
lowing the initial stages of settlement, colonists usually lived in relative
peace, especially in places such as Pennsylvania. In areas where land
and resources were limited, however, colonists could be in life and death
struggles with native inhabitants.
Competition for marginal farmlands in New England, for instance, pro-
duced one of the bloodiest colonial Indian wars in 1675. As with almost
all of these quarrels, land was at the center of the dispute. While natu-
ral increase and immigration swelled the English population, European
diseases devastated Indians, who were compelled to surrender more and
more land until such cessions sparked hostilities. Colonists called it King
Philip’s War, their name for the Wampanoag headman Metacom.
By the end of the seventeenth century, competition between European
colonizing powers for North American lands placed the British and
French in the North and the British and Spaniards in the South on colli-
sion courses. As these European powers vied for control of North America
from the 1690s to 1763, colonists were swept up in astonishingly vicious
wars. These imperial conflicts culminated in what American settlers called
the French and Indian War (the Seven Years’ War in Europe), a war that
ended with the conquest of French Canada (New France) by the British
and the ceding of Spanish Florida to Great Britain. Without contiguous
threats to Britain’s possessions, relative peace settled on British colonial
frontiers. But Britain’s efforts to organize its empire more efficiently grad-
ually alienated the North American colonies and transformed some of the
subjects living there into revolutionaries.
Like colonial conflicts, the American Revolution blurred the lines
between civilians and combatants. Local militias figured prominently in
both American and British forces and hailed from communities deeply
Introduction xiii

divided over the conflict. Understandable frictions resulted. Soldiers away

with either the Continental or British armies feared for their families, and
with good reason, for at some point in the war virtually every part of the
country was invaded by British soldiers or their Tory allies, and few of
either camp had any compunction about looting homes for valuables as
well as necessities. Officers tried to prevent the worst atrocities, but some-
times they were either absent or simply chose to look the other way as
property was destroyed, women were raped, and murders occurred.
In some areas, the American Revolution devolved into civil war. The
toll on the civilian population in such cases was much higher as neighbor
fought neighbor, entire communities were destroyed, and murders hap-
pened with impunity. In areas Revolutionaries controlled, Loyalists were
economically persecuted and physically threatened. Loyalists who tried
to stay in their homes could be forced to swear allegiance to the Patriot
cause and were carefully monitored in any case.
Some historians have estimated that during the early stages of the
Revolution, about half the population was neutral. The large number of
Quakers and Moravians in America had religious scruples against all war,
but all pacifists were suspected by both Revolutionaries and Loyalists.
Other colonists simply tried to remain neutral throughout the conflict,
although they were usually compelled to swear allegiance to one side or
the other. As Wayne Lee demonstrates in his essay on the American Revo-
lution, those who refused often became destitute refugees, looking for safe
haven anywhere they could find it.
Both sides expected able bodied men to fight, and as large a percent-
age of the male population served in some military capacity during the
American Revolution as in any other American war. As the war dragged
on, increasing manpower needs pressured men to join a military unit, and
the spreading conflict scattered even state militias far from their homes.
Absent husbands, fathers, and sons left women and children to eke out
existence on farms where only labor-intensive planting and harvesting
stood between them and starvation. States tried to alleviate these burdens
on communities by devising systems that used only part of the militia at
any one time, but invasions required all men to take up arms.
In addition to manning the armies, the civilian population also pro-
vided supplies to the armies in the field, especially food. Armies that
numbered in the thousands sorely taxed local resources, sometimes to
the breaking point. Even supporters of the army hid food and livestock
to prevent soldiers from stripping their larders and plundering their pas-
tures. Stealing food and supplies presented few moral dilemmas for the
British, but Revolutionaries needed to maintain good local relations to
have any chance at success. General George Washington, for example,
tried to prevent his forces from overly irritating civilians with demands
for food, but such efforts could prove futile when men were hungry and
desperate.
xiv Introduction

Excesses against civilians by both sides undoubtedly shaped opinions

about the conflict, views that hardened when armies deliberately
terrorized local populations. British forces mounted such a campaign in
Virginia in 1781 when raiders under Benedict Arnold and soldiers under
Lord Cornwallis convinced even the most cautious Virginians to support
the Patriot cause.
Many Americans suffered during the war—both rural villages and size-
able towns experienced shortages and saw prices rise—but a few prospered,
such as merchants who sold goods at inflated prices to both armies. Those
who sold to the British saw the greatest short-term gains, but they lost much
of this wealth when the British lost the war. Loyalist merchants were not the
only ones who suffered at the end of the war. Patriots faced dire challenges as
well. Economic devastation and greatly impaired commercial relations with
Great Britain meant years of economic depression. And former colonists no
longer had the British army to protect frontiers inhabited by Indians, people
who increasingly counted land-hungry Americans as enemies.
The end of the American Revolution did not mean an end to warfare on
the frontier. Those Native Americans who sided with the British during
the Revolution might have suffered a devastating defeat at the close of the
war, but they were nonetheless unwilling to relinquish native lands to the
United States. During the next two decades, intermittent Indian warfare
on the northern and southern frontiers punctuated an uneasy calm with
Britons in Canada and Spaniards in Florida and Louisiana. The French
Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars, however, threatened that fragile
peace and finally destroyed it.
A variety of irritants led to the War of 1812 between the United States
and Great Britain. One involved supposed foreign encouragement of
Indian unrest on America’s frontiers. American expansion into the West
increased pressure on Indian populations, and Native Americans first
resisted white settlement with warfare in the 1780s and 1790s and then
tried to control it with treaties. But white settlers still came. As northern
Indians sought help from their former British allies in Canada, their south-
ern counterparts asked for Spanish aid from Florida. In addition, nativ-
ist movements rejected white culture and urged a return to native ways
to combat white encroachment. Some, such as the charismatic Shawnee
prophet Tenskwatawa, believed that war was the only solution, an atti-
tude that prompted a preemptive strike against Tenskwatawa and his
brother Tecumseh when William Henry Harrison led a military expedi-
tion against Prophet’s Town on Tippecanoe Creek in November 1811. In
some respects, the campaign was the opening of the War of 1812, because
Harrison’s victory drove the survivors of Prophet’s Town into the arms of
the British in Canada. By 1813, Indian warfare plagued the frontier from
New York to the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico
The South was the scene of some especially vicious fighting. Creek
Indians were among those Indians alarmed by the encroachments of white
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