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 ebook
THE GUILFORD PRESS
IMPLICIT MEASURES OF ATTITUDES
Implicit Measures
of Attitudes

Edited by
BERND WITTENBRINK
NORBERT SCHWARZ

THE GUILFORD PRESS

New York London
© 2007 The Guilford Press
A Division of Guilford Publications, Inc.
72 Spring Street, New York, NY 10012
www.guilford.com

All rights reserved

No part of this book may be reproduced, translated, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording,
or otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher.

Printed in the United States of America

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Last digit is print number: 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Implicit measures of attitudes / edited by Bernd Wittenbrink, Norbert Schwarz.

p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-10: 1-59385-402-1 ISBN-13: 978-1-59385-402-7 (hardcover)
1. Attitude (Psychology)—Testing. 2. Social psychology—Research—Methodology.
I. Wittenbrink, Bernd. II. Schwarz, Norbert, Dr. phil.
HM1181.I46 2006
152.4028′7—dc22
2006020538
About the Editors

About the Editors

Bernd Wittenbrink, PhD, is Professor of Behavioral Science in the

Graduate School of Business and a member of the Center for Deci-
sion Research at the University of Chicago. His research concerns the
roles that stereotypes and group attitudes play in social judgment
and behavior. Dr. Wittenbrink’s work has been published in, among
others, the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, the Journal
of Experimental Social Psychology, and the Personality and Social
Psychology Bulletin. He serves as Associate Editor for the premier
journal in the field, the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.

Norbert Schwarz, DrPhil, is Professor of Psychology, Research Pro-

fessor in the Survey Research Center and the Research Center for
Group Dynamics at the Institute for Social Research, and Professor
of Marketing in the Ross School of Business at the University of
Michigan. His research interests focus on human judgment and
cognition. Dr. Schwarz is a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts
and Sciences, the Association for Psychological Science, and the Soci-
ety for Personality and Social Psychology. His publications include
20 books and more than 200 journal articles and book chapters.

v
Contributors

Contributors

Mahzarin R. Banaji, PhD, Department of Psychology, Harvard

University, Cambridge, Massachusetts
John A. Bargh, PhD, Department of Psychology, Yale University,
New Haven, Connecticut
Galen V. Bodenhausen, PhD, Department of Psychology,
Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois
John T. Cacioppo, PhD, Department of Psychology, University
of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois
Frederica R. Conrey, PhD, Department of Psychology, Indiana
University, Bloomington, Indiana
Jan De Houwer, PhD, Department of Psychology, University
of Ghent, Ghent, Belgium
Melissa J. Ferguson, PhD, Department of Psychology, Cornell
University, Ithaca, New York
Bertram Gawronski, PhD, Department of Psychology, University
of Western Ontario, London, Ontario, Canada
Anthony G. Greenwald, PhD, Department of Psychology, University
of Washington, Seattle, Washington
Tiffany A. Ito, PhD, Department of Psychology, University
of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado
Kristin A. Lane, MS, Department of Psychology, Harvard University,
Cambridge, Massachusetts
Agnes Moors, PhD, Fund for Scientific Research, Flanders, Belgium

vii
viii Contributors

Brian A. Nosek, PhD, Department of Psychology, University

of Virginia, Charlottesville, Virginia
Andreas Olsson, PhD, Department of Psychology, Columbia
University, New York, New York
Elizabeth A. Phelps, PhD, Department of Psychology, New York
University, New York, New York
Klaus Rothermund, PhD, Department of Psychology, University
of Jena, Jena, Germany
Norbert Schwarz, DrPhil, Institute for Social Research, University
of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan
Denise Sekaquaptewa, PhD, Department of Psychology, University
of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan
Eliot R. Smith, PhD, Department of Psychology, Indiana University,
Bloomington, Indiana
Patrick T. Vargas, PhD, Department of Advertising, University
of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign, Urbana, Illinois
William von Hippel, PhD, School of Psychology, University
of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia
Dirk Wentura, PhD, Department of Psychology, Saarland University,
Saarbrucken, Germany
Bernd Wittenbrink, PhD, Center for Decision Research, University
of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois
Contents

Contents

1 Introduction 1
Bernd Wittenbrink and Norbert Schwarz

I. PROCEDURES AND THEIR IMPLEMENTATION

2 Measuring Attitudes through Priming 17

Bernd Wittenbrink

3 Understanding and Using the Implicit Association Test: 59

What We Know (So Far) about the Method
Kristin A. Lane, Mahzarin R. Banaji, Brian A. Nosek,
and Anthony G. Greenwald

4 Armed Only with Paper and Pencil: “Low-Tech” Measures 103

of Implicit Attitudes
Patrick T. Vargas, Denise Sekaquaptewa, and
William von Hippel

5 Attitudes as Mental and Neural States of Readiness: 125

Using Physiological Measures to Study Implicit Attitudes
Tiffany A. Ito and John T. Cacioppo

6 Understanding Social Evaluations: What We Can 159

(and Cannot) Learn from Neuroimaging
Andreas Olsson and Elizabeth A. Phelps

ix
x Contents

II. CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES

7 How to Define and Examine the Implicitness 179

of Implicit Measures
Jan De Houwer and Agnes Moors

8 Paradigms We Live By: A Plea for More Basic Research 195

on the Implicit Association Test
Dirk Wentura and Klaus Rothermund

9 Beyond the Attitude Object: Implicit Attitudes Spring 216

from Object-Centered Contexts
Melissa J. Ferguson and John A. Bargh

10 Mental Representations Are States, Not Things: 247

Implications for Implicit and Explicit Measurement
Eliot R. Smith and Frederica R. Conrey

11 What Do We Know about Implicit Attitude Measures 265

and What Do We Have to Learn?
Bertram Gawronski and Galen V. Bodenhausen

Index 287
Introduction
INTRODUCTION

1 Introduction

Bernd Wittenbrink
Norbert Schwarz

O
ver the last two decades, few developments in social psy-
chology have generated as much attention and excitement as the de-
velopment of new implicit measures of attitudes, which promise to
assess attitudes that respondents may not be willing to report directly
or may not even be aware of themselves. The interest in these new
measures has spurred significant research activity that has produced
a growing number of available measures and a flurry of empirical
studies concerning their effectiveness and potential limitations. This
book offers a detailed introduction to this literature. Specifically, the
contributions to Part I of this book describe implicit measurement
procedures that have been most influential thus far. The chapters in
this part outline the measures’ underlying theoretical rationales, pro-
vide advice on the implementation of these measures, and review
what has been learned through their use. The contributions to Part II
offer diverging perspectives on implicit measures of attitudes, iden-
tify current theoretical controversies, and highlight avenues for
future research. This introductory chapter provides an initial orienta-
tion for readers new to the area and offers a short preview of what is
to come.

EXPLICIT AND IMPLICIT MEASURES OF ATTITUDES

Throughout the social and behavioral sciences, the dominant method

of attitude measurement is the collection of explicit self-reports:

1
2 INTRODUCTION

When we want to know people’s attitudes toward a person, group,

political issue, or product, we ask them to report them, usually by
marking a rating scale or by selecting one of several response alterna-
tives. But since the early days of attitude research, researchers have
often been concerned that respondents may (sometimes) be unwilling
or unable to report on their attitudes in an unbiased manner (for a
review, see DeMaio, 1984). Moreover, the answers that research par-
ticipants provide are highly context dependent and vary as a function
of who asks, how they ask, and related variables (for reviews, see
Schwarz, Groves, & Schuman, 1998; Sudman, Bradburn, & Schwarz,
1996; Tourangeau, Rips, & Rasinski, 2000). Some of the emerging
context effects reflect strategic responding, whereas others reflect the
cognitive and communicative processes involved in question compre-
hension and judgment formation. These different concerns gave rise
to various methodological and theoretical answers.

Strategic Responding
Researchers’ concern that participants may be unwilling to accu-
rately report their attitudes prompted the development of three
broad classes of methodological responses. One response maintains
explicit self-reports as the key attitude measure and addresses respon-
dents’ presumed unwillingness to accurately report their attitudes by
minimizing the incentives for socially desirable self-presentation. Rel-
evant procedures range from simple assurances of anonymity and
confidentiality to complex randomized response techniques (Brad-
burn, Sudman, & Warnsink, 2004). In the latter case, respondents
are presented with two different questions, an innocuous one and a
socially sensitive one, and draw a card that determines which one
they are to answer. Given properly worded response alternatives, the
interviewer remains unaware as to which question the answer per-
tains, thus ensuring the highest possible level of confidentiality.
Other procedures create conditions that present a disincentive for so-
cially desirable responding. For example, Sigall and Page’s (1971)
“bogus pipeline” technique involves convincing participants that the
researcher can discern their true attitude independent of what they
say, thus making lying an embarrassment. Empirically, these various
techniques have been found to increase the frequency of socially un-
desirable answers. For example, people are more likely to admit that
they enjoy pornography under randomized response conditions (Him-
melfarb & Lickteig, 1982), and White participants are more likely to
report that they dislike African Americans under bogus pipeline con-
ditions (e.g., Allen, 1975). All of these procedures presume, however,
Introduction 3

that respondents know their attitude and merely hesitate to report it.
Yet deception and self-presentation may not only be directed toward
others, but may also be directed toward the self (e.g., Paulhus, 1984).
Perhaps people sometimes hold attitudes of which they are not aware
or which they do not even want to admit to themselves.
The second class of methodological responses addresses this con-
cern by replacing explicit self-reports of attitudes with indirect mea-
sures. Because research participants are presumably unaware of the
relationship between these measures and their attitudes, indirect mea-
sures also minimize the incentives and opportunities for strategic
responding. Theoretically, the use of indirect measures is based on the
assumption that attitudes exert a systematic influence on people’s per-
formance on a variety of tasks and that the size of this influence can
serve as an index of the underlying attitude. Not surprisingly, the theo-
retical assumptions made have varied widely over the history of atti-
tude research. From the early use of projective tests (e.g., Proshansky,
1943) to the current use of response latency measures (Lane, Banaji,
Nosek, & Greenwald, Chapter 3, this volume; Wittenbrink, Chapter 2,
this volume) and low-tech alternatives informed by the processing as-
sumptions of social cognition research (Vargas, Sekaquaptewa, & von
Hippel, Chapter 4, this volume), the selection of indirect measures mir-
rors historical shifts in the underlying conceptualization of attitudes, as
Vargas and colleagues note. Throughout, the usefulness of indirect
measures depends on the accuracy of the bridging assumptions that
link the observed response to the presumed underlying attitude, as the
theoretical controversies surrounding the currently dominant response
latency measures illustrate (Chapters 7–11).
Finally, a third class of methodological approaches attempts to
assess research participants’ evaluative responses in ways that bypass
any opportunity for strategic responding, relying on the assessment
of physiological reactions and brain activity (Ito & Cacioppo, Chap-
ter 5, this volume; Olsson & Phelps, Chapter 6, this volume).
Because the latter two approaches to attitude measurement do
not involve explicit self-reports, the indicators they provide can be
generically referred to as implicit measures of attitudes (although
some authors would prefer a more restrictive definition; see De
Houwer & Moors, Chapter 7, this volume).

CONTEXT DEPENDENCY

Whereas the possibility of strategic responding does not call the exis-
tence of stable and enduring attitudes into question, the observation
4 INTRODUCTION

that attitude reports vary as a function of numerous other contextual

variables casts doubt on the assumption that attitudes are stable eval-
uations stored in memory. The theoretical responses to these doubts
have taken a number of different forms. On one hand, attitude
construal models hold that attitude reports are evaluative judgments
that are made up on the spot, based on the declarative and experien-
tial information that is accessible at the time (e.g., Schwarz &
Bohner, 2001); from this perspective, the psychology of attitudes is
the psychology of evaluative judgment. In contrast, others assume
that context effects merely reflect noise that results from the deliber-
ate consideration of contextual information and that attitudes are
best assessed in ways that limit deliberate processing (see Ferguson &
Bargh, Chapter 9, this volume, for a discussion). The most influential
version of this argument conceptualizes attitudes as stored object–
evaluation links that are automatically activated upon exposure to
the attitude object (Fazio, 1995) and relies on evaluative priming
procedures (described below and in Chapter 2) to assess the strength
of the object–evaluation link. As Ferguson and Bargh (Chapter 9)
emphasize, attitudes conceptualized and measured in this way are
often “assumed to be contextually independent . . . , to the point that
an implicit attitude measure was regarded as a potential ‘bona fide
pipeline’ to people’s inner attitudes” (p. 220). Hence, implicit mea-
sures of attitudes may not only provide an answer to the problem of
strategic responding, but they have also been thought to limit the
context dependency of attitude measurement. Next, we turn to these
measures.

IMPLICIT MEASURES OF ATTITUDES:

WHAT’S AVAILABLE?
Response Time Measures
The currently most widely used implicit measures of attitudes rely on
response time measurement. These measures take advantage of one
of two reliable observations, namely, (1) the observation that exposure
to a stimulus facilitates subsequent responses to related stimuli or (2)
the observation that a stimulus is responded to more slowly when it
contains multiple features that each imply a different response.

Sequential Priming Procedures

As a large body of research in cognitive psychology indicates (for a
review, see Neely, 1991), exposure to a concept (e.g., doctor) facili-
Introduction 5

tates the subsequent recognition of related concepts (e.g., nurse). A

common explanation for this phenomenon holds that exposure to
the initial concept (the prime) activates semantically related concepts
in memory, thus reducing the time needed for their identification.
Concept priming procedures take advantage of this facilitation
effect to assess a person’s associations with an attitude object. For ex-
ample, Wittenbrink, Judd, and Park (1997) exposed participants to
African American or White primes and assessed how quickly they
could identify subsequently presented trait terms of positive versus
negative valence, some of which were part of the cultural stereotype
about the group and some were not. The observed facilitation pat-
terns provide information bearing on three questions: (1) Does the
exposure to the group activate associated stereotypical traits, inde-
pendent of their valence? If so, stereotypical traits will be recognized
faster than stereotype-unrelated traits. (2) Is the automatic activation
evaluatively biased; for example, are negative stereotypical traits
identified more quickly than positive ones? (3) Does exposure to the
group prime activate general evaluative associations, independent of
their stereotypicality?
Whereas concept priming procedures present target words with
descriptive meaning and use decision tasks that require participants
to identify the word, evaluative priming procedures (Fazio, Sanbon-
matsu, Powell, & Kardes, 1986) present target words with general
evaluative meanings (e.g., awful, pleasant) and ask participants to
judge the words’ evaluative connotation (good or bad). Of interest is
whether exposure to an attitude object facilitates the evaluative re-
sponse to negative or positive target words. Thus, evaluative priming
assesses whether an attitude object triggers an automatic evaluation,
whereas concept priming assesses descriptive associations that may
have evaluative content.
Wittenbrink (Chapter 2, this volume) reviews these procedures,
provides advice on their implementation, and summarizes represen-
tative findings.

Response Competition Procedures

Whereas the preceding procedures take advantage of priming effects,
a second class of response time procedures is based on interference
effects that may occur when different features of an attitude object
imply different responses. The best known of these procedures is the
Implicit Association Test (IAT) (Greenwald, McGhee, & Schwartz,
1998), reviewed by Lane, Banaji, Nosek, and Greenwald (Chapter 3,
this volume).
6 INTRODUCTION

The IAT presents two discrimination tasks that are combined

in specific ways across a sequence of five steps. To assess attitudes
toward African Americans and European Americans, for example,
the first discrimination task may present names that are typical for
the respective group and then ask participants to categorize each
name as “White” versus “Black.” They do so by pressing a re-
sponse key assigned to “White” with the left hand or a response
key assigned to “Black” with the right hand. Next, the second dis-
crimination task presents words with pleasant (e.g., love) or un-
pleasant (e.g., poison) connotations, which participants classify as
positive versus negative by pressing the left or right response key.
At the third step, these two tasks are superimposed and partici-
pants press the left key when either a White name or a pleasant
word is shown, but the right key when either a Black name or an
unpleasant word is shown. As in the above facilitation paradigms,
this task is easier when evaluatively associated categories share the
same response key—for example, when White participants press
the left key to categorize White names and pleasant words. Going
beyond this assessment of response facilitation, the IAT involves
two more steps. At the fourth step, the assignment of keys to
White and Black names is reversed, so that participants who first
used the left key for White names now use the left key for Black
names. Finally, the two discrimination tasks are again superim-
posed, resulting in an assignment of “Black” and “pleasant” to the
left response key and “White” and “unpleasant” to the right re-
sponse key.
Of interest is the speed with which participants can perform the
two superimposed discrimination tasks at step 3 and step 5. Do
participants respond faster when a given response key pertains either
to the pairing of White names + pleasant words or Black names +
unpleasant words (step 3) than when this pairing is reversed and a
given response key pertains either to White names + unpleasant
words or Black names + pleasant words (step 5)? In the present ex-
ample, a faster response at step 3 than at step 5 is thought to indicate
that White names and positive evaluations, and Black names and
negative evaluations, are more strongly associated than the reverse
pairings.
Lane and colleagues (Chapter 3, this volume) review the under-
lying logic, report representative findings, and provide hands-on
advice for the implementation and scoring of the IAT. Related re-
sponse competition tasks include the Go/No-go Association Task
(GNAT; Nosek & Banaji, 2001) and the Extrinsic Affective Simon
Task (EAST; De Houwer, 2003).
Introduction 7

Paper-and-Pencil Measures
Whereas the preceding measures require a high degree of instrumen-
tation and technical sophistication, other implicit measures of atti-
tudes are decidedly low-tech. Vargas, Sekaquaptewa, and von Hippel
(Chapter 4, this volume) provide an informative review of a wide
range of such low-tech measures and place them in the context of the
history of attitude research.
Drawing on insights from social cognition research, some of
these measures take advantage of the observation that attitudes and
expectations have systematic effects on individuals’ information pro-
cessing. For example, people are more likely to spontaneously ex-
plain events that disconfirm rather than confirm their expectations
(e.g., Hastie, 1984), suggesting that the amount of explanatory activ-
ity can serve as an indirect measure of a person’s expectations. The
Stereotypic Explanatory Bias (SEB) measure developed by Sekaquap-
tewa, Espinoza, Thompson, Vargas, and von Hippel (2003) builds on
this observation and uses the number of explanations generated in re-
sponse to stereotype-consistent versus stereotype-inconsistent behaviors
as an implicit measure of stereotyping. Similarly, people describe ex-
pected or stereotype-consistent behaviors in more abstract terms than
unexpected or stereotype-inconsistent behaviors, a phenomenon known
as the Linguistic Intergroup Bias (LIB; see, e.g., Maass, Salvi, Arcuri,
& Semin, 1989). The size of this bias can again be used as an indirect
measure to gauge the underlying expectations. As Vargas and col-
leagues (Chapter 4, this volume) review, such measures have been
found to predict prejudiced behaviors, although little is known about
their psychometric qualities. Given their ease of use, the various mea-
sures reviewed by Vargas and colleagues deserve more systematic
methodological exploration.

Physiological Responses and Brain Activity

Because of their involuntary and hard-to-control nature, physiologi-
cal correlates of evaluative responses have long been of interest to at-
titude researchers who doubted respondents’ explicit self-reports.
Whereas early attempts to rely on the galvanic skin response (e.g.,
Rankin & Campbell, 1955) or on pupillary dilation or restriction
(e.g., Hess, 1965) as indirect measures met with little success, recent
progress in social psychophysiology and neuroscience suggests a
more optimistic outlook, although a one-to-one mapping of neural
and psychological processes is unlikely, as Ito and Cacioppo (Chap-
ter 5, this volume) emphasize.
8 INTRODUCTION

Ito and Cacioppo (Chapter 5, this volume) provide a tutorial

overview of the available measures, ranging from autonomic re-
sponses, like cardiovascular and electrodermal activity, to facial
electromyography and startle eyeblink modification or measures of
brain activity, like functional magnetic resonance imaging and event-
related brain potentials. Their review highlights the numerous intri-
cacies of these measures, which require considerable specialized ex-
pertise for their implementation and interpretation. Olsson and
Phelps’s (Chapter 6, this volume) discussion of what we can and can-
not learn from neuroimaging complements Ito and Cacioppo’s over-
view and summarizes the neural underpinnings of social evaluations.

Summary
In combination, this first set of contributions (Chapters 2–6) pro-
vides an overview of the current state of the art in the implicit mea-
surement of attitudes. These chapters review the currently available
measures, offer advice on their implementation and interpretation,
and summarize representative research findings. The remaining chap-
ters provide different theoretical perspectives on the operation of
these measures and address current controversies.

PERSPECTIVES AND CONTROVERSIES

What Makes a Measure “Implicit”?
Above, we distinguished between explicit and implicit measures of
attitudes by virtue of their transparency and potential for strategic
responding. In Chapter 7, this volume, De Houwer and Moors pro-
vide a thoughtful discussion of what qualifies a measure as “im-
plicit.” They adopt a more restrictive conceptualization that defines
implicit measures as “measurement outcomes that reflect the to-be-
measured construct by virtue of processes that are uncontrolled, un-
intentional, goal independent, purely stimulus driven, autonomous,
unconscious, efficient, or fast” (pp. 188–189). Although all of the
measures reviewed in Chapters 2–6 meet some of these criteria, few
are likely to meet all of them. In fact, the extent to which even the
most widely used measures meet some of these criteria is currently
unknown, and De Houwer and Moors outline a research program
that addresses these issues. Gawronski and Bodenhausen’s (Chapter
11, this volume) discussion of conceptual and terminological ambi-
guities echoes these concerns.
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