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Women and the
Autobiographical
Impulse

i
ii
Women and the
Autobiographical
Impulse
A History

Barbara Caine

iii
 BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC
Bloomsbury Publishing Plc
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29 Earlsfort Terrace, Dublin 2, Ireland

BLOOMSBURY, BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC and the Diana logo are trademarks

of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc

First published in Great Britain 2023

Copyright © Barbara Caine, 2023

Barbara Caine has asserted her right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act,
1988, to be identified as Author of this work.

For legal purposes the Acknowledgements on p. vii constitute an extension of

this copyright page.

Cover image © Cover images: Laetitia Pilkington (1712–1750), Wikimedia; Harriet Martineau
(1802 –1876), Spencer Arnold Collection/Hulton Archive/Getty Images. Annie Kenney (1879–
1953), Topical Press Agency/Hulton Archive/Getty Images. Margaret Storm Jameson, Culture
Club/Getty Images. Buchi Emecheta
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but can accept no responsibility for any such changes.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Caine, Barbara, author.
Title: Women and the autobiographical impulse : a history / Barbara Caine.
Description: London ; New York : Bloomsbury Academic, 2023. | Includes bibliographical
references and index. | Summary: “Esteemed historian Barbara Caine skilfully produces an
overview of British women’s autobiographies over three centuries, showing important changes in
motivation, context, style, and life experiences”-- Provided by publisher.
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ISBN 9781350237629 (pb) | ISBN 9781350237636 (epdf) | ISBN 9781350237643 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Autobiography--Women authors. |
Women--England--Biography--History and criticism. |
England--Biography--History and criticism.
Classification: LCC CT25 .C33 2023 (print) | LCC CT25 (ebook) |
DDC 941.0099--dc23/eng/20230523
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iv
 CONTENTS

List of Illustrations vi
Acknowledgements vii

Introduction 1

1 Transgressive Women and the Origins of

Secular Autobiography 19

2 Women’s Autobiography Comes of Age 57

3 Autobiography as a Form of History 109

4 The Personal is Political 163

5 Autobiography in the Wider British World 219

Epilogue 261

Bibliography 267
Index 279

v
 ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Courtesan and adventuress Teresia Constantia Phillips

(1709–1765), later Teresia Muilman, 1748. From a mezzotint
engraving by John Faber Jr. after Joseph Highmore. (Photo
by Hulton Archive/Getty Images.) 18
2. Engraving after Harriet Martineau by Alonzo Chappel.
(Photo by Hulton-Deutsch / Hulton-Deutsch Collection /
Corbis via Getty Images.) 56
3. Circa 1910: Fabian socialist thinker, historian, economist
and writer Beatrice Webb (1858–1943). (Photo by
Hulton Archive/Getty Images.) 108
4. British novelist Doris Lessing in her north London flat,
March 2003. (Photo by John Downing/Getty Images.) 162
5. Sindiwe Magona, Festival Atlantide 2021, Nantes.
(Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.) 218

vi
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Several institutions have been very helpful in the writing of this book. First
amongst them is the Australian Research Council and I would like to
acknowledge the Professorial Fellowship I was awarded in 2008 while I was
still at Monash University, which enabled me to begin work on it.
Subsequently, periods of research and study leave at the University of Sydney
helped immensely in getting the book written. Sections of the book have
been given as papers in too many seminars and conferences to list, but I
thank all those who have listened to them and offered comments.
Friends and former colleagues have played a major part in how I framed
and wrote this book. Clare Monagle, David Garrioch and Carolyn James
are particularly important here. The approach that we developed for our
collaborative history of European women’s letters provided an invaluable
model for how to approach the history of women’s autobiography too.
Clare Monagle was not only key to that project but has also read several
chapters of this book and I thank her for her generous reading and many
insightful and imaginative suggestions.
Other friends and family have offered invaluable help and support along
the way. My greatest debt is to Pauline Nestor whose careful and critical
reading of the whole draft was invaluable. Not only did she point out major
problems in each chapter, but always had suggestions for how to resolve
them. The generous hospitality that Sophie Watson and Sally Alexander
provided in London made all my research trips a great pleasure and I thank
them also for their interest in this project and for many wonderful and
helpful conversations about it. Moira Gatens, Glenda Sluga and Diana
Caine have helped me work through some of the particular problems the
book posed. I thank Sally Murray and Hannah Kay for their helpful
comments on several chapters. Larry Boyd has lived with this book for a
number of years and I thank him for the equanimity with which he has done
so and dealt with the lows as well as the highs in the writing process.

vii
viii
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 Introduction

‘I was thinking the other night’, Virginia Woolf wrote in a letter to the
composer and suffragist Ethel Smyth in 1940, ‘that there’s never been a
woman’s autobiography. Nothing to compare with Rousseau. Chastity and
modesty, I suppose have been the reason.’1 Woolf’s sweeping dismissal of
women’s autobiography comes as something of a shock. She had read many
women’s autobiographies, published essays on several and noted the impact
on her of some contemporary ones in her diary. She found it impossible to put
down Vera Brittain’s Testament of Youth, for example, commented more than
once on how Beatrice Webb’s My Apprenticeship ‘has made me think a little
what I could say of my own life’.2 Yet somehow, even for one who had written
so extensively and insightfully about other women writers and about the
many different forms of oppression and marginalization they had experienced,
when it came to autobiography, it was Rousseau who set the standard, and no
woman had yet measured up to it. What Woolf found particularly lacking in
the memoirs and autobiographies that women had published to date and
what she hoped to see in Smyth’s autobiography, was ‘an analysis of your sex
life. As Rousseau did his. More introspection. More intimacy’.
In making Rousseau the standard by which to judge a woman’s
autobiography, Woolf was endorsing the canonical status of Rousseau’s
Confessions within the history of autobiography and at the same time
underlining the difficulties that women faced in establishing the alternative
approach that many of them had taken in writing their life stories. Then as
now, Rousseau’s Confessions were seen as one of the founding texts, indeed

1
Virginia Woolf to Ethel Smyth, 24 December 1940, in The Letters of Virginia Woolf, vol. VI,
ed. Nigel Nicolson (London: The Hogarth Press, 1980), p. 453.
2
Anne Olivier Bell, ed., The Diary of Virginia Woolf (London: Penguin Books, 1982). Vol. 3, 22
Feb 1926, p. 60.

1
2 WOMEN AND THE AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL IMPULSE

for some the founding text, of modern secular autobiography.3 Prior to its
publication in the late 18th century, most autobiographical writing had
focused on spiritual experience or religious conversion. By contrast,
Rousseau was concerned to explore himself, his experiences and his feelings.
He was aware of the novelty of his approach and insisted on the uniqueness
and importance of his autobiography in his very first sentence. ‘I have
entered upon a performance which is without example, whose
accomplishment will have no imitator,’ he wrote.

I mean to present my fellow-mortals with a man in all the integrity of

nature; and this man shall be myself.
I know my heart and have studied mankind; I am not made like anyone
I have been acquainted with, perhaps like no one in existence; if not
better, I at least claim originality, and whether Nature did wisely in
breaking the mould with which she formed me, can only be determined
after having read this work.4

That Woolf should have regarded the detail Rousseau offered about his
sexual experiences and feelings as particularly valuable is not surprising for
one enmeshed, as she was, in the Bloomsbury group with its fascination
with questions about sexuality in all its forms. Others were rather more
critical of this aspect of Rousseau’s work, however, and found it extremely
discomforting. His openness, even about the perverse aspects of his sexuality,
was amongst the things that made British readers question the value and
merits of the Confessions in the late 18th century and prevented it from
being taken as a model when autobiography was becoming established in
the 19th.5 Nonetheless, his importance as a philosopher ensured that the
work was widely read, and many aspects of his approach became accepted
as the central core of modern autobiography. Amongst the most significant
are his division of his life into separate stages, beginning with childhood, his
focus on his feelings and subjectivity, his introspection and reflection on his
intellectual development and his sense of his own individuality.
Introspection and reflection on the development of an individual’s sense
of autonomous selfhood were particularly important issues in the history
of autobiography. They were seen as its defining characteristics when

3
See for example, Huntington William, Rousseau and Romantic Autobiography (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1983); James Treadwell, ‘The Case of Rousseau’ in his Autobiographical
Writing and British Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005); Peter Abbs, ‘The Full
Revelation of the Self: Jean Jacques Rousseau and the Origin of Deep Autobiography’,
Philosophy Now 68 (July/August, 2008).
4
Jean Jacques Rousseau, Confessions (Launette Aux Deux-Ponts, 1782–1789). Although
completed in 1769, the work was not published until 1782, four years after his death.
5
Phyllis Grosskurth, ‘Where Was Rousseau?’ in Approaches to Victorian Autobiography, ed.
George P. Landow (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1979).
 INTRODUCTION 3

autobiography became the subject of serious scholarly attention in the

1950s and ’60s. Georges Gusdorf, one of the pioneering figures in this field,
emphasized this point in his essay ‘The Conditions and Limits of
Autobiography’ that served as a foundational text of autobiographical
studies. Autobiography, he insisted, is not so much a literary form as a kind
of consciousness. It demanded a conscious awareness of the singularity of
each individual life as well as a sense of history and of human agency. Above
all, it required the capacity for introspection and reflection in order to make
a life story into a coherent narrative.6 Memory was important for
autobiography, but it had to be transformed through introspection. An
autobiography required not simply the telling of a life story, but its re-
examination. It offered a second reading of experience with perspective and
self-consciousness added.
For Gusdorf and his followers, as this definition makes clear, autobiography
was an exclusively masculine endeavour. It was only men who could combine
recognition of the singularity of themselves as individuals with a sense of
history and of agency. Until relatively recently, the legal, social and economic
dependence of women made it all but impossible for them to see themselves
in this light. When one gets down to detail, moreover, Gusdorf’s definition
excludes women not only as the authors of autobiography but also as
significant figures in the autobiographies of men. While he insists that
autobiography requires discussion of both public and private or inner life,
his definition of ‘private life’ does not encompass family or home. On the
contrary, in his definition ‘private life’ refers to an individual’s reflections on
intellectual, religious and moral questions. There is no place in his approach
to autobiography for discussion of the intimate, familial or domestic life
that is so important for most women. The exclusion of women is made
absolutely definitive by the autobiographical canon that Gusdorf and his
followers set out, beginning with Augustine’s Confessions, and including
Montaigne’s Essais, Rousseau’s Confessions and Newman’s Apologia.
The importance of individualism and autonomy have been seen as crucial,
not only in definitions of autobiography, but also in defining modern identity
which has often been linked to the emergence of autobiography.7 In Britain,
where autobiography was firmly established in the 19th century, it is the
canonical Victorian autobiographies of Thomas Carlyle, J. H. Newman and
John Stuart Mill that are often taken as the best illustrations of the intense
struggle that modern individuals underwent to gain and assert this autonomy.
The framework for this struggle was provided by the crisis of belief which
was so prominent a feature of Victorian intellectual life. Their loss of
religious faith and the emotional and spiritual crisis that this involved

6
Georges Gusdorf, ‘Conditions and Limits of Autobiography (1956)’, in Autobiography: Essays
Theoretical and Critical, ed. James Olney (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980).
7
See for example Charles Taylor, ‘The Politics of Recognition’, in Multiculturalism and ‘The
Politics of Recognition’, ed. Amy Gutmann (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992).
4 WOMEN AND THE AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL IMPULSE

dominated the adolescent and early adult life of many Victorian intellectuals
and writers until it was more or less resolved by finding the new forms of
belief and activity that allowed an independent adult life. This religious
struggle was articulated powerfully in semi-fictional form in Carlyle’s Sartor
Resartus, but directly and in relation to their own lives by Newman, J. A.
Froude and many others. It had a secular counterpart in the autobiography
of John Stuart Mill who described eloquently the emotional and intellectual
crisis he faced when he ceased being able to accept the utilitarianism of his
father.8 In all of these cases, the struggle is depicted as one that the author
underwent alone, sometimes helped by reading particular books, but never
with human assistance. On the contrary, one essential part of it is the need
to separate from families and communities with whom the author can no
longer identify – and to become dependent only on himself.9
Gusdorf saw individualism and autonomy as not only important to
autobiography but admirable. These qualities have been questioned and
looked at much more critically in recent decades, however. Feminist and
postcolonial scholars have pointed not only to the gendered assumptions on
which they are based but also to their racist and imperialist ones as only
Western men seem to have regarded themselves in this way. Gusdorf regarded
autobiography as expressing ‘a concern peculiar to Western man, a concern
that has been of good use in his systematic conquest of the universe’, but
saw this as unproblematic.10 He was not concerned that this way of thinking
about and representing oneself was not only alien to but impossible for most
women and for men of many other cultures for whom a sense of identity is
established through relationships with others. Later scholars have questioned
whether these qualities are possible even for Western men. John Paul Eakin,
for example, insists that this notion of autonomy is a myth. Autobiography,
he argues, ‘promotes an illusion of self-determination: I write my story; I say
who I am; I create myself’. This form enables and even encourages people to
forget the extent to which the self is defined by and lived in terms of its
relation to others.11 Approaching the question from a slightly different angle
in looking particularly at 19th-century men’s autobiographies, Martin
Danahay has argued that, in the process of representing their emergence as
autonomous individuals, the authors of these works repressed the social

8
See for example Richard Hughes Gibson and Timothy Larsen, ‘Nineteenth-Century Spiritual
Autobiography: Carlyle, Newman, Mill’, in A History of English Autobiography, ed. Adam
Smyth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016).
9
Deborah Nord has argued that in many cases, these were oedipal struggles centring upon the
relationship of the author with his father – something they were reluctant to acknowledge.
Deborah Epstein Nord, ‘Victorian Autobiography: Sons and Fathers’, in The Cambridge
Companion to Autobiography, eds Maria di Battista and Emily O. Wittman (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2014).
10
Gusdorf, p. 29.
11
John Paul Eakin, How Our Lives Become Stories (London and Ithaca: Cornell University
Press, 1999), p. 44.
 INTRODUCTION 5

context of their lives and silence and ignored the women on whom their
lives often depended.12 Drawing on Bakhtin, Danahay argues that Victorian
male autobiographers created monologic rather than dialogic texts which
involved ‘repressing other voices as the author seeks mastery over the
contingent’.
Not only did these autobiographers repress the general social and familial
context of their lives and work, but they silenced the particular women on
whose labour they have often drawn and depended. Wordsworth’s Prelude,
for example, like much of his writing, drew extensively on the diaries of his
sister Dorothy who is never acknowledged. John Stuart Mill is a particular
target for Danahay. Mill is notable here because of his support for some
aspects of Victorian feminism and his heroic status amongst some 19th-
century feminists. His autobiography, however, excludes any reference or
even mention of his mother, depicting his father as the dominating figure in
his education and in framing his intellectual and professional life. Mill did
acknowledge the importance of his wife, Harriet Taylor Mill, in both his
intellectual and emotional life. This acknowledgement itself has been subject
to harsh criticism, however, because of the way in which he conflated Harriet
Taylor’s words with his own and, as Danahay sees it, ‘effectively erases her as
a separate consciousness’. His exaggerated praise of Taylor as his intellectual
superior and guide has led to much discussion of whether she actually wrote
some of his texts. In Danahay’s view, ‘Mill’s hyperbolic descriptions of Taylor
reveal her as the overdetermined site of his own fantasies’.
This erasure of family life and of the women on whom they depended,
was not only evident in a few canonical works but widespread in Victorian
middle-class male autobiography generally. Donna Loftus sees it as the
dominant approach in the fifty autobiographies of businessmen, clergymen,
lawyers, doctors and civil servants writing between 1850 and 1914 that she
studied. Generally, she found that the narratives began with accounts of
ancestral heritage followed by descriptions of the author’s birth, childhood,
education and introduction to a profession. But women were not part of
these lives.

Overwhelmingly, female relations were silenced and masculinity was

defined through relations with other men. These often cliched accounts
nevertheless demonstrated an ontology that saw the self emerging out of
childhood struggles, to face the challenges and battles that defined early
manhood, and the security that rewarded success. This emergent self,
however, was plotted through the narrated significance of relationships
with family, friends, colleagues and a network of like-minded men.13

12
Martin Danahay, A Community of One: Masculine Autobiography and Autonomy in
Nineteenth-Century Britain (New York: State University of New York Press, 1993).
13
Donna Loftus, ‘The Self in Society: Middle-Class Men and Autobiography’, in Life Writing
and Victorian Culture, ed. David Amigoni (London: Routledge, 2006; reprint, e-book 2017).
6 WOMEN AND THE AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL IMPULSE

Although ignored in the foundational writings of autobiographical

studies, women have been writing their own life stories and autobiographies
for centuries. They too have a long history of spiritual autobiography, with
secular ones first appearing in the mid-18th century, even before Rousseau,
and then increasing in number and changing in form until the present. The
writing of an autobiography was both difficult and risky for women,
especially in the 18th and 19th centuries, when the accepted beliefs about
modesty and chastity that Woolf refers to not only prevented women from
writing about their intimate lives but indeed prevented them from drawing
attention to themselves at all. Ideas of feminine propriety required them to
immerse themselves in the world of family and home and not to court
publicity. The very notions here of a ‘public man’, generally meaning one
who engaged in political and public causes, and a ‘public woman’, generally
meaning a prostitute, illustrates this point well. Rousseau could write quite
openly about his sexual feelings and experience, his many failings and his
‘reprehensible conduct’ in abandoning his children, without any suggestion
that such concessions might stop him from being widely read or considered
a major philosopher. By contrast, as Woolf suggests, at least until the mid-
20th century, any discussion of sexual behaviour, and particularly of sexual
indiscretion or irregularity, by women in an autobiography invited
opprobrium and social ostracism. This disapproval of any hint of
unconventional behaviour in women helps to explain why some of the great
women novelists, like George Eliot, for example, refused to write their life
stories. Eliot knew only too well the social and personal cost of her
contravening the norms of sexual propriety, and though she considered
writing an autobiography from time to time, she always ended up finding
the idea repellent.14
When women did begin to write their own life stories, they did not take
the form expected of a male autobiography. In place of a childhood
dominated by education and widening social experiences, an adulthood
organized around a profession and public or intellectual and a quest for
autonomy throughout, women’s autobiographies usually stressed the
importance of family life, including relationships with parents, especially
mothers. Almost every aspect of their lives, including their education, was
often dominated by family as were the gendered social expectations that
framed their lives and often circumscribed their activities. In the 19th and
20th centuries, some women described how they struggled for and gained
independence, but even then their social and emotional world and their
parental and familial ties remained central in their lives.
In part as a consequence of these differences, little attention was paid to
women’s life writings, until feminist scholars began to read them in the late

14
Valerie Sanders, The Private Lives of Victorian Women: Autobiography in Nineteenth-
Century England (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1989), p. 17.
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