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 Family Issues in the 21st Century Series

HANDBOOK OF PARENTING: STYLES,

STRESSES AND STRATEGIES

No part of this digital document may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or
by any means. The publisher has taken reasonable care in the preparation of this digital document, but makes no
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FAMILY ISSUES IN THE 21ST CENTURY SERIES

Handbook of Parenting: Styles, Stresses and Strategies

Pacey H. Krause and Tahlia M. Dailey (Editors)
ISBN: 978-1-60741-766-8
 Family Issues in the 21st Century Series

HANDBOOK OF PARENTING: STYLES,

STRESSES AND STRATEGIES

PACEY H. KRAUSE
AND
TAHLIA M. DAILEY
EDITORS

Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

New York
Copyright © 2009 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA

Handbook of parenting styles, stresses, and strategies / [edited by] Pacey H. Krause and Tahlia M.
Dailey.
p. cm.
Includes index.
ISBN 978-1-61668-575-1 (E-Book)
1. Parenting--Handbooks, manuals, etc. 2. Parenting--Psychological aspects--Handbooks,
manuals, etc. 3. Parent and child--Handbooks, manuals, etc. 4. Parent and child--Psychological
aspects--Handbooks, manuals, etc. I. Krause, Pacey H. II. Dailey, Tahlia M.
HQ755.8.H3336 2009
155.6'46--dc22
2009025479

Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc.  New York

 CONTENTS

Preface vii
Chapter 1 Parenting Practices and Child Mental Health Outcomes 1
Ippolyti Vassi, Alexandra Veltsista and Chryssa Bakoula
Chapter 2 The Importance of Brain and Physiological Systems Research
in the Study of Parenting Behaviors 15
Susan B. Perlman and Linda A. Camras
Chapter 3 Parental Monitoring: Overview and the Development of Two
Retrospective Scales 19
Lisa Thomson Ross and Maribeth L. Veal
Chapter 4 Parenting in the Context of Marginalization: Moving
towards a Comprehensive Framework 37
Kelly E. McShane and Nicole Schaefer-McDaniel
Chapter 5 Addressing Attrition Rates: New Directions in Administering
Parent Training 53
Shannon S.C. Bert and Jaelyn R. Farris
Chapter 6 Antenatal Education: Preparing For Parenthood 63
Jane Svensson
Chapter 7 Goodness of Fit between Parenting Style and Child Temperament:
Special Challenges with Slow-to-Warm-Up Infants 87
Jessica Stoltzfus and Katherine Karraker
Chapter 8 Maternal Emotional Availability and Infant Smiling and Crying at 5
Months of Age 111
G. Esposito, P. Venuti, S. de Falco and M. H. Bornstein
Chapter 9 Working Class Mothering: Exploring Strengths and Values
Val Gillies
Chapter 10 Child-Parent Relations as a Mutual Opportunity for a Significant
Developmental Encounter with the “Other” 141
Esther Cohen and Neta Ofer-Ziv
vi Contents

Chapter 11 Amount of Time in Extracurricular Activities Impact on Parenting

and Adolescent Behavior Problems 165
Andrea D. Mata, Katherine C. Schinka and Manfred H.M. van
Dulmen
Chapter 12 Strategy and Practice of Support for Multiple Birth
Families: Evidence-Based Care and Population Approach
with Human Network 175
Syuichi Ooki
Chapter 13 The Effect of Familial Factors on the Management
of Childhood Obesity 241
Moria Golan, Roni S. Enten and Danit R. Shahar
Chapter 14 The Role of the Family in Autistic Spectrum Conditions: Theory
and Practical Implications 259
Lisa A. Osborne & Phil Reed
Chapter 15 Parenting in the Context of Domestic Violence: Unique Stresses
and Outcomes 291
Erin Gallagher, Alissa Huth-Bocks and Alytia Levendosky
Chapter 16 Parenting Practices around Learning within Latino Communities:
Diversity and Associations with Children’s Outcomes 315
Nikki Aikens, Margaret Caspe, Sally Atkins-Burnett, Susan
Sprachman and Yange Xue
Chapter 17 Parenting Styles in Adolescence: The Role of Warmth, Strictness,
and Psychological Autonomy Granting in Influencing Collective
Self-Esteem and Expectations for the Future 341
Silvia Moscatelli and Monica Rubini
Chapter 18 Predictors of Maternal and Paternal Parenting Stress in Central
American Refugee Families with Adolescent Offspring 351
Noorfarah Merali
Chapter 19 Immigration Effects on Parenting, Stress, and Risky Sex
among Hispanic Immigrant Youth 371
Elizabeth Trejos-Castillo & Alexander T. Vazsonyi
Index 397
 PREFACE

Families and parents have the most central and enduring influence on children's lives.
Parenthood is not instinctive, but is rather an evolutionary procedure throughout the child's
life-course. This book looks at the pattern of family structures, which has evolved as a result
of social, cultural and economic changes. An overview of parental monitoring and the
development of two new retrospective monitoring scales is examined. This book also focuses
on certain parenting styles, stressors, and practices which promote positive and negative child
behaviors. The goodness-of-fit concept is emphasized, which concentrates specifically on
how a poor fit between the temperament behaviors of infants and young children and parents'
expectations and parenting skills can stress and challenges the parent-child relationship and
potentially lead to poor child outcomes. Among other issues, this book addresses the relations
of maternal emotional availability with infant smiling and crying, the importance of
measuring parental brain and physiological systems, the effect of working class mothers on
their emotional availability to their children, and the variety of patterns that a parent must
adopt in daily life to cope with situations of conflict to promote processes of emotional and
social adaptation in their children.
Chapter 1 - Families and parents have the most central and enduring influence on
children’s lives. Parenthood is not instinctive, but is rather an evolutionary procedure
throughout the child’s life. In most settings parents are not prepared to raise children just after
childbirth. In order to become effective at their tasks they follow advice given by expert
professionals such as paediatricians, teachers, or even psychologists and psychiatrists;
through books, articles, and interviews; or by seeking their friends’ or family’s advice. In
addition, the parenting role is improved by increasingly receiving love and pleasure from their
children, their creation. This reciprocal relation and affection develops over time.
Chapter 2 - Efforts to understand the socialization of adaptive emotional functioning in
children have largely focused upon both laboratory observations and parents’ self-report of
their emotion socialization strategies. While some studies have also taken biological
mechanisms into account, these have focused on children’s physiological responding (e.g.,
cardiac vagal tone ). However, parental biological state and the manner by which this may
impact their children’s functioning have only begun to be examined. In this commentary, the
importance of measuring parental brain and physiological systems is examined. This gap in
the research literature may shed light on the indirect mechanisms by which parenting
behaviors may affect children’s emotional development.
viii Pacey H. Krause and Tahlia M. Daile

Chapter 3 - This chapter presents an overview of parental monitoring and describes the
development of two new retrospective monitoring scales. Parental monitoring has been
defined as a concern for the regulation, supervision, and management of behavior, such that
parents are aware of and regulatory of their children’s whereabouts, companions, and
activities (Pettit, Laird, Dodge, Bates, & Criss, 2001), or, more simply, as supervision of
youth and communication between parent and youth (Stanton et al., 2000). Monitoring is
associated with fewer behavioral and drug problems among children. Currently, there are no
convenient, retrospective scales of parental monitoring in general or of television monitoring
in particular that would allow a more complete understanding of this construct, including how
it might relate to subsequent behaviors.
To test some of the ideas summarized in this chapter, a report was developed of two
retrospective scales, the Parental Monitoring Scale (PMS) and the Television Monitoring
Scale (TMS). College students (N = 205) completed surveys regarding their family of origin
and individual characteristics and behaviors. The PMS and the TMS appear to have
acceptable internal consistency (alphas= .79 and .84, respectively). Scores on the PMS
significantly correlated with more healthy family functioning, and more intimacy and
autonomy in one’s family of origin. Furthermore, scores on both the PMS and TMS
correlated negatively with three measures of recent drinking, suggesting that young adults
who remembered more monitoring while growing up have decreased chances of developing
drinking problems in college. This study presents two new retrospective scales that measure
parental monitoring and television monitoring by parents. Both scales were internally
consistent and free from social desirability. Preliminary validity was established for the
Parental Monitoring Scale by showing it is indeed associated with healthier family
functioning as well as less subsequent drinking among college students. Limitations are
discussed, as are implications for use of these new scales and ideas for related future research.
Chapter 4 - In the past few decades, there has been increasing research on the relationship
between parenting behaviors and children’s developmental outcomes. Within this body of
literature, scholars have identified that certain parenting styles (e.g., parental warmth,
support) promote positive child behaviors, whereas harsh and authoritative parenting
practices are associated with negative child outcomes such as increases in aggression and
externalizing disorders (e.g., Bendersky et al., 2006; Krenichyn, Saegert, & Evans, 2001;
Patterson, 1992).
Chapter 5 - A substantial number of families participating in parent training interventions
do not benefit and instead experience negative treatment outcomes such as dropout, mediocre
engagement, and/or a lack of positive gains following intervention (Assemany & McIntosh,
2002). Spoth, Goldberg, and Redman (1999) found that 44% of families assigned to a 5-week
parenting intervention and 51% of families assigned to a 7-week parenting intervention failed
to attend any session. Gross and Grady (2002) reported that 26% of parents assigned to
attend group parenting sessions attended fewer than 10% of the sessions and subsequently
dropped out of the program. These data suggest that many participants find it difficult to
attend and completely adhere to programs consisting of training sessions, possibly due to
conflicting obligations. Researchers aimed at improving parenting skills and practices face the
question of how best to engage and retain their participants when many are working parents
who may also be highly involved in their communities and active with their children’s
education and extracurricular activities. In fact, Gross and Grady (2002) found that 32% of
participants enrolled in a 12-week parenting program reported that it was difficult for them to
 Preface ix

attend and 50% found the weekly assignments difficult to complete. It is likely that many
participants perceive parent training as one more demand in an already stressful lifestyle.
Chapter 6 - Antenatal education is a crucial component of antenatal care, yet practice and
research demonstrate that women and men now seek far more than the traditional approach of
a labor and birth focused program attended in the final weeks of pregnancy. This study was
designed to determine whether a new antenatal education program, designed from a needs
based assessment of expectant and new parents, with increased parenting content, could
improve parenting outcomes when compared to a traditional program.
A randomized control trial conducted at a specialist referral maternity hospital in Sydney,
Australia, measured the pre and postnatal outcomes of 170 women birthing at the hospital
who attended the hospital antenatal education programs and their male partners. The
intervention, a new Having a Baby program, was tested against the traditional hospital
program which acted as the control. The primary outcome measure was perceived parenting
self-efficacy, with worry and perceived knowledge also being measured.
The results revealed the perceived maternal self-efficacy scores of women and men in the
experimental program were significantly higher than those in the control program and worry
scores were lower, but they did not reach statistical significance. Birth outcomes were similar.
The new program improved parenting knowledge and self-efficacy. Parenting programs
which continue in the early postnatal period may be beneficial.
This chapter will provide a description of the randomized control trial as well as a
summary of the key elements of the new program. It will be of interest to midwives, physical
therapists and all involved in antenatal and postnatal education.
Chapter 7 - This review focuses on the goodness-of-fit concept, concentrating specifically
on how a poor fit between the temperament behaviors of infants and young children and
parents’ expectations and parenting skills can stress and challenge the parent-child
relationship and potentially lead to poor child outcomes. The role of the child, the parent, and
the context in establishing, maintaining, and modifying the goodness of fit between children’s
temperament and their parents’ behaviors and in determining child outcomes are considered.
This is all concluded by presenting findings from a recent analysis of 629 mothers and their
children that illustrates the special challenges of parenting slow-to-warm-up infants using the
goodness-of-fit perspective.
Chapter 8 - In this observational study, relations of maternal emotional availability with
infant smiling and crying, two behaviors that represent infants’ principal social
communicative functions were examined. Fifty-four mother–infant dyads were analyzed
using two independent observation systems: (a) the infant socioemotional behaviors and (b)
the Emotional Availability Scales. The amount of infant smiling differentiated dyads with
different levels of maternal emotional availability. The more infants smile, the greater the
odds that their mothers will be more emotionally available. By contrast, no association for cry
was found with maternal emotional availability. These results are consistent with the
burgeoning literature on the Emotional Availability construct that stresses the importance of
expressed positive emotions as determinants of the quality of mother-infant interaction.
Chapter 9 - Drawing on material from my book (Marginalised Mothers: Exploring
Working Class Experiences of Parenting) this paper explores how the experiences and
meaning making processes of working class mothers are grounded in specific social and
material realities. In particular the focus will be on how these situated understandings allow
such mothers to generate crucial resources for their children. This work is based on detailed
x Pacey H. Krause and Tahlia M. Daile

case study analysis of 14 mothers, all of whom have low incomes, lack formal educational
qualifications, and live in disadvantaged communities I begin by considering the status and
significance these women attach to motherhood. In spite of unremittingly negative public
portrayals of disadvantaged parents, most of the women forged an extremely positive identity
around mothering, emphasising satisfaction, pleasure and competence. In a context of
deprivation and struggle, being a mother was valued and prioritised and was characterised by
resilience and determination. The significance of home for the mothers in the study is
underlined through a focus on the emotional resources made available to children.
Chapter 10 - Parenting is a process of creation: the parent’s creation of a child, and the
child’s creation of a parent. This chapter will focus on the notion that this creation arises from
the dialectical tension that emerges in the space between parent and child. The basic tension
present in parenthood, the tension between parent and child, is a particular example of the
basic existential tension existing between a person and an “Other” or, in other words, the
tension between one subject and another. This tension between two subjects receives intense
expression when the need of the one, at any particular moment, is different from the need of
the other. The moment in which this acute dialectical tension between the two is created,
which sometimes also involves sharp tension within each subject, is a potential moment of
growth and development. Any solution that attempts to eliminate this tension quickly, so that
the need of the one overpowers the need of the other, results in the constriction of the space
that enables the process of creation and development. The tension between desires, between
perceptions and impulses that conflict with each other in the context of intimate relations is
not, a negative element that sullies relationship or mars development, as is sometimes
believed. On the contrary, this tension is likely to contribute not only to the development of
significant and rich relations, but also to the development of each individual within the
relationship. According to this outlook, beneficial parenting does not seek to reduce conflicts
or difference, or to avoid them, nor does it view conflict as a “necessary evil,” but rather as an
opportunity for growth and creativity.
Chapter 11 - U.S. adolescents are spending an increasing amount of time in
extracurricular activities. Some adolescents who are spending an increased amount of time in
extracurricular activities are experiencing behavior problems (i.e. anxiety, stress; Ginsburg &
The Committee on Communications and Committee on Psychosocial Aspects of Child and
Family Health, 2007). It is not clear, however, why involvement in extracurricular activities is
associated with behavior problems for some, but not all adolescents. The purpose of this
chapter is to propose a conceptual model to further understand the mechanisms underlying
adolescent mental health problems among adolescents who spend increased amount of time in
extracurricular activities. The proposed model investigates bidirectional effects among (a) the
amount of time an adolescent spends in extracurricular activities, (b) parental stress, (c)
parental warmth/control, and (d) adolescent behavior problems.
Chapter 12 - In Japan the rate of multiple births has been increasing since 1975 because
of the wide spread of fertility treatment. Currently more than 1% of all births are multiples.
The rapid increase of multiple births is now a common public health concern in developed
countries. Multiple birth babies are more likely to be born preterm and of low birthweight,
adding to the many pressures of coping with two or more babies. The nurturing of multiples
entails a physically, mentally and economically higher burden than that of singletons, and
multiple birth families surely expect appropriate information to facilitate the healthy growth
of their children. Multiples tend to lag behind singletons in their physical growth and motor
 Preface xi

and language development. Multiples are reported to be one of the risk factors for maternal
depression and child abuse. Good preparation and advice during or even before pregnancy is
essential. After the birth, parents need continuing support and access to care from health
professionals who understand their different and special needs. Therefore, there is an
increasing need for appropriate information to be provided to parents and health professionals
regarding the growth and development of multiples, tips on child bearing, and social
resources for families. However, little information is available, especially in Japan.
Multidisciplinary collaboration is essential to resolve these themes surrounding multiple birth
families. Moreover, population-based or at least large-scale epidemiologic studies to assess
the long-term health, social and psychological impact of multiple births on the family,
children and society are crucial to provide a scientific basis and to persuade policymakers of
the importance of supporting families with multiples.
The author has adopted three main strategies to resolve these problems. The first strategy
is monitoring and reanalyzing vital statistics concerning multiple births, and providing an
objective macroscopic vision of public health problems related to multiple births. The second
strategy is to provide evidence-based information to health professionals and policymakers as
well as multiple birth families. A large-scale database of multiples, mainly twins, has been
organized since 1984. The third strategy is to construct a human network and family support
system at the prefectural level by means of a population-approach method. The goals of these
projects are to contribute to the development of welfare programs for families with multiples
as well as to coordinate research useful for both maternal and child health and human
genetics.
Chapter 13 - This chapter reviews the literature, with the addition of some recent
unpublished findings from this group’s studies, on the relationship between childhood obesity
management and family-based factors. The objective was to better understand the impact of
socioeconomic status (SES), family size, family functioning and parenting style on the
outcomes of pediatric obesity management programs. Original research and reviews
published between 1995 and 2008 were identified by searching Medline, PsycINFO, Agricola
and Lexis-Nexis. The literature shows that parents from families of lower SES may
underestimate the health risk of excess weight to their children; these families may also be
less available for the intensive efforts and supportive interaction needed to address excess
weight in their children. Moreover, psychological disturbances, lower family functioning and
a permissive parenting style were some of the factors reported to be associated with less
success in family-based weight loss programs among families from lower SES as well as
larger families.
Chapter 14 - The role of the family in Autistic Spectrum Conditions (ASC) has a
controversial history, but current research has identified a number of key relationships
between the behaviors of the child with ASC and parenting stress and styles. The current
review highlights a number of relationships between parenting stress, parenting behaviors,
and child behavior problems in ASC samples, and identifies areas where current research is
lacking. In particular, the following concerns need to be addressed: whether high parenting
stress levels impact negatively on child outcomes following interventions for ASC; the nature
of the relationship between parenting stress and child behavior problems over time; whether
parenting stress impacts on parenting behaviors, and the types of parenting behaviors that are
influential for subsequent child behavior problems in the context of ASC; whether any
association between parenting behaviors and child behavior problems is a direct one; and
xii Pacey H. Krause and Tahlia M. Daile

whether the contact and communication experiences of parents with professionals leading up
to, and during, the diagnostic process is of particular significance. The results of such
examinations may well have practical implications for the development of future
interventions for ASC.
Chapter 15 - Research shows that 20% to 38% of women experience domestic violence
during their lifetime (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000), and women may be particularly vulnerable
to partner abuse during the childbearing years. As such, millions of young children are
exposed to DV and are parented primarily by battered women. The notable prevalence of DV
indicates that its effect on parenting outcomes requires close examination. As one might
expect, existing research has found that DV generally has a devastating impact on parenting
capacities (Holden et al., 1998; Levendosky & Graham-Bermann, 2000; 2001).
A few studies that have examined the impact of DV on parenting during the perinatal
period have found that parenting is already compromised during pregnancy and shortly after
birth as a result of DV (Dayton, Levendosky, Davidson, & Bogat, 2007; Huth-Bocks,
Levendosky, Theran, & Bogat, 2004). Similarly, other studies have found that DV negatively
impacts mothers’ displays of sensitivity, encouragement, and guidance during parent-infant
interactions (Sokolowski et al., 2008). These results suggest that DV interferes with an
adaptive transition to parenthood and the earliest forms of parenting, which are known to
affect long-term childhood outcomes. A number of studies have also found that mothers of
preschool and school-age children who are exposed to DV report significantly higher
parenting stress compared to non-battered women (Holden et al., 1998; Levendosky &
Graham-Bermann, 1998; 2000; Ritchie & Holden, 1998). Parenting stress, in turn, is
associated with more negative and less positive parenting behaviors (e.g., Holden et al., 1998,
Huth-Bocks & Hughes, 2008) and poor child outcomes (Levendosky & Graham-Bermann,
1998). Not surprisingly, DV is also associated with other parenting deficits such as less
supportive behaviors, less parenting effectiveness and child-centeredness (Graham-Bermann
& Levendosky, 1998a; Levendosky & Graham-Bermann, 2001), and greater parent-child
hostility and aggression (Holden et al., 1998) during the preschool and school-age years,
although there appear to be a subset of women who are resilient and don’t experience
impairments in parenting.
In conclusion, research has demonstrated that DV is surprisingly common among
mothers and has deleterious effects on a variety of parenting outcomes in most battered
women. This chapter includes a thorough review of the empirical literature documenting the
relationship between DV and parenting outcomes beginning in pregnancy and lasting
throughout childhood.
Chapter 16 - Few pictures are as pervasive and powerful in human culture as that of a
parent and child together. Whether the child is swaddled on a parent’s back in Mongolia,
reading a book with her father in the United States (U.S.), or walking through a market with
her mother in Kenya, the activities that parents and children share together are a critical
component of parenting and how a child comes to know and trust the world. In recent years,
researchers have put forward various theories related to parenting. Some investigators have
considered parenting styles (e.g., Baumrind, 1971)—that is, dimensions of caregiving that
vary along the axes of warmth, nurturance, and responsivity. Other researchers have assessed
parents’ attitudes, beliefs, and goals related to childrearing, and still others have sought to
examine the various categories of parenting practices such as teaching, supporting language,
 Preface xiii

monitoring, and providing resources (Brooks-Gunn & Markman, 2005). This chapter focuses
on parenting practices, specifically those related to learning outcomes in the early years.
Chapter 17 - A large corpus of evidence shows the effectiveness of authoritative
parenting, in comparison with authoritarian, neglectful, and indulgent educational styles, on
adolescents’ personal and social development. However, few studies have examined the
influence of authoritative parenting on adolescents’ social identity and future plans. In this
contribution (N = 400) examined were the role of warmth, strictness, and autonomy granting
– the core dimensions of parenting– in influencing adolescents’ social identity, measured as
family collective self-esteem, and expectations for the future, in terms of stable intimate
relationships and fulfillment of personal goals. Also tested the role of family collective self-
esteem in mediating the influence of parenting style dimensions on expectations for the
future. Besides confirming that authoritative parenting leads to better outcomes than the other
educational styles, this study sheds light for the first time on the distinct contribution of
different parenting dimensions on adolescents’ social identity and expectations for the future.
Chapter 18 - Despite their strong presence in North America, Central American refugees
have been identified as the most critically understudied Hispanic group. Relatively little is
known about their cultural and familial adaptation (Dona & Berry, 1994; Guarnaccia, 1997;
Organista, 2007). The cultural life of Central Americans is centered on the family and
community rather than on the rugged individualism of North American society. Family and
community relationships tend to have a hierarchical power structure with associated mores for
interaction, in contrast to an egalitarian arrangement (Hernandez, 2005; Organista; Sue &
Sue, 2008). Transmission of the culture of origin to one’s children is a key focus among
Central American families (Hernandez; Organista). Refugee parents have been found to have
a heightened attachment to their heritage culture due to the forced rather than voluntary nature
of their resettlement process in the host society (Roizblatt & Pilowsky, 1996). However,
intergenerational cultural transmission may be compromised by the pressures that adolescents
experience to assimilate with peers in the new socio-cultural environment. Parents may use
youth’s behavior and ethnic identity to gauge the effectiveness of their parenting ability and
strategies, with signs of weak ethnic identity or Western cultural influence generating stress in
the childrearing process (Baptiste, 1993; Hernandez; Sue & Sue). Existing research suggests
that Central American mothers and fathers may play different roles in the cultural
socialization of children (Harwood, Leyendecker, Carlson, Asencio, & Miller, 2002; Phinney
& Vedder, 2006; Sue & Sue), implying a possible variance in indicators of adolescents’
cultural stance that may serve as predictors of stress for parents of each gender.
This chapter describes a research study investigating relationships between parenting
stress and adolescent ethnic identity development, adolescents’ openness to behavior changes
towards Western norms, and adolescents’ age of migration among 100 Central American
refugee families. Close to one-third of the participating parents reported high or clinically
significant stress levels. Stepwise Multiple Regression Analysis revealed that in combination,
adolescents’ age of arrival in Canada and level of openness to behavior changes towards
Western norms accounted for 37 percent of the variance in mothers’ stress scores. Adolescent
ethnic identity development was the only significant predictor of fathers’ stress levels,
accounting for 12 percent of the variance in fathers’ stress scores. Relationships between
these variables and maternal and paternal stress are discussed considering each parent’s role
in adolescents’ cultural socialization. Recommendations for assisting with the parenting
process across two cultures are also presented.
xiv Pacey H. Krause and Tahlia M. Daile

Chapter 19 - For decades, there has been the generalized view that cultural differences
from the country of origin and the host country threaten family relations and exacerbate the
risk for immigrant youth to engage in unhealthy and risky behaviors. It has been argued that
immigrant families’ values, beliefs, and parenting practices are different from the ones found
in the host country or are forced to change during the process of adaptation to the host culture,
thus, affecting children’s developmental outcomes (Isralowitz & Slonim-Nevo, 2002; Nauck,
2001). In the particular case of Hispanic immigrant youth, alarming official statistics on risky
sexual behaviors appear to support this notion. Hispanic youth are reported to be at an
increased risk for STDs, having sexual intercourse before age 13, and having four or more
sexual partners (CDC, 2000; YRBS, 2004). Yet, limited scholarship exists on how parenting
processes and perceived stress (e.g., limited social networks, unreceptive school environment)
predict risky sexual behaviors across generations of Hispanic immigrant adolescents.
Using a subsample from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add
Health; Waves I & II), the current study examined the potential changes over time in
parenting practices (e.g., monitoring, support, and communication) and stress (e.g.,
psychological well-being, perceived social support, perceived school stress) across 1st and 2nd
generation immigrant Hispanic youth (N= 2,016) and their relationships to risky sexual
behaviors. Even though GLM results show that maternal parenting and stress constructs
indeed changed over time, changes were not significantly different across generational
groups. In addition, maternal monitoring, maternal support, and measures of stress emerged
as key predictors of risky sexual behaviors across both 1st and 2nd generation Hispanic
immigrant youth over time, whereas no moderation effects were found by immigration status
on developmental processes across generational groups. Therefore, findings suggest that even
though cultural adaptation to the host culture might represent a stressful process as
documented by previous literature (e.g., Pérez & Padilla, 2000; Rueschenberg & Buriel,
1989), immigration and stress do not appear to significantly affect parenting behaviors over
time or their links to risky sexual behaviors across generations of Hispanic immigrant youth.
In: Handbook of Parenting: Styles, Stresses & Strategies ISBN 978-1-60741-766-8
Editor: Pacey H. Krause and Tahlia M. Dailey © 2009 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 1

PARENTING PRACTICES AND CHILD MENTAL

HEALTH OUTCOMES

Ippolyti Vassi, Alexandra Veltsista and Chryssa Bakoula

First Department of Paediatrics, Athens University, Aghia Sophia Children’s Hospital,
Athens, Greece

Families and parents have the most central and enduring influence on children’s lives.
Parenthood is not instinctive, but is rather an evolutionary procedure throughout the child’s
life. In most settings parents are not prepared to raise children just after childbirth. In order to
become effective at their tasks they follow advice given by expert professionals such as
paediatricians, teachers, or even psychologists and psychiatrists; through books, articles, and
interviews; or by seeking their friends’ or family’s advice. In addition, the parenting role is
improved by increasingly receiving love and pleasure from their children, their creation. This
reciprocal relation and affection develops over time.
In recent decades, the pattern of family structures has evolved as a result of social,
cultural and economic changes, with a rise in the number of single-parent families,
reconstructed or blended families, partnerships and foster families, while intact (with two
biological parents) setups have become more nuclear [1]. However, no matter what its
structure, the general principles of family and parenting remain more or less the same through
generations: to attend to the physical and psychological needs of its members, especially the
children.
Families provide a structured environment in which a child lives, while parents serve as
role models and influence their development, attitudes and values [1]. Another important
perspective of parenting is the influence of parenting styles on child development.
“Authoritative” parents are more likely to have happy, creative, and cooperative children,
with high self-esteem, who generally do well academically and socially. This parenting style
involves a combination of affection and attentive responsiveness to children’s needs, along
with clear, firm expectations for developmentally appropriate, socially responsible behavior.
On the other hand, “authoritarian” parenting adversely affects children’s development,
2 Ippolyti Vassi, Alexandra Veltsista and Chryssa Bakoula

including self-esteem and academic achievement. It tends to be less warm and responsive and
more inconsistent and punitive [1].
During adolescence, as a result of the physical, cognitive and social changes undergone,
parenting styles need to adapt to new circumstances. The supervision of a young child has a
very different meaning from that of a teenager or adolescent [2]. In this peculiar stage of life,
events and experiences have significant implications and consequences for later life. As they
develop, adolescents adopt new roles of social responsibility; they acquire skills and access
opportunities necessary for functioning in adult life. The health and, even more importantly,
the knowledge, attitudes and practices of adolescents are regarded as essential factors when
predicting the process of epidemiological transition of a population. Current lifestyles of
adolescents are crucial for the health and disease patterns that will be observed in the future.
Nevertheless, during these formative years, adolescents are subject to many influences
dominating their internal and external environment. These include parents, teachers, peer
groups, health care providers, media, and religious and cultural norms in the community.
Knowledge of the significant rapid physical, mental and social changes occurring during this
critical stage of life helps both adolescents and their parents to absorb and adapt to these
changes and enables the former to avoid becoming victims of any serious illnesses or to
develop inappropriate behaviours [3]. Reasonably, physical and social changes are more
obvious to parents, while mental health changes are rather unpredictable and astonishing
sometimes to adolescents themselves.
Mental health problems account for 60–70% of disability-adjusted life years (DALY) in
12- to 24-year-old youths worldwide [4, 5] and comprise a public health issue affecting up to
20% of children, including preschool-aged children, in modern Western societies [6]. Early
mental health problems often continue through childhood and adolescence into adulthood [6].
Consequently, adolescent mental health is a determining factor in their quality of life as adults
[7]. Additionally, the health and well-being of children are inextricably linked to their
parents’ physical, emotional and social health, social circumstances, and child-rearing
practices [1].
Within the framework of a Greek longitudinal population-based study from birth to 18
years of age, we examined to what extent parental roles and practices influence the emotional
and behavioral health of children up to adolescence. According to relevant indices, Greek
society has undergone significant social shifts during the later decades of the twentieth
century. Therefore, the changing parental roles in a changing society constitute an appropriate
matrix for biosocial studies over the time.

GREEK NATIONAL LONGITUDINAL STUDY: BIRTH TO 18 YEARS

Our study population consisted of all consecutive births between the 1st and the 30th of
April 1983 throughout Greece (11,048 newborns). In 1983, questionnaires were addressed
both to mothers and supervisors of delivery in order to collect information about family as
well as pregnancy, labor and the newborn. Families of those children were reached again
when children were seven years old, through their schools (1990). During the first follow-up,
questionnaires addressed to parents and teachers were sent out and 8,158 of those were
returned completed. Questions on family life, parents’ and children’s physical and mental
 Parenting Practices and Child Mental Health Outcomes 3

health, lifestyle and school were included. In 2001, children were reached again at the age of
18 years, the threshold of adulthood. During the second follow-up, 3,500 pairs of parent and
child questionnaires were returned, which assessed family, physical and mental health,
lifestyle and academic issues. Finally, after the matching procedure, a data set for 2,695
children for each one of the three time periods was created. For the present study, we used
data from the ages of seven and 18 years. Sensitivity analysis showed that this sub-population
was representative of the initial birth cohort [8].
Physical punishment, parental monitoring, and extensive consumerism were used as
indicative variables of the three major parenting attitudes: authoritarian, authoritative and
permissive. Severe physical punishment was investigated by asking parents whether or not
they believe and use physical punishment as a means of discipline, while a further question
attempted to estimate the frequency that a child was physically punished during the preceding
year. Children’s subjective perception of parental monitoring was derived at both follow-up
periods. Finally, extensive consumerism, as identified in 1990 by asking the number of pairs
of shoes bought for the child during the preceding year, and the amount of pocket money
provided to the adolescent, were included to give a better picture of parental provision or
deprivation.
We studied the impact of the above parameters on children’s mental health status during
childhood and late adolescence. The independent variables derived from the 1990 survey
were examined cross-sectionally and longitudinally, while variables derived from the 2001
survey were only examined cross-sectionally.
At the ages of 7 and 18 years, we used the Rutter A2 parents total, emotional and conduct
scale scores [9] and the Youth Self Report (YSR) total, internalizing and externalizing scale
scores [10, 11], respectively, to determine youths’ mental health status. The sex-specific cut-
off point of about the 98th percentile of the distribution of the symptom scores in the present
sample for the total and subscales scores on the Rutter’s Parent Questionnaire A2 and the
YSR was used to indicate a high level of symptom loading.
A series of logistic regression models was conducted to test the unadjusted and adjusted
odds of scoring above the cut-off point on the problem scales (outcome) for the variables
studied.

FINDINGS
Table 1 shows the characteristics of the study population at both follow-up periods.
At 7 years of age, the odds for scoring above cut-off on the total, emotional and
behavioural problems scales increased with frequent physical punishment. A trend towards
higher scores on the total and behavioural problems scale was found for lack of parental
monitoring. The group of children being offered two pairs of shoes only per year was found
to have a lower likelihood to present total problems at 7 years. In addition, at 7 years of age
socioeconomic indicators, such as single parenting and absence of siblings, were associated
with a higher likelihood for emotional problems (Table 3).
When applying the long-term regression model, often use of physical punishment in pre-
school years predicted behavioral deviation at the age of 18. Being a child of a single parent
family predicted emotional and total problems in late adolescence. On the contrary, the
4 Ippolyti Vassi, Alexandra Veltsista and Chryssa Bakoula

cohabitating with siblings during childhood was protective of behavioral problems at 18 years
(Table 3).
Finally, participants with a higher likelihood to present mental health problems at 18
years were those who lacked or had poor parental monitoring, those who received more
pocket money per week, came from a single parent family, lived in an extended family, and
had a mother with low education (Table 4).

Table 1. Characteristics of the population at the age of 7 and 18 years

1990 (7 years) 2001 (18 years)

N (%) N (%)
Physical punishment
Often 1005 (12.4%) —
Occasionally 4520 (55.7%) —
Never 2586 (31.9%) —
Parental monitoring
Always 1104 (14.1%) 1943 (69.1%)
Sometimes 6326 (80.5%) 729 (25.9%)
Almost never 425 (5.4%) 139 (4.9%)
Extensive offering—shoes
1 150 (1.9%) —
2 1629 (20.7%) —
3 2821 (35.9%) —
4 1991 (25.4%) —
5+ 1262 (16.1%) —
Pocket money
>20€ per week — 1133 (40.3%)
<20€ per week — 1681 (59.7%)
Marital status
Married 7791 (97.2%) 2741 (88.7%)
Single parent family 228 (2.8%) 349 (11.3%)
Maternal education
≤6 years 2837 (35.3%) 1752 (37.7%)
6–12 years 3300 (41.1%) 2011 (43.3%)
>12 years 1899 (23.6%) 881 (19.0%)
Number of siblings
0 800 (9.9%) 158 (5.6%)
1 4986 (61.5%) 1706 (60.8%)
2 1758 (21.7%) 669 (23.9%)
3+ 567 (7.0%) 272 (9.7%)
Living with grandparents
Yes 2188 (27.0%) 499 (17.8%)
No 5923 (73.0%) 2299 (82.2%)
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