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Roman Honor
 Roman Honor
The Fire in the Bones

Carlin A. Barton

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS

Berkeley Los Angeles London
 University of California Press
Berkeley and Los Angeles, California

University of California Press, Ltd.

London, England

©  by the Regents of the University of California

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Barton, Carlin A.
Roman honor: the fire in the bones / Carlin A. Barton.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN --- (cloth: alk. paper).
. Latin literature—History and criticism. . Honor in literature.
. National characteristics, Roman. . Honor—Rome—History.
. Rome—Historiography. I. Title.
PA.H B 
.'—dc -
CIP

Manufactured in the United States of America

         

         

The paper used in this publication is both acid-free and totally chlorine-free. It meets the minimum
requirements of ANSI/NISO Z.- (R ) (Permanence of Paper).A
 For my father,
Roger Webster Barton
The hallowing of Pain
Like hallowing of Heaven
Obtains at a corporeal cost—
—All is the Price of All—
  (1863)
 CONTENTS

 / xi
 / xiii

. Introduction / 

. A Sort of Prelude: The Tao of the Romans / 

PART 1 • THE MOMENT OF TRUTH IN ANCIENT ROME:

HONOR AND EMBODIMENT IN A CONTEST CULTURE / 
. Light and Fire / 

. Stone and Ice: The Remedies of Dishonor / 

PART 2 • CONFESSION AND THE ROMAN SOUL / 

. The Spirit Speaking / 

. Confession and the Remedies of Defeat / 

PART 3 • ON THE WIRE:

THE EXPERIENCE OF SHAME IN ANCIENT ROME / 

. The Poise of Shame / 

. The Poison of Shame—and Its Antidotes / 

. Conclusions: Choosing Life / 

Philosophical Coda: The Sentiment and the Symbol / 

 / 
 / 
 PREFACE
The realm of ideas and symbols will have to be lived closer to the bone.
   1

This book is an attempt to coax Roman history closer to the bone, to the breath
and matter of the living being, to what the young Marx called “immediate sensu-
ous consciousness.”2 It deals with what, for the Romans, was the life that mat-
tered, the life of matter—and the life of matter was honor.
If my previous work concerned the icy mineral opacity of Roman violence
and cruelty, this is a book about the airy white flame that was always, as it were, in
the marrow. And so, in this book, I attempt to give as much attention to the radi-
ant as to the frost-hardened aspects of Roman emotional life.
This book addresses Roman emotional life through its volatile equilibrations,
its daring homeopathic and homeostatic adjustments, its points of stress and
dizziness and collapse, its radical realignments. It deals with a set of patterns of
sentiment and the ways these patterns are inflected or inverted in the course of
Roman history.
With this book, finally, I offer to the broadest audience I can reach the most
complex understanding of the spiritual and emotional life of the ancient Romans
I can articulate. I hope that it will convey to the reader some small part of the joy
and yearning that went into its writing and the love that its author feels for a dead
race.

. The Survivor: An Anatomy of Life in the Death Camps, Oxford, , p. . “Words, as it were, must
return to base” (Godfrey Lienhardt, “Self: Public, Private: Some African Representations,” in The Cat-
egory of the Person: Anthropology, Philosophy, History, ed. Michael Carrithers, Steven Collins, and Steven
Lukes, Cambridge, , pp. ‒.
. “All history is the preparation for ‘man’ to become the object of sensuous consciousness . . . im-
mediate sensuous consciousness” (Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of , in The Marx-Engels Reader,
d ed., ed. Robert C. Tucker, New York, , p. ).

xi
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I extend my warmest thanks to Abel Alves, Joyce Berkman, Mark Bond-Webster,

Daniel Boyarin, Daniel Bridgman, John Higginson, Barbara Kellum, Robert
Knapp, Jim O’Hara, Larry Owens, Gareth Schmeling, Russell Skelton, Patricia
Wright, my department, my reader Kate Cooper, my editors Mary Lamprech
and Kate Toll, and my copyeditor Erika Büky.
I am very greatly indebted to Doris Bargen, Sandra Joshel, Carole Straw, and
Robert Paul Wolff for having read and commented on the whole manuscript—in
Professor Joshel’s case more than once.
Finally, I wish to express the endless gratitude and appreciation I feel for the
man who has been and continues to be for me the greatest model of scholar and
human being whom I know, Erich S. Gruen.

xiii
 CHAPTER ONE

Introduction
The Tarquinii took Brutus with them to Delphi—more as an object of sport than as a
companion. And it is said that Brutus carried with him, as a gift for Apollo, a rod of gold
enclosed within a hollow stick of cornel wood—an image, obliquely, of his own spirit.
 1.56.9 1

Roman culture was without inwardness.

 , DAILY LIFE IN ANCIENT ROME 2

My need to understand the Roman emotions of honor arose from my previous

study of homo in extremis, of humans faced with the inordinate and the impossible.
In studying the ways in which the Romans accommodated themselves to the hor-
rors of civil war, the collapse of the Republic, and the establishment of the autoc-
racy, I was led to the study of what it was that the Romans fought hardest to pre-
serve. What did the Romans think was the core and definition of being? When
everything solid melted into air, what would they cling to? When they fought on
the nakedest possible plane, what did they fight for? What was the spirit that
Livy’s Brutus hid from the tyrannical Tarquins lest it be destroyed?
Even those who are well-disposed toward the ancient Romans, scholars who
have devoted their lives to them, hesitate to grant them a rich and complex inner
emotional life. They have ever been the model men of action flat-footing it on the
stage of world history, strong but seldom soulful. I hope that this book will go at
least part of the way toward creating a sense of the resonant inwardness of Ro-
man life partially hidden from us by the obscurities and obliquities of that life.

WHAT MOVED THE ROMANS

Impulses and emotions explain nothing: they are always results, either of the power of the
body or the impotence of the mind. In both cases they are consequences, never causes.
 -, TOTEMISM
3

Many Roman historians would, perhaps, agree with Lévi-Strauss. But the Ro-
mans understood themselves above all as emotional beings. When the Romans

. Is tum ab Tarquiniis ductus Delphos, ludibrium verius quam comes, aureum baculum inclusum corneo cavato ad
id baculo tulisse donum Apollini dicitur, per ambages effigiem ingenii sui.
. Daily Life in Ancient Rome, Oxford, , p. .
. Totemism, trans. Rodney Needham, Boston, , p. .

1
2 INTRODUCTION

mapped chains of cause and effect, they located the source of movement and ac-
tion in the passions. How, you might ask, is it possible that the robust and practi-
cal Romans built their roads and their empire on the vague and shifting sands of
the emotions? In our world, as the Roman historian Miriam Griffin points out,
“passionate” and “practical” are opposites.4 But it was exactly the Roman love of
action, their libido vivendi, that attuned them to the emotions as the greatest levers,
the motores, of action.5 It was the Romans’ commitment to, their immersion in the
world, that gave the emotions motive and explanatory force. What we, with our
ideal of freedom from the befuddling fumes of passion, might ascribe to politics
or economics, class or gender, the Romans would attribute to fear, desire, shame,
arrogance, ambition, envy, greed, love, or lust. Latin words for emotion (motus,
commotio, affectus, perturbatio) emphasize their dynamic, disturbing force. (Our En-
glish “emotion” comes from Latin emotus, the past participle of emoveo, to move out
or away.) It is as moving forces, motives, the sources of energy and action, that I
treat emotions in this book.
The Romans did not conceive of the emotions as repugnant to reason or cal-
culation, but rather as a way of understanding their engagement in thought.
Here I can do no better than to quote the modern anthropologist Michelle
Rosaldo:

It will make sense to see emotions not as things opposed to thought but as cognitions
implicating the immediate, carnal “me.” . . . Feeling is forever being given shape
through thought and that thought is laden with emotional meaning. . . . What distin-
guishes a “cold” cognition from a “hot” is fundamentally a sense of the engagement
of the actor’s self. Emotions are thoughts somehow “felt” in flushes, pulses, “move-
ments” of our livers, minds, hearts, stomachs, skin. They are embodied thoughts,
thoughts steeped with the apprehension “I am involved.” Thought/affect thus be-
speaks the difference between mere hearing of a child’s cry and a hearing felt—as
when one realizes that danger is involved or that the child is one’s own. . . . Emotions
are about the ways in which the social world is one in which we are involved.6

Characteristic structures and categories of status and gender functioned, of

course, in ancient Rome, but it was the particular emotional constellations in

. “Cynicism and the Romans: Attraction and Repulsion,” in The Cynics, ed. R. Bracht-Branham
and Marie-Odile Goulet-Cazé, Berkeley, , p. .
. The Romans would have agreed with Silvan Tomkins and Carroll Izard that “affects are the
primary motives of man” (“Introduction,” in Affect, Cognition, and Personality, ed. Silvan Tomkins and
Carroll Izard, London, , p. vii). Cf. John Blacking, “Towards an Anthropology of the Body,” in
The Anthropology of the Body, ed. John Blacking, London, , p. .
. “Towards an Anthropology of Self and Feeling,” in Culture Theory: Essays on Mind, Self and Emo-
tion, ed. Richard A. Schweder and Robert A. LeVine, Cambridge, , pp. , .
 INTRODUCTION 3

which these ideas moved that gave them meaning and that constitute the
subject of this book.7 (As for “politics” and “economics,” the Romans simply
did not recognize these as distinct or autonomous spheres of thought or ac-
tion.)8
We may think that our patterns of constructing cause and effect are the
“real,” “underlying,” or “deeper” ones—or at least the controllable ones—and
that if the Romans did not have a political or gender discourse as we have, they
were deluded or obscurantist. Perhaps they could not distinguish the material
basis of life from the vain superstructures of ideology. Or perhaps they were un-
aware of or cynically hiding the stark truths of their power relationships behind
a sophistic and gaseous rhetoric. Or perhaps, in their raw simplicity, they lacked
self-conscious introspection, an adequate vocabulary or a fine understanding.
But the categories of explanation that we find most stable and satisfying, most
“concrete,” had, for that very reason, little motive power for the Romans. We
like to isolate and fix our motives; the Romans liked them to move. Our motives
can be dominated and engineered; those of the Romans were elusive and un-
stable. Europeans, and perhaps even more Americans, believe that human be-

. I use the word “Romans” advisedly. I do not intend it, as a category, to be essentializing or to-
talizing but rather a collective and composite term for a group of people who shared an array of ways
of understanding the world, of making associations and connections, of putting together cause and
effect. It is a way of designating a people with a common mythology and repertoire of stories, images,
words, and metaphors. I use “Romans” without limiting qualifications when I am deliberately empha-
sizing these common elements. When I want to emphasize divisions of the Romans by other classifi-
cations, such as status and gender, I qualify the term “Romans.” As I have created composite “Ro-
mans,” so I have created a convenient and composite “we,” which is based, more than anything, on
the ideas and opinions of myself and all the students I have known and taught over the last thirty
years.
. Following the lead of scholars such as Marcel Mauss, Karl Polanyi, Jan Heesterman, Georges
Gusdorf, Moses Finley, Donald Earl, and Catherine Edwards, I do not separate an “economics” or a
“politics” from the total of social and psychological relationships that formed Roman culture. For
models of treating “the total social phenomenon,” see Marcel Mauss, The Gift: Forms and Functions of
Exchange in Archaic Societies, trans. Ian Cunnison, New York, ; Georges Gusdorf, L’expérience humaine
du sacrifice, Paris, ; Jan Heesterman, The Broken World of Sacrifice: An Essay on Ancient Indian Ritual,
Chicago, . For the treatment of “economics” as “embedded” or “submerged” in social relation-
ships, see Karl Polanyi, “The Place of Economies in Societies” and “The Economy as Instituted
Process,” in Trade and Market in the Early Empires, ed. K. Polanyi et al., Glencoe, Illinois, ,
pp. ‒, and his essays in Primitive, Archaic, and Modern Economies: Essays of Karl Polanyi, ed. George
Dalton, Garden City, New Jersey, . For the inextricability of “politics” or “economics” from the
social and moral life of the Romans, see Donald Earl, The Moral and Political Tradition of Rome, London,
: “The Romans, on the whole, lacked either interest in or capacity for abstract political theorizing.
To the Republican politician politics was a personal and social matter. He therefore thought and ex-
pressed his thought in personal terms and social terms”(p. ); and “The Romans did not distinguish
morality sharply from politics or economics but looked at affairs from a point of view which may be
termed ‘social’ ” (p. ).
4 INTRODUCTION

ings and human societies can be operated on—but only if they hold still long
enough! Only from a stationary point can we move the world. (We are always
looking to “nail down” that point.) Only if our worlds have been fixed can we
fix them. Only if our worlds are constructed can they be deconstructed—or re-
constructed. Concomitantly, because neither the emotions, nor the soul, nor
our selves as public objects or intersubjective formulations are clear and con-
trollable, we reject them as ultimate sources of value and explanation. But the
restless Romans, on account of their elaborate systems of reciprocities, thought
less in terms of synchronic structures than in terms of motion, tension, torsion.
The spirit (animus) and the existence of one’s self as a social object ( fama) were
the airy stuff of the really real for the Romans precisely because they were—like
all great forces of the universe—volatile and fugitive, impossible, finally, to do-
mesticate.9
The result of our lack of attention to, suspicion of, and even contempt for the
fatuous emotions has been that some of the most pervasive aspects of Roman life,
in particular the sentiments of honor, have received only partial and peripheral
treatment from Roman historians. One of my goals, in the following chapters, is
to synthesize many of the existing fine and detailed studies of particular elements
of Roman honor in order to begin to describe a dynamic Roman “physics” of the
emotions.

THE BODY OF EMOTIONS

“O dark, dark, dark, dark, dark, amid the blaze of noon!”

, SAMSON AGONISTES

At the beginning of his introduction to The Nazi Doctors, the social psychologist
Robert Jay Lifton describes an interview he conducted with a dentist who had
survived Auschwitz to settle in Israel. When asked about his experiences in the
death camp, “He looked about the comfortable room of his home with its beauti-
ful view of Haifa, sighed deeply, and said ‘This world is not this world.’ ”10
This world is not this world. We have only the same words to talk about the in-
effable and unspeakable as we do about the mundane. Sometimes the most real, if
it can be expressed at all, can only be expressed through a kind of nonsense. “The
earth seemed unearthly,” declares Conrad’s Marlowe.11
As a historian looking back two thousand years, I have no choice but to study
the Roman emotions of honor through the particular gestures, codes, and

. The Romans, forced to think in our metaphors, would have found themselves not “fixed” but
destitutus, “in a fix.”
. The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide, New York, , p. .
. Heart of Darkness, New York, [] , p. .
 INTRODUCTION 5

categories that reveal those emotions to us. But it is important to me that the
reader know that I know that these emotions were not exhausted by, nor neces-
sarily even contained in, these symbols and symbolic acts. Words and symbols
are like the torches carried by the servants of Seneca through the long prison of
the Naples tunnel. “Nothing could be dimmer,” Seneca declares, “than those
torches, which allow us not to pierce the darkness, but to see it” (Epistulae .).12
By the light of these signs we see the darkness. Without them we see nothing
at all.
The Romans, like the dentist of Haifa, believed that they experienced more
than could be put into words. Virgil speaks of infandi labores, “unspeakable trials”
(Aeneis .), infandus dolor, “unspeakable sorrow” (.), and infandus amor, “love
too deep for words” (.).13 “Light troubles speak,” Seneca tells us, “the weighty
are struck dumb” (Phaedra ).14 “Incredible events,” Pseudo-Quintilian in-
forms us, “cannot be expressed in words; some things are too enormous for the
limitations of human speech” (Declamationes maiores .).15 Livy asserts that
words could not describe the misery of the Romans when they received news of
the disaster at Cannae (..). Pliny fails to find words for the disgrace of the
senate in effusively and slavishly honoring Claudius’s freedman Pallas (Epistulae
..).16 Words do not, of course, quite fail if one can say that they fail, but the
authors hope to evoke in their audience the sensation of feeling overwhelmed.
“The fullness of my voice,” Apuleius’s Lucius proclaims, “is inadequate to ex-
press what I feel about your majesty; a thousand mouths and as many tongues
would not be enough, nor even an endless flow of inexhaustible speech” (Meta-
morphoses .).17 The Romans believed, like the anthropologist John Blacking,
that “many things happen to us for which our society has no labels.”18
There are a number of thinkers who, since Freud, have thought of human cul-
tures as great icebergs, with only the smallest fraction of what is experienced be-

. Nihil illo carcere longius, nihil illis facibus obscurius, quae nobis praestant, non ut per tenebras videamus, sed ut
ipsas.
. Cf. Aeneis ..
. Curae leves locuntur, ingentes stupent.
. non habent incredibilia vocem; quaedam maiora sunt, quam ut capiat modus sermonis humani.
. The scope and magnitude of Caesar’s conquests are such that “it is almost beyond the powers
of the mind or thought of anyone to grasp” (vix cuiusquam mens aut cogitatio capere possit [Cicero, Pro Mar-
cello .]).
. nec mihi vocis ubertas ad dicenda quae de tua maiestate sentio sufficit, nec ora mille linguaeque totidem vel inde-
fessi sermonis aeterna series. “I’m struck with pity and my tongue is stupefied with sorrow” (miseret me,
lacrimis lingua debiliter stupet [Pacuvius , Warmington ed.].) “Deep in her breast burns the silent
wound” (tacitum vivit sub pectore vulnus [Virgil, Aeneis .]).
. “Towards an Anthropology of the Body,” p. .
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