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DE MO C R AC Y ’ S GUA R DI A NS
Democracy’s Guardians
A History of the German Federal Constitutional Court
1951–2001
J US T I N C OL L I NG S
Brigham Young University
1
1
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
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and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
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For Lia
‘… because you are to me the chief woman in the world—the throned lady whose
colours I carry between my heart and my armor.’
—Daniel Deronda
Acknowledgements
This book began as a dissertation submitted to the history department of Yale University.
Perhaps someone, somewhere, sometime has had as fine a dissertation committee as I, but
I rather doubt it. Adam Tooze, my advisor, has been an inexhaustible fount of encourage-
ment, energy, and ideas. For nearly a decade, Bruce Ackerman has been a consummate
teacher and mentor, forever pushing me to do better and to think bigger. Jay Winter is
an exquisite gentleman, a magnificent teacher, and a warm human being—a friend and
guide since my first day of graduate school. Dieter Grimm has been wondrously kind to
an American interloper writing about the Court he once served so ably. All four are giants
in their fields—powerful thinkers, lucid writers, captivating teachers, committed citizens.
They have been models for me as well as mentors. I hope, in my scholarly life, to repay them
by emulation.
This project was interrupted for a year while I worked as a law clerk for the Honorable
Guido Calabresi, another supreme mentor and one of the truly great ones of the earth. My
co-clerks, Farah Peterson and Brian Soucek, blessed me with their wisdom, friendship, and
encouragement. This book, and indeed my whole life, is richer for that experience.
Some of the historical material in Chapter 1 appeared previously in German in an essay
called ‘Gerhard Leibholz und der Status des Bundesverfassungsgerichts. Karriere eines
Berichts und seines Berichterstatters,’ in a collection edited by Anna-Bettina Kaiser and
entitled Der Parteienstaat. Zum Staatsverstӓndnis von Gerhard Leibholz (Nomos 2013).
I thank the Nomos publishing house for permission to reproduce that material here.
I wish to thank the gracious and gifted archivists and librarians of the Staatsbibliothek
zu Berlin, the Bundesarchiv in Koblenz, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Bonn, the
Hans-Seidel-Stiftung in Munich, and the Landesarchiv Baden-Württemberg in Stuttgart.
The Fox International Fellowship, under the aegis of the MacMillan Center at Yale, gener-
ously sponsored my research in Germany during the 2011–12 academic year. I also wish
to thank Frau Marianne Leibholz for permission to examine the personal papers of her
father, Justice Gerhard Leibholz. Galen Fletcher, Kory Staheli, Dianne Davenport, Dennis
Sears, and other librarians at BYU Law School have been skilled and supportive. Adam Ott,
Janet Lawrence, Alexandra Thomas Sandvik, Amy West, and Whitney Nelson provided
invaluable help as I prepared the manuscript for publication. Several colleagues at BYU
read parts of this book and gave helpful feedback. Donald Kommers, the dean of German
constitutional studies, graciously read and responded to the entire manuscript. Mitchel
Lasser, my friend and former teacher, deserves recognition both for inspiring me to become
a comparative constitutionalist and for helping to get this book published.
Alex Flach and Elinor Shields of Oxford University Press have been gracious and helpful
at every step of the publication process. Ambiga Jayakumar and others have done excep-
tional copy-editorial and production work.
My largest thanks go to my family. Our daughters, Julia, Elisabeth, and Katharine,
endured this project patiently from beginning to end. Julia and Eli even put up with a year
in German schools while I did the bulk of the research and writing. Abdiel and Gwyndelin
joined our family while my dissertation was becoming a book. I’ve been asked many times
how I survived law school, graduate school, the job market, and my first year of teaching
with so many small children. In fact, I could never have survived without them. On my
darkest days they gave me a hero’s welcome when I came home. They have stirred my soul
viii Acknowledgements
with their childlike belief that their daddy could do anything—even write the history of the
German Constitutional Court.
I have neither the space nor the power to thank adequately my wife, Lia. I hope my life can
be my gratitude. For now, she will have to settle for the dedication of this book, which, like
its author, would be nothing at all without her.
Contents
Table of Cases xi
Prologue: The View from 1949 xv
Introduction xxix
1. Consolidation, 1951–1959 1
Introduction 1
I. Institutional Independence 5
II. Judicial Politics 14
III. Judicial Supremacy and the Politics of the Past 28
IV. Militant Democracy and Its Discontents 38
V. The Quiet Birth of Fundamental Rights 49
Conclusion 61
2. Confidence, 1959–1971 63
Introduction 63
I. Adenauer’s Last Stand 67
II. The Party State 80
III. The State of Exception 98
Conclusion 103
F E DE R A L C ONST I T U T IONA L C OU RT
1 BVerfGE 1 (1951). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . 5
1 BVerfGE 14 (1951) (Southwest State). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . 5, 33
1 BVerfGE 117 (1952). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246
1 BVerfGE 167 (1952). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . 31
1 BVerfGE 208 (1952) (7.5% hurdle) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . 92
1 BVerfGE 351 (1951) (Petersberg Treaty) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . 15
1 BVerfGE 372 (1951) (German-French Economic Agreement). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . 15
1 BVerfGE 396 (1952) (Germany Treaty). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . 15
2 BVerfGE 1 (1952) (SRP Party Ban). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25, 38–40, 92
2 BVerfGE 79 (1952) (EDC Advisory Opinion I) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
2 BVerfGE 105 (1952) (EDC Advisory Opinion II). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
2 BVerfGE 143 (1953) (European Defence Treaty). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . 23
2 BVerfGE 237 (1953). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . 31
2 BVerfGE 347 (1953). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ 27
3 BVerfGE 58 (1953) (Civil Servants) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . 29–38, 147, 235
3 BVerfGE 225 (1953) (Gender Equality I). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . 52, 54, 255
4 BVerfGE 27 (1954). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . 92
4 BVerfGE 144 (1955). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ 162
4 BVerfGE 157 (1955) (Saar Statute) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . 27
4 BVerfGE 358 (1955). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ 34
5 BVerfGE 85 (1956) (Communist Party Ban). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . 43, 54, 92
6 BVerfGE 32 (1957) (Elfes) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . xxxii, 50, 54, 62
6 BVerfGE 55 (1957). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57, 153
6 BVerfGE 84 (1957). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
6 BVerfGE 222 (1957) (Gestapo) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . 37
6 BVerfGE 290 (1957) (Washington Agreement). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
6 BVerfGE 367 (1957) (Reich Concordat). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . 92
6 BVerfGE 389 (1956) (Homosexuals) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51, 53, 122
7 BVerfGE 198 (1958) (Lüth) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxxii, 54–61, 62–64, 87, 126, 209, 272
7 BVerfGE 377 (1958) (Pharmacy). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . 60
8 BVerfGE 51 1. (1958) (Party Finance I). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91, 94
8 BVerfGE 104 (1958) (Atomic Plebiscite I). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
8 BVerfGE 122 (1958) (Atomic Plebiscite II). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
10 BVerfGE 59 (1959) (Gender Equality II). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53, 255
10 BVerfGE 118 (1959). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
11 BVerfGE 239 (1960). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
12 BVerfGE 36 (1960) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ 71
12 BVerfGE 205 (1961) (Television I). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68–80, 85, 103, 106–107, 122 n69, 157, 170, 183, 287
12 BVerfGE 276 1. (1961). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . 92, 94
17 BVerfGE 337 (1964). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
18 BVerfGE 34 (1964) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
20 BVerfGE 9 (1966) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ 93
20 BVerfGE 56 (1966) (Party Finance II A). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . 90–98, 106, 140, 168
20 BVerfGE 119 (1966) (Party Finance II B). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .90–98
20 BVerfGE 134 (1966) (Party Finance II C). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90–98
xii Table of Cases
FE DE R A L C OU RT OF J UST ICE
1 BGHZ 274 (1951). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30, 54
10 BGHZ 266 (1953). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . 52
13 BGHZ 265 (1954). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33–34, 36
14 BGHZ 138 (1954). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . 30
U N I T E D STAT E S SU PR E M E C OU RT
Marbury v Madison, 5 US 137 (1803) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . 1, 51
Brown v Board of Education, 347 US 483 (1954). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . 264
West Coast Hotel v Parish, 300 US 379 (1937). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
Roe v Wade, 410 US 113 (1973). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . 152 n267
Texas v Johnson, 491 US 397 (1989). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .å°“ . . . . . 257
Prologue
The View from 1949
My ladies and gentlemen! What exactly is the aim of the work which we have under-
taken here? What does ‘Parliamentary Council’ mean? What does ‘Basic Law’ mean?
When in a sovereign state the People summons a constitution-giving national assem-
bly, its commission is clear and need not be discussed further: It has a constitution to
craft…. If we were to work under such conditions, we wouldn’t need to ask the ques-
tion, ‘What exactly are we about?’
—Carlo Schmid (1948)1
[T]he Basic Law was fortunate, not only in the circumstances that attended its inau-
guration, but also in the preconditions of its genesis. What? I hear someone say: a
defeated, decimated, and ruined land, divided in four by foreign powers, morally
and physically desolated; a hungry and freezing populace, millions of homeless refu-
gees and expellees, everyone occupied with bare survival; a people from whom every
thought of political engagement had been beaten out—these are felicitous precondi-
tions for the formation of a democratic constitution? Now, no one would maintain
that the Germans of 1948/1949 were happy. They were as unhappy as it is possible to
be. But precisely the deepest misfortune can be the most felicitous precondition for a
new beginning.
—Sebastian Haffner (1976)2
I. De Profundis
A spectre haunted the Council’s deliberations—the spectre of the collapse of the Weimar
Republic. The Parliamentary Council had convened on 1 September 1948 in the stately
Koenig Museum in Bonn. Its purpose was to craft an interim constitution for Germany’s
Western occupation zone. The Council consisted of seventy delegates, appointed by
Germany’s Western states, roughly one delegate for every 750,000 citizens.3 The Council,
which included four women, was dominated by jurists and civil servants. Several del-
egates had suffered greatly during the Nazi era—some lost jobs, some fled abroad, five
were interned in concentration camps. A handful enjoyed successful or influential careers
during the Third Reich. Few delegates were young; their average age was fifty-six. Nearly
all had come of political age before or during the Weimar era. They were haunted by the
Weimar Republic’s failure; tormented by the calamities and atrocities that followed. The
Weimar constitution, with its putatively fatal and fateful flaws, was the demon that drove
the Council’s deliberations.4
1 ‘Speech of Delegate Carlo Schmid to the Parliamentary Council, 8 September 1948’ in Parlamentarischer
Rat. Stenographische Berichte über die Plenarsitzung (Bonner Universitäts-Druckerei 1948/1949) 70.
2 Sebastian Haffner, ‘Der Erfolg des Grundgesetzes’ in Sebastian Haffner, Im Schatten der Geschichte.
The Council was not a constitutional convention or constituent assembly in any tradi-
tional sense. It was convened, not at the behest of the German people but at the command
of their allied occupiers. Its members were chosen, not by popular election but through
appointment by the parliaments of the several states—states that had been reconstituted
shortly after the War. The constitution the Council promulgated on 23 May 1949 was never
submitted for popular ratification of any kind.
It was a constitution, moreover, that dared not speak the name. As one writer has
observed, the very designation ‘constitution’ (Verfassung) struck the delegates as ‘too lofty,
too solemn, too definitive’ for the document they produced.5 Instead, the Council chris-
tened its handiwork a ‘Fundamental Law’ or, as we shall call it in this work, a ‘Basic Law’
(Grundgesetz), one that by the terms of its own preamble was preliminary, provisional,
transitional, and temporary.6 The Basic Law, the preamble declared, would apply dur-
ing a ‘transitional period’ (Übergangszeit) until the ‘entire German people’ could, ‘in free
self-determination, complete the unity and freedom of Germany’.7 The point was repeated,
emphatically, in the Basic Law’s final provision. ‘This Basic Law’, Article 146 stipulated,
‘shall cease to apply on the day when a constitution [Verfassung] established by free choice
of the German people enters force’.8
But for all the disclaimers, the Basic Law read, in substance and in style, like a full-fledged
constitution. The preamble spoke of ‘the German people’ acting with a ‘consciousness of its
responsibility before God and men’ and ‘by virtue of its constitution-giving authority’. It
was a provisional constitution, perhaps, but it was a constitution all the same, complete with
a catalogue of fundamental rights and a thorough allocation of powers between branches
and levels of government.
The Basic Law both created a West German state and confirmed the division of Germany.
There was little doubt that, once the Western Allied powers—Britain, France, and the
United States—had overseen the creation of a new state in the Western occupation zone, the
Soviet Union would follow suit in the East. Western and Soviet policy concerning Germany
had long been on a collision course. The ‘German Question’ became the first concrete con-
troversy of an incipient Cold War.
Only forty months separated the convening of the Parliamentary Council from the sub-
terranean suicide of Adolf Hitler and the subsequent surrender of the German Reich. As
early as January 1943, in Casablanca, the Allies had resolved to press relentlessly for uncon-
ditional surrender. And this, in fact, is what they achieved. Hitler himself had wished it
so. Already in the mid-1920s he had written in Mein Kampf that it was Germany’s destiny
to become ‘either World Power or nothing at all’.9 Alles oder nichts—all or nothing—had
been the Führer’s mantra. When Germany’s bid for world conquest failed, national dissolu-
tion was, in Hitler’s view, the natural consequence. In his final hours, Hitler raged that the
German people had proven unworthy of him—unworthy even of survival. The Germany
people had ‘proven themselves the weaker’, and should share, Hitler thought, in his own
Gӧtterdӓmmerung.10
Germany’s allied conquerors—with several caveats and without the frenzied prism of
Hitler’s radical, Manichean cosmic Darwinism—agreed. ‘Germany’, observed General
Charles de Gaulle, ‘driven to fanaticism by its dream of mastery, so conducted the war
5 Christoph Schӧnberger, ‘Anmerkungen zu Karlsruhe’ in Matthias Jestaedt and others, Das Entgrenzte
Gericht. Eine kritische Bilanz nach sechzig Jahre Bundesverfassungsgericht (Suhrkamp 2011) 11.
6 Throughout this book, references to specific articles of the Basic Law will use the abbreviation ‘GG’ for
Grungesetz—i.e. ‘Article 3(1) GG’ refers to Article 3, section 1 of the Basic Law.
7 Preamble, GG. 8 Article 146 GG. 9 Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, 37th edn (Eher 1933) 742.
10 In Albert Speer, Erinnerungen (Ullstein 1969) 446.
Prologue xvii
that the contest became—materially, politically, and morally—a total conquest. The victory
must therefore be a total victory. This has occurred. With regard to state, power, and doc-
trine, the German Reich is destroyed’.11 Unconditional surrender gave the Allies the right to
reorganize the German state. As one German historian has written, ‘Germany had become
the plaything [Spielball] of the Allies’.12
On the question what to do with this plaything, the Allies were deeply divided, and
grew more divided as time went on. All agreed, however, that Germany must be pun-
ished. Germany was responsible—and, in Europe, solely responsible—for the bloodiest
conflict in world history, a war that had killed some sixty-six million people. More than
five million Germans had died, including 500,000 civilians. But there could be no ques-
tion that the Germans were more sinning than sinned against—worlds without end, more
sinning. Germany had murdered more Jews than it had lost soldiers. It became clearer
with each Allied ‘liberation’ of a German concentration camp that the German state had
commanded—and individual Germans had committed—crimes of horrific, sickening,
and unprecedented scope. But even before this became obviously known, the Allies were
resolved that Germany should pay for the cost of the War in treasure and blood. The Allies
were resolved that any recurrence of expansionist German aggression should be rendered
forever impossible. At the Tehran Conference in the final weeks of 1943, the Allied ‘Big
Three’—Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin—agreed that after the War Germany must be
stripped of all capacity to train soldiers or produce armaments. It should have no military
capabilities at all. Roosevelt thought the word ‘Reich’ should be stripped from the German
language.13
At War’s end it was clear that the peace would be Carthaginian. The Germans must beat
their swords into ploughshares—literally, some thought. Henry Morgenthau, the American
treasury secretary, advocated the wholesale de-industrialization of Germany—its sweep-
ing reconversion into an agricultural land.14 This was impracticable, as other Allied
leaders realized. Germany was too densely populated and too urban to return to some
pre-industrial bucolic idyll. What’s more, the Allies feared the political consequences of
avulsive economic disruption. They remembered the radicalization that flourished in the
instability that followed the previous War. Still, they were resolved to treat the Germans
roughly. The American military governor received orders to exercise uncompromising
severity. Germany’s Eastern borders were rolled back—a move that forced the westward
flight of millions of German nationals—and its reduced territory divided into four occu-
pation zones, each to be overseen by one of the victorious Allies. The Allies’ occupation
policy was to be guided by four ‘D’s’: demilitarization, denazification, decentralization, and
democratization.
Of these, denazification was the most controversial and the most unevenly applied.15
Implementation by the Americans was in some respects the most militant. In early 1947, the
11 Charles de Gaulle, Discours de Guerre (Mai 1944—September 1945), vol 3 (Egloff 1945) 214.
12 Manfred Gӧrtemaker, Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (CH Beck 1999) 19.
13 See Keith Sainsbury, The Turning Point: Roosevelt, Stalin, Churchill, and Chiang-Kai-Shek, 1943: The
Moscow, Cairo, and Teheran Conferences (Oxford University Press 1986); Keith Eubank, Summit at Teheran
(William Morrow & Co. 1985).
14 See John Dietrich, The Morgenthau Plan: Soviet Influence on American Postwar Diplomacy, 2nd edn (Algora
Publishing 2013) 4.
15 For recent general accounts of denazification, see Francis Graham-Dixon, The Allied Occupation of
Germany: The Refugee Crisis, Denazification, and the Path to Reconstruction (IB Tauris 2013); Fred Taylor,
Exorcising Hitler: The Occupation and Denazification of Germany (Bloomsbury Press 2011). On denazification
in the Eastern Occupation Zone, see Timothy Vogt, Denazification in Soviet-Occupied Germany: Brandenburg,
1945–1948 (Harvard University Press 2000).
xviii Prologue
former American president, Herbert Hoover, reported to the sitting American president,
Harry S. Truman, that in the American and British occupation zones some 90,000 for-
mer Nazis were held in internment camps (Hoover called them ‘concentration camps’) and
1,900,000 others were under sanctions by which they were allowed to engage only in manual
labour.16 Denazification in the Western zone would end only in February 1950, two years
later than in the Soviet zone. By then, millions of Germans had filled out questionnaires
regarding their activities during the Nazi era and their views concerning Nazi ideology.
Thousands were required to view grisly footage of the liberated death camps. The process
was bitterly resented by the German populace. Its educative impact was hotly contested.
Denazification coincided with the spectacular trials of German leaders and Nazi opera-
tives for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Of these the most sensational were the
trials held in Nuremberg between November 1945 and October 1946. The trials were con-
ducted by extraordinary courts. The criminal jurisdiction of ordinary German courts was
limited to simple crimes perpetrated by Germans against Germans (or against stateless
persons). German courts would acquire jurisdiction over alleged Nazi crimes only in 1955.17
In 1946, the philosopher Karl Jaspers published The Question of German Guilt, a seminal
essay in which he probed the problem of Germans’ culpability for Nazi crimes.18 Jaspers dis-
tinguished between criminal guilt, which involved breaking positive law and was punished
by the courts; moral guilt, which involved personal failure to meet moral duties and must
be processed by each individual; political guilt, which implicated citizens in the crimes of
a murderous regime and was being dealt with by the War’s victors; and metaphysical guilt,
which involved ruptures in the basic solidarity of human interaction and could be judged
only by God.19 Jaspers’ taxonomy would exert enormous influence on subsequent efforts
to come to terms with the German past.20 But its nuances would have been lost on the vast
majority of Jaspers’ immediate contemporaries, even if they had taken the time to read his
essay. Most Germans in the immediate postwar era were more concerned with provisions
than with penance, in more desperate search of food and fuel than of pardon and absolution.
Life in the occupation zones was grim. Allied bombing campaigns had wrought massive
destruction of dwellings. An epidemic of homelessness was compounded by the arrival
of thousands of ‘displaced persons’ from the East. Millions of Germans were living in the
War’s residual rubble, waging a daily battle against hunger and cold. Not until 1948 would
the average German in the Western zone reach the daily caloric intake requirements set
forth by the League of Nations in 1936.21 Malnutrition and under-nutrition heightened the
risk of the spread of disease. Existence was particularly precarious for refugees and expel-
lees from the East. To many observers it seemed a kind of divine visitation on a nation that
had ground countless slave labourers to death by starvation and famine, and that had sys-
tematically murdered millions of political dissidents, homosexuals, Roma, and Jews.
Some observers feared that these bleak conditions would foment radicalization. But for
most the battle for bare subsistence rendered all ideologies superfluous.22 In any case, Allied
officials and soldiers were on hand to nip signs of nascent radicalism in the bud.
16 Herbert Hoover, The President’s Economic Mission to Germany and Austria: Report no. 1—German
2000) 27–29.
21 Gӧrtemaker (n 12) 29. 22 ibid 30.
Prologue xix
Under these circumstances, it is hardly surprising that there was little popular politi-
cal engagement during the founding moments of postwar West German politics. It was
not a season of rebirth, but a time for old hands to collect shattered fragments. Several
new parties formed in the early postwar months, nearly all of them led by Weimar veter-
ans. The Christian Democratic Union (CDU) was founded 17 June 1945 in Cologne on the
‘unshakable foundation of Christianity and Western [abendlӓndisch] culture’.23 Among the
party’s founders was Cologne’s sixty-nine-year-old mayor, Konrad Adenauer. The German
People’s Party (DVP) formed three months later under the leadership of Reinhold Maier
(age fifty-six) and Theodor Heuss (age sixty-one). Thomas Dehler, who helped found the lib-
eral Free Democratic Party in December, was a comparatively youthful forty-eight. Almost
immediately after the War, the Leftist Social Democratic Party (SPD) reemerged from its
Nazi-era ban under the direction of Kurt Schumacher, who had been interned during the
War in various concentration camps.
The creation or reestablishment of political parties coincided with the reorganization,
shortly after the War, of the individual West German states (Lӓnder). It was for influence
within these reorganized states that the parties first contended. The contending factions
sought control of municipal councils and state parliaments. In time, however, events
prompted the Western occupying powers to call for the creation of a West German state.
At that point the parties became national; they vied for influence—but also collaborated as
statesmen—in the shaping of a new nation.
The critical year was 1948. In March, discussions among the four Allied powers regard-
ing a common currency reform failed definitively. Nazi policies for financing the War had
ruined the Mark irrevocably, but as yet the Mark had no replacement. The principal coin
of the realm in the immediate postwar era was the cigarette. In July, failure among the four
Allies to unite on the currency question led the Western Allies to introduce a new currency,
the Deutsch-Mark, within the Western occupation zone. Efforts to extend the new currency
to West Berlin provoked a Soviet blockade—and a prolonged crisis in Berlin.
The Soviet gambit backfired. It fostered solidarity among the Western powers and
forged, among West Germans, an emotional bond with West Berlin. Berlin became a sym-
bol of Western resilience in the face of Soviet aggression. The instantly famous ‘airlift’ by
which the Western powers—primarily the United States—provisioned the Western half of
Germany’s fallen capital was a logistical miracle and symbolic triumph. Between June 1948
and May 1949 more than 270,000 flights delivered more than 1.8 million tons of goods at a
cost of more than $200 million. In Germany’s Western zone, the drama helped reconcile the
victors and vanquished of the recent War.24
23╇‘Kӧlner Leitsӓtze’ in Ossip K. Flechtheim (ed), Dokumente zur parteipolitischen Entwicklung in Deutschland
Young Men: The Heroism and Triumph of the Berlin Airlift, June 1948–May 1949 (Simon & Schuster 2010); Roger
G. Miller, To Save a City: The Berlin Airlift, 1948-1949 (Texas A&M University Press 2000).
Another Random Document on
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