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Multiracial Identity and Racial
Politics in the United States
 Multiracial Identity
and Racial Politics in the
United States

Natalie Masuoka

3
3
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.

© Oxford University Press 2017

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction
rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

CIP data is on file at the Library of Congress

ISBN 978–0–19–065746–8 (hbk.); 978–0–19–065747–5 (pbk.)

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Paperback printed by WebCom, Inc., Canada
Hardback printed by Bridgeport National Bindery, Inc., United States of America
CONTENTS

List of Tables and Figures vii

Acknowledgements xi

1 Identity Choice: Changing Practices of Race and

Multiracial Identification 1

2 Exclusive Categories: Historical Formation of Racial

Classification in the United States 20

3 Advocating for Choice: Political Views of Multiracial

Activists 52

4 Declaring Race: Understanding the Opportunities

to Self-​Identify as Multiracial 75

5 Implications of Racial Identity: Comparing

Monoracial and Multiracial Political Attitudes 112

6 In the Eye of the Beholder: American Perceptions of

Obama’s Race 143

Conclusion. Multiracial and Beyond: Racial
Formation in the Twenty-​First Century 169

Appendices 187
Notes 213
References 231
Index 249
TABLES AND FIGURES

Tables

4.1 Relationship between the Parental Ancestry and

Self as Mixed Race Measures 84
4.2 Differentiating Three Forms of Racial Identity 88
4.3 Relationship between the Parental Ancestry and
Self as Mixed Race Measures, Disaggregated by Race 92
4.4 Relationship between the Mark One or More and
Self as Mixed Race Measures 95
4.5 Reporting as Multiracial (Rather Than Monoracial) among Those Who
Acknowledge Being Mixed Race 97
4.6 Acknowledging Being Mixed Race but Reporting
Being Monoracial 99
5.1 Mean Scores on Perception of Racial Discrimination: Comparing
Multiracial and Monoracial Groups 125
5.2 Mean Scores on Public Policy Items: Comparing Multiracial and
Monoracial Groups 127
5.3 Summary Table of Results: Comparing Multiracial and
Monoracial Groups 128
5.4 Mean Scores on Discrimination Items: Comparisons across
Racial Background 131
5.5 Mean Scores on Politics and Policy Items: Comparisons across Racial
Background 133
5.6 Summary Table of Results: Does Race Matter? 135
6.1 Perceptions of Obama’s Race in 2012 151
6.2 Mean Scores on Evaluations of President in 2009 160
6.3 Mean Scores on Evaluations of the President, Taking into Account
Party Identification in 2009 162
6.4 Mean Scores on Evaluations of President by Race of Respondent and
Perceptions of Obama’s Race in 2012 163
A.1 Characteristics of Interview Subjects 187
B.1 Sample Demographics 195
B.2 Responses to Follow-​Up Question to Mixed-​Race
Background Question 196
B.3 Cross Tabulation of Parental Ancestry Questions
by Parents’ Race 196
C.1 Sample Demographics 199
D.1 Sample Demographics 202
D.2 Factors Predicting Perceptions of Obama’s Race, 2009 Pew 203
D.3 Evaluation of President by Perceptions of Obama’s Race and
Partisanship, White and Latino Respondents Only, 2009 206
E.1 Sample Demographics 209
E.2 Factors Predicting Perceptions of Obama’s Race as Black,
EGSS 2012 210
E.3 Evaluation of President by Perceptions of Obama’s Race and
Partisanship, White and Latino Respondents Only, 2012 211

Figures

4.1 Racial Combinations of the Two-​or-​More-​Races Population,

Census 2012 103
4.2 Share of Each Racial/​Ethnic Group That Declared Itself to Be
of Two or More Races, Census 2012 104
4.3 Comparing Educational Attainment across Monoracial and Selected
Multiple-​Race Groups 107
4.4 Comparing Median Family Income across Monoracial
and Selected Multiple-​Race Groups 108
5.1 Conceptual Placement of Monoracial Groups on
Attitudinal Scale 122
5.2 Racial Resentment Scores for Multiracial and
Monoracial Groups 124
5.3 Party Identification of Multiracial and Monoracial Groups 126
5.4 Perception of “a Lot” of Discrimination against Multiracial
Individuals: Comparisons by Racial Background 138

viii | Tables and Figures

5.5 Perception That Multiracial Children Face More Problems Than Single-​
Race Children: Attitudes by Racial Background 139
6.1 Perceptions of Obama’s Race in 2009 150
6.2 Asian American Perceptions of Obama’s Race in 2012 152
6.3 White Respondents’ Mean Thermometer Ratings
of Obama in 2012 164
6.4 White Respondents’ Belief That Obama is Muslim in 2012 165

Tables and Figures | ix

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

T his book is the product of many conversations, arguments, events and

experiences I encountered since first enrolling as a graduate student.
The general topic of multiracial identity started first as a course paper
on comparing political attitudes across racial groups that later turned into
a dissertation focusing on the opinions of multiracial Americans. But as
I began publicly presenting this research, I received such a wide variation
of questions and challenges that it was clear there was something more
complex about multiracial identification that couldn’t be limited to a focus
of the unique attitudes a specific group. Slowly, I began to use multiracial
identity more as a case to understand racial formation more broadly and so
this book, in many, ways reflects this journey.
But beyond the intellectual, this book holds just as much, if not more,
personal satisfaction because it is the product of the long process I went
through learning how to write a book. More importantly, I look at this book
and see how many very special friendships that I have developed because
there have been so many generous and thoughtful people who each helped
me wade through what oftentimes was a frustrating writing process.
I was able to initially start research on multiracial individuals because
Janelle Wong generously took the time to talk to a random graduate student
about available data sources and Katherine Tate saw the scholarly poten-
tial of multiracial politics. My dissertation committee, Bernie Grofman,
Louis DeSipio and Russ Dalton helped steer the initial project, some of
which can still be seen in the pages of this final manuscript.
 Behind every scholar, there is a special mentor who helped to nur-
ture intellectual talent. I was able to write the book I wanted to write
because Jane Junn has been a wonderful friend, mentor and role model.
Jane’s encouragement helped me survive graduate school and the ten-
ure process. I also took the much needed detour to write The Politics
of Belonging with her which firmly imprinted the scholarly style that is
reflected in this book.
I also thank the many people who have offered insights along the
way: Marisa Abrajano, Matt Barreto, Jeff Berry, Niambi Carter, Dennis
Chong, Jamie Druckman, Dorothy Fujita-​ Rony, Lisa Garcia Bedolla,
Christian Greer, Kerry Haynie, Rodney Hero, Vince Hutchings, Alisa
Kessel, Jennifer Lee, Taeku Lee, Pei-​te Lien, Paula McClain, David Meyer,
Charlie Morgan, Carrie Nordlund, Stephen Nuno, Saba Ozyurt, Nimah
Mazaheri, Catherine Paden, Chris Parker, Efren Perez, Mark Petracca,
Karthick Ramakrishnan, Ricardo Ramirez, Kathy Rim, Reuel Rogers,
Gabe Sanchez, Debbie Schildkraut, Ron Schmidt, Willie Schonfeld,
Becki Scola, Gary Segura, Christ Stout, Dara Strolovitch, Linda Tickle-​
Degnen, Carole Uhlaner, Alix Van Sickle, Candis Watts-​Smith and Kim
Williams. Thank you as well to the many departments who invited me to
present sections of this book: MIT, University of Michigan, University of
Nebraska-​Lincoln, University of North Carolina-​Chapel Hill, Northeastern
University, Northwestern University, University of Washington-​Seattle
and Tisch College at Tufts.
Thank you to all of the multiracial activists who took out time to tell
me about their political efforts and personal stories and who made Chapter
3 of the book possible. Although you remain anonymous in the text,
I hope you find that the presentation of your interviews offers readers new
insights into the multiracial activism. Thanks to Hester Cheng for her help
transcribing all of these interviews.
At the Oxford University Press, I thank my editor, Dave McBride, for
seeing very early on that there was potential in this project. When this
book was ready for publication, he offered a supportive environment as
I finalized the text of the manuscript. Additional thanks to Katie Weaver
and the rest of the Oxford University Press team for their help throughout
the publication process. I was lucky to receive feedback from three gener-
ous reviewers who offered a thorough read of the manuscript and offered a
number of useful suggestions for improvement. The book is a better prod-
uct thanks to their feedback.

xii | Acknowledgements
 Of course, my final thanks goes to my family. My parents, the Tygh
family and the extended LA-​based Masuoka family have long been the
cheerleaders of my life who have offered support and words of encour-
agement (and many times a bed to sleep on). This book is dedicated to
Gordon, who has been the perfect partner and is the one who is always
there to push me to stay positive through life’s many challenges.

Acknowledgements | xiii
 1 Identity Choice
Changing Practices of Race and
Multiracial Identification

I
n 2000, the US Census Bureau made a small change to the wording of
its racial identification question. Question number 6 on the census form
asked: “What is this person’s race? Mark one or more races to indicate
what this person considers himself/​herself to be.” The directions mark one
or more replaced the words “fill one circle for the race” that had been used
in the prior census.1 When census data were released, officials found that
more than 6.8 million Americans, or 2.4% of the population, opted to check
multiple races. This mark-​one-​or-​more option on the racial identification
question was again employed in the 2010 census. Reports show that, over
this decade, the number of Americans who checked multiple races grew
by over 30%: to slightly over 9 million, or 2.9% of the population. These
statistics suggest that the population who identifies with two or more racial
categories, or what will be referred to in this book as multiracial, is growing
faster than those who identify as either (only) white or (only) black.
Reports such as these offer a sense that the multiracial population is
a new demographic subpopulation in the United States. Today, the fed-
eral government distinguishes those who checked multiple races as a sep-
arate racial group and labels them the “two or more races population.”
Statistical tables distributed by the Census Bureau that present data on the
racial diversity of the country include the two-​or-​more-​races population as
a unique group alongside the categories of “white,” “black,” and “Asian.”
Rising rates of interracial marriage combined with documented popula-
tions of individuals who report to be multiple races lead many to equate
multiracial individuals with other new populations such as immigrants.
In the mainstream media, multiracial Americans are framed as having
their own lifestyles, challenges, and characteristics. For example, start-
ing in February 2011, the New York Times began running a regular series
called “Race Remixed” that primarily highlighted the unique challenges
of young adults who identify as multiracial. USA Today’s website also
features a section on race and the Census that includes stories such as
“Multiracial No Longer Boxed in by the Census”2 and “Attitudes toward
Multiracial Americans Evolving.”3
Yet, while some herald the rise of multiracial identity as a new advance
in society, the fact is that racial mixing is an enduring feature in the United
States. Marriage between partners of two different racial groups has indeed
been outlawed for most of American history, but intimate interracial rela-
tionships have existed since the first settlers arrived to the Americas in the
sixteenth century.4 The notion that different racial, ethnic, or other ances-
tral peoples did not reproduce across group lines does not square with
demographic evidence: demographic simulations estimate that all human
beings alive today likely share a common ancestor (Rhode et al. 2004).
Moreover, Anthony Perez and Charles Hirschman (2009) report that most
native-​born Americans have ancestors from different parts of the world.
F. James Davis (1991) estimates that at least 70% of African Americans
are of mixed racial background. Moreover, colonization and other migra-
tion patterns lead to the interracial mixture of immigrants even before they
arrive to the United States. Take, for example, today’s Latino immigrant
population. Latinos represent descendants of those Europeans, Asians, and
Africans who intermingled with the indigenous peoples in the Americas
(Menchaca 2001; Rodriguez 2000). Thus, the contention that multiracial
Americans today represent a new demographic development often fails
to acknowledge the complex history of interracial interactions that have
occurred inside and outside the United States.
It is indeed true that interracial marriage rates in the United States are
rising and that the children of these marriages is a growing population in
the country. (Wang 2012). However, the typical emphasis on the novelty
of interracial mixing in this country does not fully capture the true signif-
icance of what today’s multiracial population reflects about race relations
in twenty-​first-​century America. These views take an ahistorical approach
to understanding race relations because they focus only on the current cir-
cumstances rather than considering how past practices and long-​standing
institutions influence those relationships documented in today’s society.
These typical approaches thus deflect our attention from the more impor-
tant lessons and insights that we can and should draw from the documenta-
tion of a multiracial population in today’s society. Multiracial individuals

2 | Multiracial Identity and Racial Politics in the United States

show us that our norms surrounding race and racial classification are
indeed changing, but that the implications are more complex and nuanced
than what is commonly discussed.
This book advocates for a new conceptual approach for understanding
the significance of today’s multiracial population. I argue that we can doc-
ument a sizable multiracial population today for two reasons: there exist
institutional opportunities to assert a multiracial identity, and there are
some Americans who choose to take advantage of this opportunity. Those
who self-​identify as multiracial are not the only Americans who are of
mixed racial heritage; rather, they represent individuals who choose to
designate themselves as such. In contrast, there are many Americans who
are clearly aware of the fact that they have ancestors of different racial
backgrounds but who choose not to self-​identify as multiracial. These
individuals follow the more long-​standing American norm of racial clas-
sification by identifying with (only) one of the established racial catego-
ries, such as “white,” “black,” or “Asian.” Therefore, what an officially
extant multiracial population really demonstrates is a growing flexibility
in how Americans understand and choose to describe their race. Just as
importantly, Americans are growing more tolerant and accepting of this
identity flexibility. Although the majority of Americans identify with only
one established racial category, we have seen no major public rejection of
those individuals who choose to claim a multiracial identity.
When viewing the multiracial population through this lens, what
becomes clear is that there is a growing tension between the perceived
roles of assigned classification and identification in how Americans
understand the application of race. Since the advances of the civil rights
movement of the 1950s and 1960s, a subtle but important shift has devel-
oped, from viewing race as a characteristic that is primarily the product
of social assignment (classification) to one that reflects a person’s sense
of self (identification). As a result, race is increasingly seen as a marker
of personal identity, which has cultivated the belief that individual agency
and choice should determine how one is to be racially identified. In this
context, we find more individuals asserting their own racial identity or
preferred identity label, resulting in increased public visibility of mul-
tiracial identities. Yet conceptualizing race as identity is a distinct con-
trast to the norm of the early twentieth century, when individuals were
assigned a racial category based on existing social rules. In particular, the
socially established rule of hypodescent, also commonly referred to as the
“one-​drop rule,” dictated that a person with a nonwhite ancestor would
be assigned to the relevant nonwhite category and never as white (Davis

Identity Choice | 3
1991). In many ways, those Americans who use one established racial
identity to describe themselves rely on historic racial norms to define
their relevant assignment into a racial group and embrace an identity that
matches that racial classification.
Because it is argued that those who self-​identify as multiracial do not
follow historic social norms and instead assert their preferred multiracial
identity, these individuals most clearly demonstrate what will be called in
this book identity choice, or the expression of race as a reflection of personal
identity. But self-​identified multiracial individuals are not the only individu-
als today who practice identity choice. Americans who identify with only
one established racial category have also, in many ways, made a choice to
express a particular racial identity. However, for multiracial individuals, their
decision to express race as a hybrid is in distinct contrast to historic practices
and represents a new and modern form of racial identity. Moreover, identify-
ing as multiracial is a behavior that social scientists are increasingly able to
document and systematically analyze because of the way we collect data on
race today. For this reason, multiracial identities will be the key case used to
understand the formation and implications of identity choice.
This book proposes and develops a distinctive approach to understand-
ing and interpreting the empirical findings presented in the forthcoming
chapters. Readers should understand “multiracial” as a form of self-​
identification that individuals assert when there exist opportunities to do
so. Therefore, rather than accept an individual’s race as a given fact, this
approach to the term encourages readers to instead question why some
choose to identify as multiracial while others adopt an identity attached
to (only) one established racial category, in particular white, black,
Asian American, or Latino.5 This approach emphasizes the importance
of explaining multiracial identification as in contrast with attachments to
established racial categories.
It should also be noted that this book makes a specific empirical choice to
focus primarily on the ways in which Americans report their race on official
forms such as the census and in private data collection efforts such as public
opinion surveys. This is one of many arenas where individuals can promote
and represent their racial identities, but this particular context is consequen-
tial because these types of data collection efforts are well publicized and are
often framed as important “facts” about the population that in turn can influ-
ence how Americans understand the social features of their nation (see also
Prewitt 2013; Yanow 2002). This book thus offers a unique perspective on
how to interpret the empirical patterns that are often reported about multira-
cial individuals and those who identify with one established racial category.

4 | Multiracial Identity and Racial Politics in the United States

 The lessons provided by this book address how we can understand,
more broadly, the new directions in racial formation in the twenty-​
first century. Our ability today to document the existence and growth
of a self-​identified multiracial population alongside the persistence of
populations who identify with established racial categories serves as a
unique empirical opportunity to understand a process of racial forma-
tion. We live in a time in which racial categories are being contested.
This book thus employs a multimethod design in order to uncover the
many complex forces that explain this racial formation process. First,
I employ historical analysis and qualitative interviews to unveil exactly
how contemporary racial norms have shifted from those in the past and
how norms become integrated into governing institutions. After estab-
lishing this context, I examine survey and census data to understand
how changing racial norms are revealed through individual behavior.
This book will demonstrate that by contrasting historical approaches to
race with those practiced today, we can see that what are often framed
as “new” developments in American race relations are not exactly novel
but are, in reality, direct responses to social norms about race from the
previous era.

Tracing Racial Norms: From Assigned Classification

to Personal Identification

This book will begin by employing historical analysis to explain why the
rise of identity choice appears at the end of the twentieth century. Today, it
may be common to find expressions of multiracial identities in many dif-
ferent areas of public life such as popular culture, the arts, and even polit-
ical campaigns. But multiracial identities are increasingly visible because
Americans are living in a political and cultural environment that allows for
the expression of these identities. Central to this argument is the historical
claim that Americans have witnessed a cultural shift from viewing race
as a process primarily of assigned classification to believing that race can
be primarily a product of identification. This cultural embrace of race as
identification is, in many ways, consequential to how we understand the
implications of all racial categories, but has provided a unique opening for
the expression of multiracial identification.
If we first begin by reviewing the origins and political purpose of race in
the United States, we recognize that, historically, race has been practiced
as a process of classification: a racial category is assigned to individuals.

Identity Choice | 5
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