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G E R M A N A N D E U R O PE A N S T U D I E S

General Editor: Jennifer Jenkins

Localism, Landscape, and
the Ambiguities of Place

German-Speaking Central Europe,

1860–1930

Edited by
David Blackbourn and James Retallack

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS

Toronto Buffalo London
 www.utppublishing.com
© David Blackbourn and James Retallack, 2007
Printed in Canada

ISBN: 978-0-8020-9318-9

Printed on acid-free paper

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication

Localism, landscape, and the ambiguities of place : German-speaking

central Europe, 1860–1930 / edited by David Blackbourn and James
Retallack.

(German and European studies)

Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-8020-9318-9

1. German – Civilization – 19th century. 2. Germany – Civilization –

20th century. 3. Nationalism – Germany. 4. Landscape – Symbolic
aspects – Germany. 5. National characteristics, German. 6. Germany –
History – 1871–1918. 7. Europe, German-speaking – History.
I. Blackbourn, David, 1949– II. Retallack, James N. III. Series.

DD220.L62 2007 943.08 C2007-901543-3

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its

publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario
Arts Council.

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial support for its

publishing activities of the Government of Canada through the Book
Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP).
Contents

Acknowledgments vii

Introduction 3
davi d b l ac k b o u r n a n d jam e s r e tal l ac k

PART ONE: PLACING CULTURES, MOVING CULTURES

1 Music in Place: Perspectives on Art Culture in Nineteenth-Century

Germany 39
c e l i a a p p l e g at e

2 Heimat Art, Modernism, Modernity 60

jennifer jenkins

3 ‘Native Son’: Julian Hawthorne’s Saxon Studies 76

jam e s r e ta l l ac k

PART TWO: POLITICAL CULTURES

4 From Electoral Campaigning to the Politics of Togetherness:

Localism and Democracy 101
thomas kühne

5 The Landscapes of Liberalism: Particularism and Progressive

Politics in Two Borderland Regions 124
e r i c kur l a n d e r
vi Contents
Acknowledgments

PART THREE: LANDSCAPES

6 ‘The Garden of our Hearts’: Landscape, Nature, and Local Identity

in the German East 149
davi d b l ac k b o u r n

7 The Nature of Home: Landscape Preservation and Local

Identities 165
thomas m. lekan

PART FOUR: LANGUAGE BORDERS

8 Constructing a Modern German Landscape: Tourism, Nature,

and Industry in Saxony 195
ca i t l i n m u r d o c k

9 The Borderland in the Child: National Hermaphrodism and

Pedagogical Activism in the Bohemian Lands 214
tar a z ah r a

10 Land of Sun and Vineyards: Settlers, Tourists, and the National

Imagination on the Southern Language Frontier 236
pieter m. judson

Select Bibliography 259

Contributors 265
Index 269
Acknowledgments

This volume arose from a conference held at the Munk Centre for
International Studies at the University of Toronto on 12–14 May 2005.
That conference was organized in conjunction with the Joint Initiative
in German and European Studies – a partnership between the German
Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) and the University of Toronto.
We are indebted to other sponsors who also made the May 2005 confer-
ence possible: the University of Toronto’s History Department and its
chair, Lorna Jane Abray; the Department of Germanic Languages and
Literatures and its chair, John K. Noyes; and the Jewish Studies Pro-
gram and its director, Derek Penslar. Logistical help in organizing and
hosting the conference was provided by Mark Laszlo-Herbert with
assistance from Katherine Glaser, Edith Klein, Leanne Pepper, and
Cecilia Rossos.
The preparation of this collection would have been impossible if the
authors of individual chapters had not been willing to undertake revi-
sions of their conference papers and meet our deadlines, always in a
spirit of collegiality and goodwill. Indispensable research assistance
was provided by Krystyna Cap in Toronto. We are grateful to the mem-
bers of the editorial board of the series in German and European Stud-
ies at the University of Toronto Press for assessing the manuscript and
to the Press’s anonymous peer reviewers for suggesting ways to
improve the book. Our editor, Len Husband, has been helpful every
step of the way. For assistance in compiling the index we are grateful to
Dan Bullard.
Our introduction draws upon the prepared commentaries on the
papers presented in May 2005. Like the paper-givers, whose revisions
were guided in part by those commentaries, we are grateful to James
viii Acknowledgments

Brophy, Alon Confino, Pieter M. Judson, Richard S. Levy, and Thomas

Zeller for stirring debate and helping us see connections among the
papers included in this volume. Colleagues and members of the gen-
eral public who attended the conference also stimulated ideas that
found their way into our introduction and the chapters that follow. We
regret that papers by Robin Judd and Simone Lässig, which evoked
lively discussion in May 2005, were not available for inclusion in the
volume. But we are particularly pleased to include Celia Applegate’s
keynote address, revised and expanded for publication, as chapter 1.

Cambridge, Massachusetts
Toronto, Ontario
September 2006
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L O C A L I S M , L A N D S C A PE , A N D T H E A M B I G U I T I E S O F
PL A C E : G E R M A N - S PE A K I N G C EN TR A L E U R O PE ,
1860–1930
This page intentionally left blank
Introduction

david blackbourn and james retallack

What makes a person call a particular place ‘home’? Does this ascrip-
tion, this attachment, follow simply from being born there? Is it the
result of a language shared with neighbours, or of a sense of rootedness
in a particular landscape – the hills and valleys of your homeland, say?
Why does a piece of music or a work of art or a journey abroad evoke
emotions that capture the essence of home? And what about the
feelings of belonging that are forged by political attachments, by civic
rituals, by people celebrating familiar holidays or wearing familiar uni-
forms? Each of these stimuli can be a marker of identity when people
think about the place they call home. But all are ambiguous too. Lan-
guage can be vexed if you or your children speak more than one
tongue, especially when state authorities or nationalists insist that you
opt for only one. Your place of birth acquires a different meaning if, like
a growing number of people in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries,
you have moved on and now live somewhere else. The music and the
landscape and the ‘feeling’ of home then take on different, more elu-
sive, meanings. As for politics, no one doubts that civil rituals and uni-
forms have the power to command emotional allegiance. But both
rituals and uniforms can change. Indeed, they can change more than
once in a lifetime. Nowhere is that more true than in German-speaking
Central Europe between the 1860s and the 1930s.
This is a book about the German nation state and the German-speak-
ing lands beyond it during roughly eight decades of tumultuous social,
cultural, and political change. The essays that follow are concerned
with a variety of subjects: music and art, elections and political festivi-
ties, the celebration of landscape and nature conservation, tourism, and
language struggles in the family and the school. What all of them have
4 David Blackbourn and James Retallack

in common is a concern with the ambiguities of German identity in the

age of the nation state. These essays do not assume the primacy of
national allegiance. Nor do they portray as a story of failure the detours
and deadends of identity-construction in smaller realms. Instead, they
examine the impact of local attachments, landscapes, ways of thinking,
and institutions on a sense of Germanness that was neither self-evident
nor unchanging. By considering history at different levels of scale, the
authors open up historical trajectories and perspectives that may have
fallen from view because they did not become part of what we take to
be ‘modern Germany,’ but which seemed crucial at the time. As these
essays demonstrate, contemporary Germans used a variety of strate-
gies both to experience their emotional home as a place on a map and to
imagine their chosen place as a natural home. In assessing these experi-
ences and imaginings, the intention is not just to complicate the way we
think about national history, but to use the sense of place – especially its
kaleidoscopic, protean qualities – as a prism that allows us to view Ger-
man identity in new ways.

Historians of Germany know very well that the country they study is
hard to pin down. ‘Germany’ has taken on many shapes during the
modern era. In the eighteenth century it was both a nation of many
states (the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation) and a state of
many nations (the polyglot Habsburg lands). As Goethe and Schiller
asked in the 1790s: ‘Germany? But where is it? I don’t know how to find
such a country.’1 Over the following two hundred years the political
entity called Germany was so protean that German-speaking Europe
seemed almost to serve as a laboratory for testing out different forms of
state: Holy Roman Empire, German Confederation, Second Empire,
Weimar Republic, Third Reich, Federal and Democratic Republics.
Over that same period, the borders of Germany moved in and out like
a concertina. Divided, united, divided again, united again, no Euro-
pean nation state has been more chameleon-like.
The ‘Lesser Germany’ (Kleindeutschland) created in 1871, with which
most of the chapters in this book are concerned, gave one kind of answer
to the question posed by Goethe and Schiller. The German Empire was
now a nation state within clear boundaries. It had an emperor (Kaiser)
at its head and a nationally elected parliament, the Reichstag. Other
German-wide institutions followed: the Audit Office, Statistical Office,
Railway Office, Post Office, new Supreme Court in Leipzig, and the Ger-
man Navy. The new German nation state also had a new capital city,
 Introduction 5

Berlin. This particular novelty should not be passed over as too obvious
to mention, for the 1848 revolution had produced a dozen different pro-
posals as to where to locate the national capital, and Frankfurt, home of
Germany’s first national parliament in 1848–9, remained the seat of the
loose German Confederation that continued in existence until Lesser
Germany was created. By the 1870s, aspiring Goethes and Schillers
would have known where to look to find Germany. It was also in that
first decade after the process we call ‘unification’ that Goethe and
Schiller themselves were unequivocally enshrined in the canon of Ger-
man national literature, for that was when the first professor of German
literature was appointed to a university chair.
Imperial Germany was a nation state in ways the German Confeder-
ation it replaced was not. But it also bore the signs of its violent origins.
The decisive foundational moment of the new Germany came at bayo-
net point: the Prussian defeat of Austria and most of the other medium-
sized German states in 1866 led to the establishment of the North Ger-
man Confederation, forerunner of the German Empire. The inclusion of
southern states such as Bavaria and Württemberg within the empire in
1871 followed in the wake of another military conflict, the Franco-Ger-
man War. What we call unification therefore began with an act of seces-
sion by Prussia2 and ended with the reluctant accession of states3 that
had been defeated by Prussia on the battlefield just five years earlier.
Should we therefore speak of the Wars of Unification in the 1860s at all,
or did this decade see the last of many German civil wars?4 Whatever
the answer, Germany was ‘made’ in 1871 by excluding the German
speakers of Austria – a group that figures prominently in the last sec-
tion of this book – while including within its borders significant minor-
ities of people whose first language was Polish, Danish, or French. The
way the German Empire came about meant that it bore a heavy Prus-
sian imprint. Historians have argued for generations over whether the
empire warrants the hyphenated appellation Prussia-Germany or
whether (as we believe) the connection between the whole and the
parts was more complicated than that.
The kingdoms, grand duchies, and other territorial states that made
up the German Empire continued to exist after 1871; their kings, grand
dukes, and other territorial rulers remained in place. The largest of
these federal states continued to exchange ambassadors with each
other right down to the dissolution of the empire in 1918. Throughout
those nearly fifty years, the shifting balance of power between empire
and states, between institutions that were ‘national’ and those that were
6 David Blackbourn and James Retallack

‘federal,’ constituted the backdrop against which German politics was

played out. An older, rather metaphysical approach to modern German
history liked to view Germany as a ‘latecomer’ and a perennially
‘unfinished’ nation.5 More down-to-earth appraisals acknowledge that
the German Empire created in 1871 was no more than an outline plan
for a new political structure. It left many questions about how the polit-
ical system would actually work unanswered and many paths of insti-
tutional growth open-ended.6
What we have sketched so far is a description of the formal, ‘external’
reality of the German Empire – its boundaries, institutions, and constit-
uent parts. This says nothing, of course, about the attitudes, assump-
tions, and expectations of those who lived within the borders of the
new nation state. To what extent did they identify, or come to identify,
with this work-in-progress called Germany? Did they (at least those
who were German speakers) feel themselves to be German rather than
something else, such as Catholic, or socialist, or Saxon? Another way to
pose the question, recognizing that few people consider themselves to
be wholly one thing or another, would be to ask how the various possi-
ble forms of collective identification – national, regional, religious, eth-
nic, political – were combined in the minds of individuals. Were they
overlapping or cross-cutting, intertwined or antagonistic? And how
did they evolve between the mid-nineteenth century and the 1930s?
In some ways, these are questions that historians have pursued for a
long time.7 It is, for example, a commonplace that Catholics were reluc-
tant participants in the new Germany that was two-thirds Protestant.
The persecution Catholics then faced during the Kulturkampf (cultural
struggle) of the 1870s drove them to adopt a kind of siege mentality,
which dissipated only slowly and incompletely in subsequent decades.
While many Protestant Germans celebrated Sedan Day, the national
holiday, Catholics remained ostentatiously aloof.8 Any number of offi-
cial and everyday slights to Catholic self-esteem kept alive a sense of
being second-class citizens, and with it the continued cultivation of a
prickly, defensive Catholic subculture of self-sufficiency. Yet parallel
with this sentiment, which was nurtured by a dense Catholic associa-
tional network, another one grew in strength, especially among the
educated and economically successful: the feeling that Catholics
should ‘come out of the tower,’ cast off their own sense of inferiority,
and assert themselves as adherents of Rome who were also good Ger-
mans. A similar development characterizes the history of the Social
Democratic labour movement. Its members were persecuted in the
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