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This page intentionally left blank
 The Collapse of
Mechanism and the
Rise of Sensibility
Science and the Shaping of
Modernity, 1680–1760

STEPHEN GAUKROGER

CLARENDON PRESS
 3
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP
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South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam
Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press
in the UK and in certain other countries
Published in the United States
by Oxford University Press Inc., New York
# Stephen Gaukroger 2010
The moral rights of the author have been asserted
Database right Oxford University Press (maker)
First published 2010
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
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without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press,
or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate
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Typeset by SPI Publisher Services, Pondicherry, India
Printed in Great Britain
on acid-free paper by
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ISBN 978–0–19–959493–1

1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2
 Preface
Nec miremur tam tarde erui quae tam alte iacent (‘no wonder that it has taken
me so long to uncover something that lies so deep’).
Seneca, Quaestiones Naturales
This book is the sequel to The Emergence of a Scientific Culture: Science and the
Shaping of Modernity, 1210–1685. Although it follows on naturally from the
story told in the earlier volume, it can nevertheless be read in its own right as an
account of the development of a scientific culture in early Enlightenment
Europe. I take such a development to be a distinctive and unique feature of
Western culture. In many respects it is the characteristic that marks the West out
decisively from other cultures, and it is in the period between 1680 and 1760 that
the distinctive credentials of this new development began to be established.
I have set out to build a detailed historical picture of how the modern image of
science emerged, my aim being to provide us with a lever by which to prise open
questions which would otherwise remain hidden and unexplored. Some might
wonder why I have gone to such trouble, for surely—it might be thought—the
question of why a scientific culture emerged in the West has a simple answer:
namely, it emerged because, in the aftermath of the Scientific Revolution, science
itself was so successful that it carried all in its wake, providing a model to which
all other cognitive disciplines could aspire. Here we would do well to heed the
advice of H. L. Mencken, who pointed out that for every complex problem there
is always a simple solution, and it is always wrong. I have not confused clarity
with simplicity, and in aiming at the former, I have tried to see complex
questions for what they are, and for what in many cases they will remain.
This book is the second in a planned series of six volumes. It is now fifteen
years since I began the project in earnest, and something on this scale incurs
many intellectual debts. In working on the present volume, I would particularly
like to thank: Frédérique Aı̈t-Touati, Peter Anstey, Guido Bacciagaluppi, Mark
Colyvan, Conal Condren, Lisa Downing, Larrie Ferreiro, Ofer Gal, Dan Garber,
Cressida Gaukroger, Peter Harrison, John Henry, Rod Home, Ian Hunter,
Helen Irving, Dana Jalobeanu, Mogens Laerke, Alex Marr, Julia Mihai, Paul
Redding, Dean Rickles, Jessica Riskin, John Rogers, Eric Schliesser, John Schus-
ter, Jeffrey Schwegman, J. B. Shank, Bill Shea, Julián Simón Calero, Sandy
Stewart, Aidan Sudbury, Theo Verbeek, Anik Waldow, Catherine Wilson,
Charles Wolfe, and Richard Yeo. Work on the book has been pursued at the
University of Sydney—where, from the mid-1990s, I have received very gener-
ous support from the Australian Research Council—and more recently also at
the University of Aberdeen. Recent research has been supported by two
vi Preface

Australian Research Council Professorial Fellowships, which have completely

freed up my time for research since the beginning of 2004, thereby enabling me
to commit myself to a long-term project.
Material from the book has been presented at talks at the University of Aberdeen,
Freie Universität Berlin, Birkbeck College London, University of British Columbia,
University of Bucharest, University of Cambridge, University of Dundee,
Edinburgh University, University of Otago, Oxford University, University of
Padua, University of Pisa, University of Reading, University of St Andrews,
University of Singapore, the Sorbonne, Stanford University, University of
Stirling, University of Sussex, University of Sydney, University of Verona,
and University of Western Australia. I am particularly grateful for the oppor-
tunity for detailed discussions of work in progress at New York University in
2009, and at the University of Ghent in 2010.
I have drawn freely on earlier writings in some sections of the book. In
particular, an early version of parts of Chapter 4 appeared in British Journal for
the History of Philosophy (2009), and an early version of parts of Chapter 6
appeared in Intellectual History Review (2008).
 Contents

Introduction 1

PART I
1. The Construction of a New World Picture 11
The Completeness of Natural Philosophy 13
A New Metaphysics 17
Physico-Theology 30
The Rationalization of Religion 40

2. The Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy 55

From Principia Philosophiae to Principia Mathematica 57
The Structure of Newton’s Principia 64
Gravitation: Matter Theory versus Mechanics 83

PART II
3. The Metaphysical Unity of Natural Philosophy 97
Leibniz and the Unity of Knowledge 98
The Role of Metaphysics 104
Leibnizian Dynamics 115
Demonstration: Geometry versus Analysis 125
Phenomenalism and the Rise of Rational Mechanics 145

4. From Experimental Philosophy to Empiricism 150

The Vindication of Experimental Philosophy 157
The Origins of Locke’s Essay 163
Natural Philosophy and Primary Qualities 170
Locke and the Defence of Newton 184

5. Explaining the Phenomena 187

The ‘Nature’ of Species 188
The ‘Nature’ of Electricity 196
The ‘Nature’ of Metals 206
Causation and Explanation 217
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viii Contents

PART III
6. Natural Philosophy and the Republic of Letters 229
The Académie des Sciences and the Republic of Letters 232
Vortices, Attraction, and the Shape of the Earth 247

7. The Realm of Reason 257

The Birth of the Philosophe 257
The Encyclopédie 269
Reason and the Unity of Knowledge 283

PART IV
8. The Fortunes of a Mechanical Model for
Natural Philosophy 293
Explanatory Models and the Unity of Natural Philosophy 294
Mechanics as an A Priori Discipline 304
The Limits of Mechanics 317

9. Material Activity 328

The Resurgence of an Autonomous Matter Theory 330
Electrified Matter 336
The Chemistry of Fluids and Sympathies 350

10. Living and Dead Matter 355

Matter and Activity 356
A Developmental History of the World 365

PART V
11. The Realm of Sensibility 387
From Sensibility to Sensibilism 389
Physiological Sensitivity 394
Moral Sensibility 402
The Unity of Sensibility 409
 Contents ix

12. Historical Understanding and the Human Condition 421

The History of Manners 423
From Myth to Reason 427
Reason and Sensibility 438
The Varieties of Understanding 444

Conclusion 453

Bibliography of Works Cited 454

Index 493
This page intentionally left blank
 Introduction

In what follows, I have set out to trace, in the period between the 1680s and the
middle of the eighteenth century, the emergence of scientific values, considered
both as a cognitive norm—a model for all cognitive claims—and as a develop-
ment that explicitly goes beyond technical expertise and articulates a world-view
that was designed to displace others, whether humanist or Christian. The
significance of the emergence of such scientific values lies above all in their ability
to provide the criteria by which we come to appraise cognitive enquiry, and
which shape our understanding of what it can achieve. This concern with
scientific values is not an essentially new one. In his Essai sur l’Étude de la
Literature (1761), Gibbon writes:
In every country in every age, we witness some discipline being given preference which is
too often unmerited, while other studies suffer from an equally unmerited contempt.
Metaphysics and dialectic in the successors of Alexander, politics and eloquence in the
Roman Republic, history and poetry in the Augustan age, grammar and jurisprudence in
the later Empire, scholastic philosophy in the thirteenth century, humane letters up to the
age of our fathers: each of these has enjoyed by turn the admiration and scorn of men.
Physics and mathematics presently occupy the throne. We witness their sisters prostrate
before them, chained to their chariot wheels, or otherwise devoted to the adornment of
their triumph. Perhaps their fall is not far off. The time of a skilful writer would be well
spent dealing with this revolution in religion, government, and manners, whose successive
phases have misled, devastated, and corrupted humanity.1
Between 1680 and 1760, Western culture underwent a profound transforma-
tion, one in which natural philosophy—particularly the physics and mathematics
of which Gibbon speaks—played a leading part, and from which it emerged with
a new standing. The questions that Gibbon raises have become progressively
more profound and central since he wrote. Understanding the emergence of a
scientific culture—one in which cognitive values generally are modelled on, or
subordinated to, scientific ones—is, I believe, one of the foremost historical and
philosophical problems with which we are now confronted in understanding our
own culture.

1
Edward Gibbon, Essai sur l’Étude de la Literature (Dublin, 1777), 2–4.
2 Introduction

If such an understanding is to be fruitful, we need to consider science both as a

particular kind of cognitive practice, and as a particular kind of cultural product,
with a view to exploring the connections between these two. The developments
with which we shall be concerned are, I shall argue, quite different from the way
in which they have commonly been portrayed, and may at first seem in many
respects surprising or even paradoxical, especially if one assumes that there is
more or less linear progress in the establishment of scientific authority between
the seventeenth and the twentieth centuries. It is true that, from the perspective
of science as a cultural practice, the developments at first sight seem to follow a
path leading to increasing scientific authority, but we shall see that there is not
one but a number of such paths, which do not all end up in the same place, and
which each tend to culminate in programmes somewhat different from those
initially envisaged.
There are three main developments with which we shall be concerned. The
first comprised an attempt to subject all areas with cognitive aspirations, includ-
ing natural philosophy and theology, to metaphysical foundations which em-
bodied canons of rationality that, as we shall see, were very close to those which
had been generated in efforts to regulate natural philosophy. As a result, what
were in effect natural-philosophical precepts took over the role of cognitive
standards, albeit not by a direct route but via the intermediary of metaphysics.
For reasons that we shall be exploring in some detail, this path—pioneered by
Malebranche, Spinoza, and especially Leibniz—effectively proved a dead end in
the first half of the eighteenth century.
The second is physico-theology, in which a concerted effort was made to
combine the resources of natural philosophy and theology. The thinking behind
this was that, although these were deemed independent sources of truth, the
truths they yielded could not contradict one another and still remain truths.
Consequently a form of what can best be described as ‘triangulation’ was
envisaged, in which the resources of both disciplines were combined, with a view
to devising a powerful means of converging on fundamental truths. Physico-
theology was a largely English phenomenon, and it was devised as a way of
reconciling natural-philosophical enquiry with Christian natural theology and
revelation. Its primary application was in the history of the formation of the
earth, stimulated by Thomas Burnet’s 1680 attempt to supplement the wholly
naturalistic and hypothetical Cartesian theory of how the earth might have been
formed, with the historical details supplied in Genesis, revising both so as to
provide something more satisfactory than either alone could hope to offer. But
what was at issue could never have been just a question of bringing the full
resources of both disciplines into play. These resources had to be tailored so that
they were doing the same thing, preferably doing it in much the same way,
otherwise one would be stuck with the problems of incompatibility that the
exercise was designed to resolve. Moreover this tailoring could only take one
form: a reduction of the various disciplines to their cognitive content. This
 Introduction 3

turned out to be a problematic move on the theological side. The problem was
not, as one might initially expect, that the move was unprecedented or imposed
from outside. A new understanding of ‘religion’ arose in the seventeenth century
whereby—contrary to earlier notions that effectively identified Christianity and
religion so that Judaism and Islam, for example, were simply forms of heresy—
there were now different religions: Christianity was now a religion, a new
meaning for the term ‘religion’. The importance of the idea of different religions,
from the point of view of our present concerns, was that they were distinguished
by their cognitive contents, by contrast with different traditions, forms of
worship, etc. In other words, thinking of Christianity in terms of its cognitive
content was in many respects internally generated. The problem was not so much
that Christianity had come to be characterized in terms of its cognitive content
but that, considered purely in terms of cognitive content, natural philosophy was
far more secure in its cognitive values than was Christianity, and these values
leant themselves easily to generalization, so that it was consequently these that
came to predominate. In this way, the project of combining the resources of
natural philosophy with Christian natural theology and revelation pushed the
cognitive standards of natural philosophy to the fore of any form of intellectual
enquiry. Even more significantly, however, what resulted was an incorporation of
natural philosophy into a world-view as part of the core of a Christian under-
standing of the world and our place in it, thereby endowing it with a greatly
enhanced significance, a significance which, once locked into place, it would
continue to have independently of—and, from the mid-nineteenth century, at
the expense of—the fortunes of Christianity.
The third development was completely different from these and was confined
to the Francophone world. On the face of it, its upshot was the idea, associated
with Voltaire and the philosophes, that natural philosophy embodied ultimate
cognitive standards, but what occurred took place in a peculiar and overdeter-
mined fashion, and closer scrutiny of the history of what happened indicates that
the outcome was not the triumph of ‘reason’, as has commonly been supposed,
but rather a simultaneous elevation of the standing of natural philosophy and the
beginnings of a serious questioning of the connection between natural philoso-
phy and reason. Three developments in this connection will concern us: the
attempt by the French Crown to act as absolute arbiter and guardian of standards
by means of the institution of various Académies; the gradual appearance of a
Republic of Letters in which any claim to a monopoly of judgements of cognitive
worth was quickly undermined; and finally the way in which the rise of New-
tonianism in the 1730s threatened the prevalent understanding of natural
philosophy and opened up the question of its standing. The combination of
these circumstances provided the context in which natural philosophy emerged
as the paradigm bearer of, and the standard for, cognitive values. It was Fonte-
nelle who, from the 1680s onwards, had positioned natural philosophy within
the Republic of Letters, in a successful attempt to generate public support for the
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