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 MAGIC AND THE SUPERNATURAL IN
FOURTH-CENTURY SYRIA

What god or demon was most likely to help you win a chariot race in ancient
Antioch?
The Ancients often turned to magic to achieve their goals. Angels and
divinities could, with the right means, be summoned as interceptors in the
corporal realm to magically bestow anything from material gains to love
and spiritual satisfaction. This compelling and clear-sighted book focuses
on the beliefs and practices that people used in late antique Syria and
Palestine to bring supernatural powers to their aid.
With new research using both archaeological and literary sources and
blending classical, Jewish and Christian traditions from both regions, Silke
Trzcionka examines a myriad of magical activities such as:

. Curses, spells and amulets

. Accusations relating to chariot races, love, livelihood and career
. Methods involved in protection, healing, possession and exorcism.

With consideration for economic, political, religious and social factors,

rituals of magic are de®ned through their social context as indivisible from
the many factors which framed and in¯uenced their use. Trzcionka applies
theoretical models offered by sociological and anthropological studies,
such as ideas on envy, limited good, honour and shame, to gain an illuminat-
ing contemporary insight into the various tenets of the period. A belief
system emerges that intricately intertwines the supernatural and tangible
worlds, and in which magic pervades and de®nes social reality.
With a clarity and theoretical sophistication that will be useful to students
and specialists of late antiquity, ancient magic, ancient religion and early
Christianity, this book details a rich and nuanced belief system with the
supernatural world at its core.

Silke Trzcionka is an Australian Research Council Senior Research Associate

at the Centre for Early Christian Studies, Australian Catholic University.
 MAGIC AND THE
SUPERNATURAL IN
FOURTH-CENTURY
SYRIA

Silke Trzcionka
 First published 2007
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
270 Madison Ave, New York, NY 10016
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group,
an informa business
& 2007 Silke Trzcionka
Typeset in Sabon by
BC Typesetting Ltd, Bristol
Printed and bound in Great Britain by
Antony Rowe Ltd, Chippenham, Wiltshire
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic,
mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter
invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
A catalog record for this book has been requested

ISBN10: 0±415±39241±1 (hbk)

ISBN10: 0±415±39242±X (pbk)
ISBN10: 0±203±08749±6 (ebk)
ISBN13: 978±0415±39241±9 (hbk)
ISBN13: 978±0415±39242±6 (pbk)
ISBN13: 978±0±203±08749±7 (ebk)
 FOR MY MOTHER,
MIT LIEBE UND RESPECT
 CONTENTS

Acknowledgements ix
List of abbreviations x

1 Introduction 1

2 The status quaestionis 5

`Magic' 5
The parameters 11
Approaching the fourth century 14

3 Syria and Palestine: a fourth-century background 24

Administration and economy 24
Culture 28
Religion 30

4 Curses for courses: heavy tactics in the hippodrome 38

Syria 39
Palestine 42
Motivations 46
Conclusion 51

5 Supernatural sabotage: ensuring a successful livelihood 53

Curses and invocations 53
The competitive career: surviving accusations 63
Conclusion 80

vii
 CONTENTS

6 Demanding desire: rituals of love and lust 81

Syria 81
Palestine 87
Engaging enchantment 91
Conclusion 99

7 The apotropaic: protecting good fortune 101

Syria 102
Palestine 110
Ambiguous evidence for a broader practice 112
The price of good fortune 114
Conclusion 119

8 Illness and healing: threats and retaliation in a discourse

of power 121
Syria 121
Palestine 130
Motivations and a discourse of power 135
Conclusion 140

9 Possession and expulsion: experiencing and dispelling

the daimonic 142
Syria 143
Palestine 148
Possession and expulsion 152
Conclusion 160

10 Conclusion: ambitions, desires, fears and insecurities 161

Notes 164
Bibliography 205
Index 217

viii
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This book is a revised version of my Ph.D. thesis submitted to the University

of Adelaide in 2004. My gratitude and respect goes wholeheartedly to my
two supervisors Dr Wendy Mayer and Dr Paul Tuf®n who throughout the
course of the thesis provided support, direction, encouragement and time
whenever it was required or thought wanting.
Acknowledgement is made of the assistance of Professors John Gager,
Christopher Faraone and Fritz Graf during a research trip to the USA in
1999. Further thanks go to Dr Florent Heintz for graciously uncovering
and sending to me a copy of his dissertation.
I would also like to thank my colleagues at the Centre for Early Christian
Studies for their patience and support during my completion of this manu-
script. Thank you also to Dr Richard Stoneman at Routledge for his assis-
tance and guidance.
My deepest gratitude goes to my mother for her endless support and faith
from the very beginning, and to my husband, Nick, for his encouragement,
patience, laughter and love.
Brisbane
March 2006

ix
 ABBREVIATIONS

ACM Meyer, M. and Smith, R., Ancient Christian Magic. Coptic Texts
of Ritual Power, San Francisco: Harper, 1994.
AMB Naveh, J. and Shaked, S., Amulets and Magic Bowls. Aramaic
Incantations of Late Antiquity, Jerusalem: Magnes Press, Hebrew
University, 1985.
ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der roÈmischen Welt.
CT Theodosiani, Libri XVI cum Constitutionibus Sirmondianis, Volu-
minis I pars posterior textus cum apparativ, editio secunda lucis
ope expressa, ed. Th. Mommsen, 1954.
DT Audollent, A., De®xionum Tabellae, Paris, 1904 (repr. 1967
Frankfurt/Main: Minerva GmbH).
GMA Kotansky, R., Greek Magical Amulets. The Inscribed Gold, Silver,
and Bronze Lamellae, Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1994.
GRBS Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies.
HAIT Schiffman, L.H. and Swartz, M.D., Hebrew and Aramaic Incanta-
tion Texts from the Cairo Geniza, Shef®eld: Shef®eld Academic
Press, 1992.
HE SozomeÁne, Histoire EccleÂsiastique, Livres I±II, ed. J. Bidez (SC
306), Paris, 1983, and Histoire EccleÂsiastique, Livres III±IV, ed.
J. Bidez (SC 418), Paris, 1996.
HN Zosimi, Comitis et Ex Exadvocati Fisci. Historia Nova, ed.
L. Mendelssohn, Lipsia: Aedibus B.G. Teubneri, 1887.
HR TheÂodoret de Cyr, Histoire des Moines de Syrie, 2 vols (SC 234,
257), P. Canivet and A. Leroy-Molinghen, Paris, 1977±9.
JbAC Jahrbuch fuÈr Antike und Christentum.
JECS Journal of Early Christian Studies.
LH The Lausiac History of Palladius, II, ed. D. Cuthbert Butler,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1904.
MSF Naveh, J. and Shaked, S., Magic Spells and Formulae. Aramaic
Incantations of Late Antiquity, Jerusalem: Magnes Press,
Hebrew University, 1993.
PG Migne, J.P., Patrologia Graeca, Paris, 1857±89.

x
 ABBREVIATIONS

PGM Preisendanz, K., Papyri Graecae Magicae. Die griechischen Zau-

berpapyri, 3 vols, Berlin, Leipzig, Stuttgart: Verlag B.G. Teubner,
1928±41.
PL Migne, J.P., Patrologia Latina, Paris, 1844±64.
SC Sources chreÂtiennes.
SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. (Referenced according to
volume and inscription number, thus SEG 43.1347.)
SGD Jordan, D.R., `A Survey of Greek De®xiones Not Included in the
Special Corpora', GRBS 36.2 (1985) 151±97.
SHR Sepher Ha-razim. The Book of the Mysteries, trans. M.A. Morgan,
Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1983.
SM Daniel, R.W. and Maltomini, F. (eds), Supplementum Magicum,
2 vols (Papyrologia Coloniensia, 16.1±2), Opladen: Westdeutscher
Verlag, 1990±2.

xi
 1
INTRODUCTION

This study began with a simple desire to understand more about the mysti-
cal, exciting and frightening world of `ancient magic'. The work that follows
emerges from this original intention having, in the process, been subjected to
considerable re¯ection, realignment and re®nement. Its aim now is to convey
the excitement, the fear and the power so intrinsic to this ®eld of spells,
charms and curses, and to do so with a full appreciation of the society that
accommodated it.
Given the broad range of practices, periods and regions which the wider
subject of magic covers ± including all regions and periods of Graeco-
Roman history, from the time of Homer through to Byzantium ± ®nding a
focus for this study was a priority, and required careful consideration of
preceding scholarship. The foci of this scholarship varied, as did the in¯u-
ences upon it, for as a ®eld of study `ancient magic' has interested a range
of scholars since the nineteenth century and the discovery of the ®rst magical
papyri. Since then there has been a variety of work carried out on the subject,
in¯uenced both by the availability of evidence and by prevailing trends of
academic thought regarding magic and its place within society.1
The early part of last century saw an increasing amount of activity in the
®eld. Of particular note at this time was the work of Preisendanz who in his
Papyri Graecae Magicae translated and examined hundreds of Greek papyri
from Egypt.2 However, despite the activity, magic and its study was not
assigned scholarly status by many academics who appeared to view it as a
pollution of the idealised image of the ancient past.3 Such culturally tainted
and even pejorative attitudes towards magic were sustained for many decades
and were considerably in¯uenced by the works of Tylor and Frazer, the latter
particularly affected by Darwinian notions.4 Frazer, and others with similar
ideas, believed that cultures `evolved' in much the same way as the physical
human form had evolved. Thus it was believed that there were `primitive'
societies and beliefs, and there were more `evolved' cultural forms. Within
this framework, any practices which were deemed magical were primitive
and re¯ected a lower, less-evolved form of `superstitious' belief not to be
found in more evolved cultural entities. Such pejorative notions of ancient

1
 INTRODUCTION

belief systems were to pervade scholarship for many decades, and in some
instances their in¯uence is still apparent.5
A revival and renaissance in scholarship on magic has been evident since
the early 1990s with signi®cant scholars such as Faraone, Gager, Graf,
Jordan, Kotanksy, Luck, Meyer, Mirecki, Shaked, Schaefer and Swartz pro-
viding varied and often insightful studies into various aspects of the ®eld.6
The interest of many of these recent studies in the social contexts of magical
practices, and their increasing dismissal of the pejorative ideas of the past,
has spurred on a broader acceptance of magic as a legitimate and note-
worthy aspect of mainstream socio-historical studies.
Amongst this wide-ranging, extensive, and often enlightening scholarship,
there are still many areas and aspects of Graeco-Roman magic deserving of
attention. The physical, temporal and geographical nature of the evidence
means that most studies of the material have either covered a broad geo-
graphical area and a lengthy period of time, or focused their attention on
speci®c forms or functions of practice. These are issues that will receive
more considered attention in the following chapter; it suf®ces to say here
that there is scope for more temporally and regionally focused studies of the
material, especially as the social context becomes increasingly acknowledged
and examined. In line with this argument this work offers a study clearly
de®ned both geographically and temporally, which addresses the antique
evidence with a primary concern for the social context which produced it.
The aim of the study is to present and discuss people's utilisation of tech-
niques involving the supernatural in Syria and Palestine in the fourth century
of the common era. The study considers the evidence from both regions for
practices involving methods such as curses, spells, invocations and the use of
amulets. Such a focus allows for a concentrated study excluding assumptions
in regard to the homogeneity of Graeco-Roman practice and belief. It also
facilitates the social aspect of the investigation which considers the evidence
within the fourth-century social setting of Syria and Palestine, drawing upon
ideas presented by sociological and anthropological studies that offer insight
into understanding the social place of practices involving the supernatural.
Following this introduction, Chapter 2, `The Status Quaestionis', brie¯y
addresses the reasoning behind the delineations and ambitions of the
study. This discussion includes a review of scholarship regarding `magic',
and presents an argument for the inapplicability of the term and its conse-
quent exclusion from the investigation. In the absence of such a generic
label, the subject matter to be incorporated in the study covers those activ-
ities involving people's communication with the supernatural 7 for the
purposes of protection, or assistance in bene®cent or male®cent action.
The discussion then focuses on the restriction of the investigation both to
the speci®c time period of the fourth century of the common era and to the
two regions of Syria and Palestine. Thereafter consideration is given to the
work that has already been done on the fourth century, and particular

2
 INTRODUCTION

regard is also paid to various methods of interpretation and their applic-

ability to the subject of this study.
Chapter 3, `Syria and Palestine: a fourth-century background', outlines
some of the major political, economic, religious and social changes to affect
fourth-century Syria and Palestine.
Chapter 4, `Curses for courses: heavy tactics in the hippodrome', begins
the investigation of fourth-century practices involving the supernatural in
Syria and Palestine. Extant evidence relating to the chariot races in both
regions is presented and includes curse tablets and hagiographical accounts
that illustrate the use of methods involving the supernatural to enhance,
inhibit, or protect horses and charioteers. It is argued in the course of the dis-
cussion that the agonistic context of the sporting event, individual ®nancial
concerns, as well as the social perception of the charioteer, all contributed
to appeals to supernatural agents in this sporting arena.
Chapter 5, `Supernatural sabotage: ensuring a successful livelihood',
addresses the methods people used to ensure their success or survival in
areas of livelihood and career. This included curses, the assistance of holy
men, as well as the use of sorcery accusations. This chapter is divided
between the evidence dealing with livelihood and career, and that dealing
speci®cally with the sorcery accusations. It is proposed in the discussion of
the various forms of evidence that social, economic and political factors, as
well as concepts of honour, envy and limited good can be seen as having con-
tributed to the use, or alleged use, of practices involving the supernatural in
relation to livelihood in this period.
Chapter 6, `Demanding desire: rituals of love and lust', relies heavily on
hagiographical accounts in its investigation of love spells and curses. It is
argued that in this evidence can be seen the in¯uences and provocations of
social constructs of gender, family, behaviour, honour and shame, as well
as an attempt to reassert and manipulate social norms and expectations.
Chapter 7, `The Apotropaic: protecting good fortune', investigates the per-
vasive practice of protecting the individual and his/her property from mis-
fortune. The predominant threat of misfortune lay in the fear of the evil
eye, a complex belief closely related to ideas on envy. It is proposed in the
discussion of the apotropaic practices that the prevailing social structures
and belief systems create a sense of vulnerability, fostered by the notion of
limited good and of envy, that brings about this need for apotropaic security
from the daimonic and deleterious.
Chapter 8, `Illness and healing: threats and retaliation in a discourse of
power', considers the role of the supernatural in the healing practices of
the fourth century. It is argued from an examination of the evidence that
the fourth-century mindset associated illness with the malevolent interven-
tion of supernatural forces and that these forces consequently also provided
a medium for the healing of maladies. Furthermore, it is asserted that the
practice of healing provided a powerful forum for the promotion of effective

3
 INTRODUCTION

supernatural and religious prowess, particularly by contemporary Christian

authorities.
Chapter 9, `Possession and expulsion: experiencing and expelling the
daimonic', investigates the activities and rituals related to daimonic posses-
sion and expulsion. It is proposed in the discussion that the perception of
deviant behaviour, the assertion of religious differentiation, social change,
the social perception of vulnerability, as well as issues of power and control,
are all evident factors in the quite dramatic context of possession and
expulsion.
Chapter 10, the conclusion, re¯ects on the aims of the study and the
methodology which directed it, while also considering the interdepend-
ence of social context and belief systems and their role in the use of methods
involving the supernatural in the fourth century.

4
 2
THE STATUS QUAESTIONIS

This chapter discusses the problem of the label of `magic' and its de®nition,
the parameters of the investigation, and the methods for approaching and
understanding the material.

`Magic'
The discussion must begin with a clear delineation of the subject matter, and
thus, as suggested earlier, with the term `magic'. The use of this term without
de®nition of meaning places any study at the mercy of each researcher's and
reader's variable understanding of what magic is. However, de®nition itself
does not necessarily help the situation. Consider, for instance, the dif®culty
that must be faced when using a de®nition such as that proposed by Luck
which utilises the concept of the `soul' ± a term which is itself open to various
problems of interpretation. Luck writes:

I would de®ne magic as a technique grounded in a belief in powers

located in the human soul and in the universe outside ourselves, a
technique that aims at imposing the human will on nature or on
human beings by using supersensual powers. Ultimately, it may be
a belief in the unlimited powers of the soul.1

Unclear terminology is not, however, the only dif®culty of de®nition. The

label `magic' is loaded with the cultural and social meanings, both positive
and negative, which have been assigned it over the course of the last millennia.
Hence it is necessary to ®nd a de®nition which proposes a meaning suitably
stripped of modern preconceptions and judgements. Yet, even having found
this description, it is also imperative that the understanding and conceptions
of the period in question are considered. As will be shown, the antique
notion of magic can be variable and is not readily restricted to the one label
so often sought for it. Thus the term `magic' itself and its use pose signi®cant
dilemmas for the investigation and must receive due consideration in order
to determine a manageable and academically viable approach for the study.

5
 THE STATUS QUAESTIONIS

The issue of magic in regard to its relation to religion and its de®nition has
been thoroughly discussed and debated in books and journals for well over a
century. However, this discussion has waned in past years and scholars have
largely followed the individual approaches deemed most appropriate and
culturally responsive to the material and periods under investigation.
Recent trends in scholarship display a shift away from traditional pejorative
views, distinctions and labels, yet the approaches of scholars do not present a
conclusive solution or an easily applicable precedent.
The traditional de®nition of magic rested largely on scholarly interpreta-
tions of its relation with and to religion and, to a lesser degree for the ancient
world, science. The dichotomy created a plethora of articles, each providing
new markers upon which to place that all important dividing line, crucial to
separating magical practice from what were considered the more respectable
®elds of religion and even science.2 The hugely in¯uential works of Frazer
and Tylor,3 for example, which were heavily in¯uenced by a scienti®c view
of the world and subsequent social studies deriving from theories of evolu-
tion, were not surprisingly largely focused on separating the `primitive'
rites of magic from the more `pure and civilised' forms of Christian religion.
The impact of these views can be traced in scholarly studies in the ®eld
through to the later part of last century, weighed down as they were by de®-
nitions re¯ecting long-defunct scholarly trends, ethnocentric assumptions,
pejorative and subjective attitudes, and anachronistic analyses.4
The anthropologist EÂmile Durkheim dealt extensively with the issues of
magic and religion and their de®nitions. To Durkheim, Frazer, by failing to
de®ne religion, was not able to recognise the profoundly religious character
of various beliefs and rites, which he had classi®ed as primitive and magic:5

So magic is not, as Frazer has held, an original fact, of which religion

is only a derived form. Quite on the contrary, it was under the
in¯uence of religious ideas that the precepts upon which the art of
the magician is based were established, and it was only through a
secondary extension that they were applied to purely lay relations.6

Durkheim, by de®ning religion, diverges from the ideas of Frazer to establish

magic as a rite and practice derived from, and similar to, religion. Yet he does
differentiate between magic and religion by identifying a social distinction
between the two: magic as the practice of the individual, and religion as
the practice of the collective.7
Evans-Pritchard, on the other hand, in his study of the Azande, while
recognising the individual nature of most magic, highlights the establishment
of magic associations in Azande society.8 These associations challenge tradi-
tional patterns of behaviour in that society in relation to sex, age and status,
as well as customary divisions of magic within the community. Evans-
Pritchard's work establishes that universal de®nitions of religion and magic

6
 THE STATUS QUAESTIONIS

cannot hold true, and he recognises only an ambiguous distinction between

magic and religion, placing little importance on the interrelationship between
the two.9
The last three decades of scholarship on antique practices have seen a
move away from traditional and often pejorative views of magic and have
increasingly included anthropological and sociological approaches, such as
those pioneered by Durkheim and Evans-Pritchard, with varying results.
For instance, Aune, while still seeking to de®ne magic according to its rela-
tionship with religion, utilises modern theoretical concepts of social deviance
in his work on early Christian magic. Aune thus states that: `magic is de®ned
as the form of religious deviance whereby individual or social goals are
sought by means alternate to those normally sanctioned by the dominant
religious institution'.10
Jeffers, in contrast, argues that a distinction between magic and religion is
largely untenable and re¯ects an ethnocentric distinction between natural
and supernatural which is not made by most religions.11
Other signi®cant studies have in recent years directed renewed attention
to the magic and religion dichotomy, often seeking new approaches and
providing fresh directions for examining the subject.12 The work edited by
Faraone and Obbink in Magika Hiera is an example.13 This collective study
sets out to determine whether the traditional dichotomy between magic and
religion helps in any way to conceptualise the objective features of particular
magical activities.14
The various contributors to Magika Hiera did not provide homogeneous
analyses. For example, Faraone in his examination of early Greek de®xiones
found that a theoretical dichotomy between `magic' and `religion' did not
assist in analysing and evaluating the cultural phenomenon of early Greek
de®xiones.15 In contrast Versnel, examining the role of de®xiones and the
use of prayer in the ancient world, concluded that the terms `magic' and
`religion' tended to become less distinct in areas. However, he protested
the dismissal of the terms, arguing instead that his ®ndings `should provoke
our interest and encourage us to document and explain the conditions and
the circumstances that foster the blurring of the boundaries'.16
While the work of the contributors to Magika Hiera is signi®cant in seek-
ing to determine whether the traditional dichotomy of magic and religion is
of any bene®t, and in doing so within a framework seeking to understand
speci®c rituals in their contexts, it is worth noting that the practices exam-
ined in the book were often diverse in the periods of time and geographical
areas covered, and the treatment of the material by the contributors varied
considerably. Diversity in approach and subject matter can be of bene®t;
however, homogeneity of approach and de®ned parameters of time, location
and practices could conceivably provide a more indicative picture, albeit
with a more limited historical scope. That is, if the varied approaches were
applied to a particular region or regions over a prescribed period of time, a

7
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