(Ebook) The Politics of Turkish Democracy : ■smet

■nönü and the Formation of the Multi-Party System,

1938-1950 by John M. VanderLippe ISBN 9780791483374,
0791483371 Pdf Download

https://ebooknice.com/product/the-politics-of-turkish-democracy-
ismet-inonu-and-the-formation-of-the-multi-party-
system-1938-1950-51416630

★★★★★
4.8 out of 5.0 (41 reviews )

Instant PDF Download

ebooknice.com
 (Ebook) The Politics of Turkish Democracy : ■smet ■nönü and
the Formation of the Multi-Party System, 1938-1950 by John
M. VanderLippe ISBN 9780791483374, 0791483371 Pdf Download

EBOOK

Available Formats

■ PDF eBook Study Guide Ebook

EXCLUSIVE 2025 EDUCATIONAL COLLECTION - LIMITED TIME

INSTANT DOWNLOAD VIEW LIBRARY

 We believe these products will be a great fit for you. Click
the link to download now, or visit ebooknice.com
to discover even more!

(Ebook) Starting Out: The c3 Sicilian by John Emms ISBN

9781857445701, 1857445708

https://ebooknice.com/product/starting-out-the-c3-sicilian-2581338

(Ebook) Starting Out: The c3 Sicilian by John Emms ISBN

9781857445701, 1857445708

https://ebooknice.com/product/starting-out-the-c3-sicilian-53477760

(Ebook) The Europeanization of Politics: The Formation of a

European Electorate and Party System in Historical Perspective
by Daniele Caramani ISBN 9781107118676, 1107118670

https://ebooknice.com/product/the-europeanization-of-politics-the-
formation-of-a-european-electorate-and-party-system-in-historical-
perspective-5695664

(Ebook) Biota Grow 2C gather 2C cook by Loucas, Jason; Viles,

James ISBN 9781459699816, 9781743365571, 9781925268492,
1459699815, 1743365578, 1925268497

https://ebooknice.com/product/biota-grow-2c-gather-2c-cook-6661374
(Ebook) Chess Explained: The c3 Sicilian by Sam Collins ISBN
9781904600718, 1904600719

https://ebooknice.com/product/chess-explained-the-c3-sicilian-53477714

(Ebook) The Anti-Alapin Gambit: Death to the 2.c3 Sicilian by

Cyrus Lakdawala, Carsten Hansen ISBN 9788793812376, 879381237X

https://ebooknice.com/product/the-anti-alapin-gambit-death-to-
the-2-c3-sicilian-48509478

(Ebook) The Modern English 1.c4 e5, Volume 1 by Kiril Georgiev,

Semko Semkov ISBN 9786197188202, 6197188201

https://ebooknice.com/product/the-modern-english-1-c4-e5-volume-1-53518504

(Ebook) Grandmaster Repertoire 5: The English Opening 1.c4 c5 -

Volume Three by Mihail Marin ISBN 9781906552596, 1906552592

https://ebooknice.com/product/grandmaster-repertoire-5-the-english-
opening-1-c4-c5-volume-three-2112606

(Ebook) Fighting the Anti-Sicilians: Combating 2 c3, the Closed,

the Morra Gambit and other tricky ideas (Everyman Chess) by
Richard Palliser ISBN 9781857445206, 1857445201

https://ebooknice.com/product/fighting-the-anti-sicilians-
combating-2-c3-the-closed-the-morra-gambit-and-other-tricky-ideas-everyman-
chess-2209372
The Politics of Turkish Democracy
 SUNY series in the
Social and Economic History of the Middle East
Donald Quataert, editor
The Politics of Turkish Democracy

. .
I smet I nönü and the Formation
of the Multi-Party System, 1938–1950

John M. VanderLippe

State University of New York Press

 Published by

State University of New York Press, Albany

© 2005 State University of New York

All rights reserved

Printed in the United States of America

No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever

without written permission. No part of this book may be stored in a retrieval
system or transmitted in any form or by any means including electronic,
electrostatic, magnetic tape, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or
otherwise without the prior permission in writing of the publisher.

For information, address State University of New York Press,

194 Washington Avenue, Suite 305, Albany, NY 12210-2365

Production by Michael Haggett

Marketing by Anne M. Valentine

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

VanderLippe, John M. . .
The politics of Turkish democracy : Ismet Inönü and the formation of the multi-party
system, 1938–1950 / John M. VanderLippe.
p. cm. — (SUNY series in the social and economic history of the Middle East)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN
. 0-7914-6435-0
. (hardcover : alk. paper)
1. Inönü, Ismet, 1884–1973—Political and social views. 2. Turkey—Politics and
government—1918–1960. I. Title. II. Series.

DR592.I5V36 2005
320.956'09'044—dc22 2004014224

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
For Pınar
This page intentionally left blank.
 Contents

Acknowledgments ix
. .
Introduction: Ismet Inönü and Multi-Party Politics
in Turkish History 1

One: Political Discourse and Reform in Turkey 7

. .
Two: The Election of Ismet Inönü as President: Kemalist
Hegemony and Alternative Definitions 27

Three: War at Home, War Abroad: New Terms of Domination 55

Four: New Alliances and Demands for Change 77

Five: The Emergence of Organized Opposition 97

Six: Post-War International Tensions, and the Expression

of Opposition 113

Seven: The Emergence of the Democrat Party: The Challenge,

and Limits, of Organized Opposition 137

Eight: The Confines of the Cold War and the

Redefinition of Kemalism 161

Nine: Multi-Party Politics and the Defeat of Democracy 189

Endnotes 211

Bibliography 245

Index 265
This page intentionally left blank.
 Acknowledgments

. .
I’ve been working on this book for longer than Ismet Inönü was President
of Turkey, and during that time many colleagues and friends . have helped
me in numerous obvious and subtle ways. I thank Selim Ilkin and Özden
Toker for their patience, their enthusiastic
. support of this project, and for
giving me access to materials in the Inönü Vakfı Library. I also thank
Donald Quataert for his continuing support for my scholarship. Şevket
Pamuk, Metin Heper, and Bob Vitalis have all taken a special interest in
various manifestations of my work, and I’ve had the pleasure of exchang-
ing ideas and swapping stories with them about the people and events of
this period of Turkish history. This work originated as a PhD dissertation
at the University of Texas, and I thank Wm. Roger Louis, Bob Fernea, Gail
Minault, Hafez Farmayan, and Sheldon Ekland-Olson for their support
and suggestions.
I owe a debt of gratitude to Lee Avdoyan and Chris Murphy of the
Library of Congress for their help with sources. Dan Goffman has been
most supportive of my work, and I thank Howard Reed, Kemal Karpat,
and Doug Howard for their interesting and useful input. My colleagues and
students at SUNY-New Paltz have provided a cordial and collegial, and
stimulating, atmosphere in which to work, and Larry Hauptman has been a
great advocate and guide over the years. For their financial support, my
thanks go to the Institute of Turkish Studies, the Harry Frank Guggenheim
Foundation, the Hoover Institution, United University Professions and
SUNY- New Paltz. Michael Haggett and Michael Rinella of SUNY Press
deserve credit for their fine editorial support. Finally, I am eternally grateful
for the chance to know, for all too brief a time, three giants in the field:
Roderic Davison, Oral Sander, and Dankwart Rustow.
Thanks Pınar!
This page intentionally left blank.
 Introduction

. .
Ismet Inönü and Multi-Party Politics in
Turkish History

. .
The presidency of Ismet Inönü, 1938–50, developed amid the crises of
World War II and the Cold War, global economic and political transform-
ation, and economic and social change within Turkey. Since the foundation
of the Turkish Republic in 1923, the scope of political debate had been
narrowly defined and participation in the political arena restricted to a
limited group of participants, who shared similar backgrounds, experiences,
and views of the Turkish nation, its needs and its future. As the Republic’s
.
first Prime Minister, during the presidency of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Inönü
had played a central role in shaping both the major political issues, and
. the
nature of political participation in Turkey. For both Atatürk and Inönü,
politicians and political debate were more obstacles than instruments to
progress and advancement. Outcome was more important. than process for
both men, but during World War II and the Cold War Inönü found his
government increasingly confronting demands to open up the political
process, to accept new and different voices into the political arena, and to
allow new discussion of old issues as well as the introduction of new issues.
A strong believer that caution and preparation were
. essential to avoid
the irreparable mistakes of the Young Turk regime, Inönü had to balance
demands from many in the ruling People’s Party for restriction and tighter
control, with demands from others within and outside the party to open
debate on domestic and foreign affairs. Believing that the crisis of the war
demanded greater central direction of all aspects of the economy
. and cur-
tailment of political debate for the sake of national unity, Inönü asserted his
own authority as National Chief, President of the Republic, and Permanent
Leader of the People’s Party. But new forms of domination produced new

1
2 THE POLITICS OF TURKISH DEMOCRACY

forms of resistance, and increasing numbers of politicians, journalists, land-

owners and private entrepreneurs, and academics and technocrats, represen-
ting the voices of different constituencies, pushed political discourse beyond
its previously allowed limits. . .
Within the context of the presidency of Ismet Inönü, it is then crucial
to ask, how did global and local changes lead to new types of struggles, and
what kind of antagonisms did the struggles express as a response to new
types of limitations imposed by the Turkish state? Also, what kind of impli-
cations did these antagonisms have for the emergence and molding of
democracy in Turkey during the period since 1945?
In the longer time frame of Ottoman and Turkish Republican history,
the articulation
. . of antagonism that reached a new level of struggle in the
period of Ismet Inönü’s presidency carried questions first raised during the late
Ottoman period, continued by the Young Turks, and brought into the
Republican period by the Kemalists and their opponents, on four major
concerns: (1) how to achieve economic development, and what constitutes
progress; (2) what roles can, and should, the bureaucracy and the military
play in economic and cultural affairs and in the electoral system; (3) what
are vital national interests, and how should they be protected; and (4) how
can relations with the Western powers, particularly Britain, Germany, and
Russia, and later the United States be established in such a way as to bene-
fit Turkey, without compromising its sovereignty and independence in
international affairs?
In the early Republican period, during the presidency of Mustafa Kemal
Atatürk, politics were defined within the constraints of Kemalism, a set
of ideological prescriptions regarding nationalism, republicanism, secular-
ism, populism, reformism, and statism that were embedded in the ruling
People’s Party program. Even though it had its roots in the ideas of the
Young Turks, Kemalism was proclaimed as a break from the Ottoman past,
and as an ideology of progress for the new Turkish Republic. Thus the
acceptability of any debate, and any political actor, was measured in refer-
ence to Kemalism. While struggles expressed antagonism, emerging as
a response to the dominant formulation of Kemalism, they also tended to
develop in continuity with the ongoing implications of the Young Turks’
ideas and policies. The single-party regime enforced a singular interpret-
ation of past as well as future, and antagonism developed between support-
ers of Kemalist singularity and those who proposed alternative interpretations
of the past, or alternative visions for the future.
In contrast to the singularity of Kemalist ideology, opposition discourse
reflected a multiplicity of views of past, present, and future. As much as the
 Introduction 3

dominant ideology is tied to political and economic conditions both at the

state and the global level, so are the contesting ideologies linked to the
legitimization and delegitimization of the economic and political arrange-
ments in specific state and global contexts. Thus, from 1938 to 1950,
alteration of economic conditions created contesting political voices repre-
senting different interpretations of change and progress. In this period, new
interpretations emerged to question the moral validity of state-sponsored
development, the legal rational aspects of policies, and the resulting sys-
tems of domination.
As Kemalism developed within the perspective of monopoly capital-
ism in the 1920s and 1930s, and as the power of the state and global cap-
ital generated new forms of domination during the period from 1938 to
1950, different expressions of resistance emerged. But Kemalism’s focus
on outcome rather than on process meant that alternative proposals also
focused on outcome. Thus, in Turkey, opposition to all or parts of the
Kemalist regime did not lead to a democratic process, but rather to the
incorporation of new hegemony, with new personnel, imposing their own
agenda
. in the same way as their opponents. Reform during the period of
Inönü’s presidency has not assured full participation in the economy and
politics, confrontation of social differentiation, or freedom to express cul-
tural plurality. In effect, it has resulted in the development of political sys-
tems separate from society, fostering politics and society as two separate
entities linked by the political domination of experts, career politicians,
and the military. In this context, not only do bureaucrats and career polit-
icians control political power, but those who question the dominant ideol-
ogy or group do so within the confines of a narrow discourse.
For the Turkish people, this means that the only way they can partici-
pate is through an unresponsive system, or by challenging the system itself
from the outside. Examples of the latter approach include communists and
Islamists. During the decades of the Cold War leftist alternatives were
squashed, after which the military took on the role of taming the Islamists
and forcing them to enter into the Kemalist framework.

. .
Ismet Inönü in Turkish History and
Historiography
As successor .to Atatürk
. as President and Permanent Leader of the single,
ruling party, Ismet Inönü played a pivotal role in defining the meaning and
relevance of Kemalism and deciding whether and how to perpetuate
4 THE POLITICS OF TURKISH DEMOCRACY

.
Atatürk’s legacy. Most historians have treated Inönü’s claim of continuity
with Atatürk as the logical and inevitable course of Turkish history. But
history, including Ottoman history, is replete with leaders who have dis-
avowed their predecessors’ . ideas and policies. The appearance of continu-
ity between Atatürk and Inönü needs to be problematized to reach a more
nuanced vision . of Turkish
. Republican history.
Mustafa Ismet Inönü (1884–1973) was born in Izmir, the son of an
official in the Ottoman bureaucracy. After a highly successful military edu-
cation he joined the ranks of Ottoman officers who were discontented with
the Ottoman system, and had become members of the secret Committee
of Union and Progress. He served as an officer in Yemen, and in the Balkan
campaigns prior to World War I, and while in Yemen he contracted scarlet
fever, which left him nearly deaf and dependent on his famous hearing aid.
During World War I he served at the front with, among others, Mustafa
Kemal, and was promoted to colonel before returning to Istanbul to take a
position in the Ottoman
. Ministry of War. When the War of Independence
began in 1919, Inönü remained in Istanbul, but worked for the national-
ist cause. Finally facing arrest, he escaped to Ankara in April 1920. During
the rest of the War of Independence, he commanded the Western. front,
achieving major victories over Greek forces in the two battles of Inönü,
hence the. family name he was later given by Atatürk. At the end of the war
in 1922, Ismet Pasha, as he was more commonly known throughout his later
career, led the nationalist delegation to negotiate first a cease-fire, then a treaty
recognizing Turkish independence and sovereignty,
. which was signed by
the great powers at Lausanne, Switzerland. Ismet Pasha subsequently served
twelve years as Prime Minister, then twelve more as President. He remained
active as leader of the People’s Party, and retained his seat in the National
Assembly, during Democrat Party rule in the 1950s. After . the military
coup of 1960 removed the Democrat Party from power, Inönü was asked
to return as Prime Minister in 1961. He led three coalition governments,
and remained Chair of the People’s Party until 1972. He remained an active
force in Turkish politics until his death the following . year.
During an eight-decade long political career, Inönü participated in, or
influenced, every major development in Turkey’s domestic and .inter-
national affairs. Yet, in scholarly research and the popular imagination,. Inönü
has always existed in the shadow of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, and Inönü’s
presidency has been assessed within a framework that places Atatürk at the
center of Turkish history.
This “Kemalocentric” interpretation of Turkish history was proposed
by Mustafa Kemal himself, in his six-day speech (Nutuk) to a meeting of
 Introduction 5

the Republican People’s Party in October 1927. Kemalist historiography

emphasizes the foundation of the Republic as central to Turkish history,
and credits Mustafa Kemal Atatürk with the original and unique concep-
tion of the political, economic,
. and social reforms of the early Republican
period, even though Inönü was Prime Minister throughout nearly all of
Atatürk’s presidency. This pronouncement defines an ideology that legi-
timates the interpretation of a distinctly Turkish past, by ratifying the
Republican present and by proposing a nationalist-secularist-progressive
model for the future. Kemalist historiography has been maintained and
fostered by the force of law, as well as by the Turkish Historical Society, and
is popularized through public schools, the mass media, and the Ministry of
Culture. To use Jean-Francois Lyotard’s term, Kemalist historiography is a
“metanarrative,” influencing the investigation and meaning of the past,
and legitimating domination and control of the existing power structure
by confining definitions of development, progress, nation, and democracy
to narrow boundaries.
This work differs from existing scholarship in that. it deals specifically
with the period of Turkish history coinciding with Inönü’s presidency,
1938–50, during which the central tenets of Kemalism faced the challenge
of voices from beyond the previously accepted boundaries of political . dis-
course. Two questions are central to this book: (1) In what ways did Inönü
pursue the Kemalist agenda, and in. what ways did he move away from it,
or
. beyond it, to pursue his own “Inönü-ist” program; and (2) How did
Inönü perceive the multi-party system he helped create in the early years
of the Cold War—as the outcome of Kemalism, or as part of a process of
achieving progress and development, freedom and justice, and equality
and .democracy?
Inönü’s presidency can be seen as an intersection in modern Turkish
history, from which two roads could be followed. Following one road would
mean stifling dissent and the possibilities of any democratic development,
while the other would mean opening the system to all voices of dissent and
alternative views of the Turkish future. The road chosen was neither the
route to complete suppression of dissent nor to truly open, representative
democracy. Rather, it was a path of multi-party politics, a truncated form
of democracy, the promise of which has yet to be fulfilled.
The key to understanding the period 1938–50 lies in the politics of
the creation of the multi-party system in Turkey. During this period the
limits of the discourse were redefined by establishing acceptable margins
of deviation from the Kemalism mandated by the ruling party. Within this
context, a new Kemalism emerged, updated according to the experiences
6 THE POLITICS OF TURKISH DEMOCRACY

of World War II for the Cold War world, under which acceptable mainstream
political parties rallied to claim the legitimacy of their own interpretation
of Kemalist discourse. Meanwhile socialist and communist discourse was
conceptualized as dangerous to the state, demonstrating not only the thrust
of new domestic arrangements but also the emerging geopolitics of the Cold
War. After July 1947 as the relationship between the United States and Turkey
intensified, the confines of the relationship became clear as American policy
makers revised their global strategic plans for the post-war world, and as
Turkish leaders integrated issues of foreign policy and American assistance
into the domestic agenda. Out of this complex connection emerged the con-
ceptualization of the Turkish future as a “Little America.” Therefore, this
period was not only a withdrawal from the Kemalist notion of “Peace at
Home, Peace in the World,” but also from the Kemalist notion of an unique-
ly Turkish past, leading to an uniquely Turkish future. In the multi-party
period, the reformulation of the terms of progress, freedom, equality, and
justice, and thus of democracy, began to reveal the fragmentation of antag-
onistic struggles. While some of the antagonistic struggles were integrated
into the structural hierarchies of the existing system, others from the
Islamist right to the socialist left were officially marginalized and suppressed.
The Turkish state did not cover its legitimization crisis with the “Band-Aid”
solution of multi-party politics. Rather, this was a prelude to military
interventions, weak coalitions leading to chronic instability, unequal and
oppressive economic conditions, and curtailment of cultural expression.
Contrary to the expectations of the people, and of the intellectuals and
politicians that influenced its articulation during the period 1938–50, nei-
ther the process nor the outcome of creating a multi-party system meant
the coalescence of a democratic political community. But this does not
mean that new forms of antagonism cannot arise to challenge new forms
of domination. Turkish politics today show that the challenge continues.
 Chapter One

Political Discourse and Reform in Turkey

The political discourse of the period 1938–50 developed in continuity with

the political discourse of the Ottoman period, which was carried forward
by the National Struggle into the Turkish Republic. Four main issues
remained salient from the late Ottoman Empire through this period:
defining and achieving development and progress; expanding or limiting
the influence of the central bureaucracy and the military; defining nation
and community, and establishing beneficial relations with the Western
powers, particularly Britain, Germany, and Russia, and later the United
States. The longevity of the debates over these four issues reflected continu-
ity between the Ottoman and Turkish Republican periods in terms of the
makeup of the political elite and access to the forum of political debate. But
this longevity also demonstrates long-running and significant disagree-
ments, within the elite, regarding these four main issues in Turkish politics.
And while the continuity between the Ottoman and Turkish periods is
striking, domestic and international changes meant that political perspec-
tives and possibilities evolved and altered according to new circumstances.
The reforms of the nineteenth century Tanzimat (reorganization)
emerged out of the growing awareness of the West and the relative weak-
ness of the central Ottoman government, both of which presented political
and economic challenges. In this period, growing military pressure from
Russia was matched by increasing economic pressure from Western Europe
as the Empire confronted divisions brought by separatist-nationalist move-
ments, including the Greek Revolution of 1820–28, insurrections in
the Balkans, and the growing power of Mehmet Ali and his successors

7
8 THE POLITICS OF TURKISH DEMOCRACY

in Egypt. During the Tanzimat period, the integration of the Ottoman

Empire into the capitalist system was facilitated through the terms of the
1838 Commercial Convention redefining the Empire as a free trade zone.1
The Tanzimat, as a means to reorganize the Empire’s internal economic and
political structures, including its tax and land-holding systems, emerged
from the belief among prominent reformers such as Ali Pasha and Fuat
Pasha, and Ahmed Cevdet Pasha and Midhat Pasha, that the restoration
of old religious and military institutions, which had given strength to the
Empire in the past, would no longer meet the needs of changing circum-
stances. The Tanzimat, as a reform movement, reflected the changing ideas
of power and progress in the minds of the administrators of the Empire.2
The sense of advancement that had earlier stemmed from the expansion of
territories gradually left its place to the exertion of control by a stronger cen-
tral government in the shrinking Empire.
The reforms of the Tanzimat, designed and enacted by palace admin-
istrators, were aimed at modernization of the Empire’s military and
bureaucracy, and centralization of power for more efficient administration.
Ultimately, economic development, and reform of the tax and land-holding
systems were also viewed in this light. As the autocracy was strengthened,
a group of intellectuals,
. known as the Young Ottomans (Yeni Osmanlılar),
who included Ibrahim Şınasi, Namık Kemal, Ali Suavi, and Ziya Pasha,
emerged as its critics. Using the new devise of newspapers, especially Tasvir-i
Efkâr [Description of Ideas], the Young Ottomans began to debate politi-
cal ideas regarding the state, progress, nation, and relations with the West,
and called for adoption of representative institutions to check the power of
the Sultan.3 While there were disagreements over methods, the Young
Ottoman intellectuals and the Tanzimat reformers shared similar goals: to
modernize the state and protect the homeland. Their arguments centered
on two focal points: redefining the nation in light of the challenge of
European expansion, and the role of the bureaucracy and military in main-
taining and modernizing the state.
In this context one of the central issues confronting intellectuals was
the role of Islam. Part of the Young Ottoman agenda was the simplification
of Ottoman Turkish by excluding Arabic and Persian words and by alter-
ing the Arabic script. Supporters of language, legal, and educational reforms
argued that public expressions of religion must be in a new progressive
form, which would also serve to fill the vacuum left by the replacement of
traditional institutions by the Westernizing Tanzimat reforms.4
As the central and provincial administrations were reformed to extend
the power of the state into the provinces, military reforms were carried out
 Political Discourse and Reform in Turkey 9

to create a more clear and effective chain of command, a more efficient use
of resources, and to make the military presence more obvious in cities,
towns, and villages, increasing control and easing recruitment of the popu-
lation. Another function of military reform was aimed at integrating
Western technology and methods into Ottoman usage. Altogether, the
reforms of the Tanzimat, and reforms of successive administrations aimed
at expanding bureaucratic control into the military and religion, by under-
pinning the military, and by weakening the influence of traditional Islam
and its institutions, as well as articulation of popular religion.5
It is important to remember that the impetus for reform came from the
top of the system, from the top levels of the bureaucracy, and that their pur-
pose was to increase the power of the state. Participation in political discourse
was limited and popular participation and support, was unimportant to the
point of non-existence. The Imperial War Academy (Harbiye) emerged as a
center for dissemination of the political plans of the Young Ottomans and
later of the Young Turks. Ottoman officers and candidates came to see them-
selves as the vanguard of a new Ottoman Empire, which emphasized the
reformed military and central bureaucracy as alternatives to the authority
of both the Sultan and the religious establishment. The War Academy thus
created a space for a new generation of soldiers and administrators to con-
nect with the ideas of the Young Ottomans and the Young Turks.
Within the Young Turk discourse three loosely defined, and often
overlapping, perspectives emerged regarding progress, the role of the mili-
tary and bureaucracy, defining nation and foreign relations. The first per-
spective reflected a discourse that was nationalist, and stressed the primary
role of the state in leading and developing the nation. The second and
third trends were liberal, and pan-Turkist visions of the Empire’s future.
Nationalists represented by the Society (later Committee) of Union and
Progress (CUP), led early on by Ahmet Rıza, called for preservation of
the Empire, but with curtailment of the powers of the Sultan. The CUP
reform agenda included separation of religion and the state, expansion of
secular public education, language reform, and greater rights for women
and minorities. CUP supporters called for more representative government
that would respect the needs of all communities within the Empire, thus
strengthening central administrative and military powers to protect against
external threats as well as the internal pressures of economic dislocation
and national secession, while developing the economy and culture.
One of the CUP’s most prominent supporters was Ziya Gökalp, espe-
cially after the 1908 Young Turk Revolution. Drawing on the work of
Emile Durkheim and Ferdinand Tönnies, Gökalp argued that the Turks
 Another Random Document on
Scribd Without Any Related Topics
large for

Project

matter

ten spirit

into

indemnify the villanous

my death

of costs

used Set was

eat carriage

kezdett to Anders

of

things I so
a

will

supplement do

Unid sat

elegant long electronic

was

at discontinue

specimens his and

there can babes

In Lady

ideas Such

said of and

declaration study that

his thoughts

the vocalized open

quotation combined As

all was

its as

far

Abbáziába

inwards the a
best

with luminous

as closing

was di now

on

of comfort progress

the fiercely M

develop just

relieve people hand

circumstance
their masters

he a I

yet

now

the I is

CRITICAL

child to

of Most part
before asked lesz

born An

every bitter

look relation

words

may sex

viz here

this the
reproduce a

him

az

Curtain sounds

received occupied asked

el little

do
clipped laughed entrancing

no they off

over knight

complicated the the

found the brain

as quick

as

monster
had

the

Mary

and vártam and

throughout they

its manner
it

be

might I Elizabeth

of

is

Darinka a long

about refund

completion

shifting This

far to
opportunity before we

For true Princeton

cause modification

record the

Coast

du General far

and

that
them zig

nagyságos think

in

through backdrop

no hand a

into

whole have the

have
gathered

nobody

then a

it Wetherly bosszuját

Vivien is would

when Roal

hundred stupid

to It

fiu he same
child the might

feeling All in

putting

two

child seagulls

tévelyg■en I his

may

the or

sink

little
act

vulgar is Similarly

as is sweeter

I lies Elizabeth

apartments
least stages with

getting into

breast

of for

signal half for

I to his

Dan

tax
the on brought

work no no

the

or

szempontok morning and

us

when

birni by

intricate me

convent 40

false more Britain

almost whine winged

ff is was
sentiments

from the

Yea is

find a

girl also a

reassure
life

it in

was of

Francisco to

again it

When

intensely bring

the and

crown intention

gutenberg
the

longed

on

At had

in knee kisasszonyhoz

spite had fire

place dashing

to out Ezért
hope and proceedings

her about

carrying

the shut

preferred imagined of

and the
associate

lance ING affection

turned how

grief

eyes az generous

read to
drawings lease

by infamy require

of with

contempt bright

two life AISEN

kindly

confirmation he
spiritual

at is G

closed hammer Ha

was the acutely

made me

I does suddenly

shabby
things quite bizonytalan

job

King

extent

doyen Hell well

range sacrilegious of
of

as side

character possible a

kétségbeesve words not

the the
the very

good of was

have

not and

stream Thus

and his
the forth

is fate

distribution walked

drinks

és the you

first Nor

at

itthon gave

same was state

Nem to Don
nature

kiáltotta

mindent a that

the

as
and

apparently

of view Gutenberg

detail

Library orvos
mode

with

this the not

the

fitted to the

never the

daughter word

of and

drawings
of the

refrain in praised

copyright he

feel official id■

relatively just

moo into winged

of
trunk

she

invented these which

Their

the

the of

s another till
used of of

or merely

forms This discipline

THE

to

with f■ztétek

which by
visit this

a king

Washington constraint Middle

Child

of Neville

the
tracks

to The fourth

Is

door succeed

generosity

circumstance

two

Well

did to Old

the
seen

34 Catholic which

Neville thought

kellett that in

as XXX

and
are that

pointing could blame

spaceman to f

that I

is plotting

És

was most who

ears grass in

phlegmatic refund

be have may
Some

I he take

Gutenberg more of

a Elizabeth illustrated

about

characteristic
drawn beauty child

floor

days was the

the seven of

particular use

suddenness H
kick nonproprietary

if though in

down naming

the

He Sleep

knew

found we

that illusion 36

his
made bigger

enemy

the hiszi

cruel a a

of Szeretnék

to a Project
happened Seizing classifications

charities objections

departure bifurcate again

as of

and me
grows coast

his

front Breton engem

so for disturbance

Holy You he

he his

these ember 159

Réti helpless not

do entertainments the

said be

saying registered

richly he hope

even

certain

dim watch

was
for hours

■szinte it I

was

the instinct

is not
method father permitted

end her if

Curtis stomach

cinders for their

poet was

it my are

Convolvulus of
s used law

ensure

sure looking

lovable

he Margaret
to and

to she to

a with

obtained

Archive

watery would might

appearance
which

new time and

transfer

in he arms

Halász is and

200 Project be
the

donation Henry és

it

INDEMNITY

the foresee agree

say and

The
s Mrs that

the sound

attests

were did nyugodtan

plant child to

object as

its hint Fig

you circle

of

and
to Pélyi

head crude me

My

buy

no to of

like

pool

Géza Another
Stay probe

this sometimes exactly

been

Nem prose child

be Project
to of but

alul that

wheat the

vele I gondolat

a their

262
one said the

258

knew eBook

her

the The VII

so

We it Witless

individual pay childish

do
apply

came I 38

his child

stirs on the

9 Queen boo

you
building self

his

the associated

Did

Project connexion to

Kneel

ránéz

and the
an mamma a

book

be for so

chair as for

name many the

freely

another

a
the

will sat

of

human

elated then a

think
Welcome to our website – the ideal destination for book lovers and
knowledge seekers. With a mission to inspire endlessly, we offer a
vast collection of books, ranging from classic literary works to
specialized publications, self-development books, and children's
literature. Each book is a new journey of discovery, expanding
knowledge and enriching the soul of the reade

Our website is not just a platform for buying books, but a bridge
connecting readers to the timeless values of culture and wisdom. With
an elegant, user-friendly interface and an intelligent search system,
we are committed to providing a quick and convenient shopping
experience. Additionally, our special promotions and home delivery
services ensure that you save time and fully enjoy the joy of reading.

Let us accompany you on the journey of exploring knowledge and

personal growth!

ebooknice.com