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Aboriginal Autonomy and
Development in Northern Quebec
and Labrador
This page intentionally left blank
Colin H. Scott

Aboriginal Autonomy and

Development in Northern Quebec
and Labrador
© UBC Press 2001

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a

retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without prior
written permission of the publisher, or, in Canada, in the case of photocopying
or other reprographic copying, a licence from CANCOPY (Canadian Copyright
Licensing Agency), 900 - 6 Adelaide Street East, Toronto, ON M5C 1H6.

Printed in Canada on acid-free paper

ISBN 0-7748-0844-6

National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data

Main entry under title:

Aboriginal autonomy and development in northern Quebec and Labrador

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 0-7748-0844-6

1. Native peoples – Quebec (Province) – Nord-du-Québec.* 2. Native peoples –

Newfoundland – Labrador. I. Scott, Colin.

E78.C2A124 2001 971.4'1100497 C2001-910261-5

This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Humanities and
Social Sciences Federation of Canada, using funds provided by the Social Sciences
and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

UBC Press acknowledges the financial support of the Government of Canada

through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP) for our
publishing activities.

We also gratefully acknowledge the support of the Canada Council for the Arts for
our publishing program, as well as the support of the British Columbia Arts Council.

Set in Stone by Darlene Remus

Printed and bound in Canada by Friesens
Copy editor: Joanne Richardson
Proofreader: Jacqueline Wood
Indexer: Patricia Buchanan

UBC Press
The University of British Columbia
2029 West Mall, Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z2
(604) 822-5959
Fax: (604) 822-6083
E-mail: [email protected]
www.ubcpress.ca
 Contents

Figures / viii

Preface and Acknowledgments / ix

Part 1: Perspectives on the General Issues

1 On Autonomy and Development / 3

Colin H. Scott

2 Healing the Past, Meeting the Future / 21

Peter Penashue

Part 2: (Re)defining Territory

3 Shaping Modern Inuit Territorial Perception and Identity in the

Quebec-Labrador Peninsula / 33
Ludger Müller-Wille

4 Writing Legal Histories on Nunavik/ 41

Susan G. Drummond

5 The Landscape of Nunavik/The Territory of Nouveau-Québec / 63

Peter Jacobs

6 Aboriginal Rights and Interests in Canadian Northern Seas / 78

Monica E. Mulrennan and Colin H. Scott

7 Territories, Identity, and Modernity among the Atikamekw

(Haut St-Maurice, Quebec) / 98
Sylvie Poirier
vi Contents

Part 3: Resource Management and Development Conflicts

8 Voices from a Disappearing Forest: Government, Corporate, and Cree

Participatory Forestry Management Practices / 119
Harvey A. Feit and Robert Beaulieu

9 Conflicts between Cree Hunting and Sport Hunting: Co-Management

Decision Making at James Bay / 149
Colin H. Scott and Jeremy Webber

10 Becoming a Mercury Dealer: Moral Implications and the Construction of

Objective Knowledge for the James Bay Cree / 175
Richard T. Scott

11 Media Contestation of the James Bay and Northern Québec Agreement:

The Social Construction of the “Cree Problem” / 206
Donna Patrick and Peter Armitage

12 Low-Level Military Flight Training in Quebec-Labrador: The Anatomy of a

Northern Development Conflict / 233
Mary Barker

13 The Land Claims Negotiations of the Montagnais, or Innu, of the Province

of Quebec and the Management of Natural Resources / 255
Paul Charest

Part 4: Community, Identity, and Governance

14 Community Dispersal and Organization:

The Case of Oujé-Bougoumou / 277
Abel Bosum

15 Gathering Knowledge: Reflections on the Anthropology of Identity,

Aboriginality, and the Annual Gatherings in Whapmagoostui, Quebec / 289
Naomi Adelson

16 Building a Community in the Town of Chisasibi / 304

Susan Jacobs

17 Cultural Change in Mistissini: Implications for Self-Determination and

Cultural Survival / 316
Catherine James
 Contents vii

18 The Decolonization of the Self and the Recolonization of Knowledge:

The Politics of Nunavik Health Care / 332
Josée G. Lavoie

19 Country Space as a Healing Place: Community Healing at Sheshatshiu / 357

Cathrine Degnen

20 The Concept of Community and the Challenge for Self-Government / 379

Hedda Schuurman

21 The Double Bind of Aboriginal Self-Government / 396

Adrian Tanner

Part 5: In Conclusion

22 Ways Forward / 417

Colin H. Scott

Contributors / 427

Index / 428
 Figures

1.1 Territories of First Nations represented in this volume / 2

3.1 The socio-cultural region of Nunavik and the administrative region of
Kativik / 38
6.1 Territorial lands and seas of James Bay Cree and Northern Quebec Inuit / 82
8.1 Waswanipi moose harvests vs. forest area cut and burned, 1969-85 / 139
12.1 Conceptual framework / 234
12.2 The Quebec-Labrador Peninsula / 236
12.3 Comprehensive land claims / 238
12.4 Resource use and development initiatives in Labrador / 240
12.5 Regional distribution of public submissions commenting on the first (1989)
and second (1994) Goose Bay Environmental Impact Statements / 246
Preface and Acknowledgments

This book stems from collaborative research undertaken by members of the

AGREE (Aboriginal Government, Resources, Economy, and Environment)
research program from 1991 to the present as well as by others who, in one
way or another (e.g., through symposia, workshops, or informal consulta-
tion) became involved with our examination of common issues. In respond-
ing to the sometimes incremental, sometimes sudden, subordination and
dispossession imposed by macro-political and economic orders, northern
First Nations are compelled to negotiate “space” for themselves across a
broad spectrum of territorial, institutional, and symbolic practices. While
these interconnected aspects cannot easily – and indeed should not – be
compartmentalized, they cluster around certain cultural priorities, political
flashpoints, persistent conundrums, and hopes for transcendence and rec-
onciliation. These have provided some direction for organizing the chapters
of this book into five parts.
Part 1, Perspectives on the General Issues, offers an overview by the edi-
tor of the volume, followed by the ground-level insights of a prominent
First Nations leader. Both chapters perceive inherent connections between
political subordination, territorial dispossession, and suffering; and between
re-entitlement, autonomy, and community healing.
Part 2, (Re)defining Territory, addresses the all-important issue of rein-
forcing authority over homelands and waters – an issue so basic to Aborig-
inal cultural and political identity, and a seemingly inarguable prerequisite
for material improvement and autonomy. The chapters in this part address
how Aboriginal collectivities seek to redefine the effects of “Crown” prop-
erty, political boundaries, and the jurisdictional claims of the state; they
also address how the strategic redefinition and hybridization of territorial
forms reciprocally reshape Aboriginal conceptions and practice.
Part 3, Resource Management and Development Conflicts, follows quite
logically from Part 2. Here the cut-and-thrust of renegotiating jurisdictional
and property rights is explored across a representative range of contests
x Preface and Acknowledgments

over natural resources and the institutional instances through which these
issues are mediated – litigation, media campaigns, protest and direct action,
scientific authority, environmental review, co-management, and claims
negotiation. It is here that the political factors motivating the state and
state-sponsored economic interests are cast in sharpest relief. From the
composite of cases considered, there emerges a strong sense of the condi-
tions and prospects for Aboriginal action with regard to structural change.
Part 4, Community, Identity, and Governance, expands the view of local
development dynamics to emphasize how communities are coping with
debilitating burdens of social dislocation and suffering through processes of
relocation, social healing, and cultural renewal. It is this part that offers the
most explicit views of the problem of constructing and maintaining com-
munity; of relations between women and men, young and old, those with
a vision, and those who have lost heart; of the human effects of the chronic
contradictions between indigenous and externally imposed orders.
Part 5, In Conclusion, considers the imperative of structural reform, and
conditions for achieving it – reform that would reaffirm Aboriginal posses-
sion of homelands and waters, authentic political self-determination, and
room for cultural self-definition. Particular attention is drawn to key rec-
ommendations of the recent Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples,
unwisely neglected by current federal and provincial governments.
AGREE co-investigators include professors in anthropology, geography,
and law from McGill University (where AGREE is headquartered) as well as
from several other universities in Quebec, elsewhere in Canada, and abroad.
Numerous graduate students, both former and current, have contributed
immensely to this research and are richly represented in this book.
The research program developed around a partnership with northern
Aboriginal communities and leaderships to tackle priority problems in self-
government and development. The original partners in this venture were
the Grand Council of the Crees of Eeyou Istchee (GCCEI) (Eeyou Istchee
meaning “people’s land”), Makivik Corporation for the northern Quebec
Inuit, the Innu Nation of Labrador, and the Lubicon Cree First Nation in
northern Alberta. Each of these organizations nominated a member to an
advisory board for the AGREE research. We are grateful for the guidance
and support provided in this capacity by Bill Namagoose (GCCEI), Robert
Lanari (Makivik Corporation), Peter Penashue (Innu Nation), and Bernard
Ominayak (Lubicon). Although the geographic focus of this book is north-
ern Quebec and Labrador, Lubicon participation provided our discussions
with an immensely valuable comparative dimension.
Several political, administrative, and scientific members of the aforemen-
tioned organizations, their constituent communities, and allied administra-
tive entities advanced our collaboration with the partner organizations:
Peter Armitage, Daniel Ashini, Abel Bosum, Robert Beaulieu, Lorraine
 Preface and Acknowledgments xi

Brooke, Brian Craik, Rick Cuciurean, René Dion, Sam Gull, Suzanne Hilton,
Ginette Lajoie, Fred Lennarson, Matthew Mukash, Basil Penashue, Alan
Penn, and Katie Rich, among many others. Some of these individuals have
contributed chapters to this volume.
Between 1992 and 1997, we organized several workshops to bring
together researchers and Aboriginal partners. These included an initial
planning workshop in the Department of Anthropology at McGill Univer-
sity in 1991, consultation between some of the researchers and Aboriginal
partner representatives at the community of Little Buffalo (Lubicon) in
1992, a full team workshop at the community of Oujé-Bougoumou (Quebec
Cree) in March 1994, and a thematic workshop (Negotiating Nationhood:
An Intercultural Dialogue on Contemporary Native Issues) at McGill Uni-
versity in December 1996.
We also organized a series of team symposia at several professional acade-
mic meetings to share work-in-progress and exchange ideas: the Canadian
Anthropology Society Meetings, Université de Montréal, May 1992; the First
International Congress of Arctic Social Sciences, Université Laval, Quebec,
October 1992; the Canadian Anthropology Society Meetings, York Univer-
sity, Toronto, May 1993; and the Learned Societies Meetings, Université du
Québec à Montréal, May 1995. Smaller sub-sets of the team also presented
together on the issues of this volume at the Learned Societies Meetings,
Memorial University, St. John’s, June 1997; at the Seventh Conference of
the International Association for the Study of Common Property (IASCP),
University of British Columbia, Vancouver, June 1998; at the Eighth Inter-
national Conference on Hunting and Gathering Societies (CHAGS),
National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka, Japan, October 1998; and at the con-
ference, In the Way of Development: Indigenous Peoples, Civil Society and
the Environment, McMaster University, Hamilton, November 1998.
Regina Harrison and Jonathan Salsberg served as editors for the AGREE
Discussion Paper Series, through which earlier versions of several of the
chapters in this volume were developed. Several other graduate students
and colleagues contributed to the vetting of drafts. Kate Degnen, Kreg
Ettenger, Liz Fajber, Tara Goetze, Hedda Schuurman, and Audra Simpson
took leading roles in organizing workshops, producing the newsletter, and
getting our documentation resources in order. Special thanks are also due to
Nicola Wolters, who served a three-year term running our office, as well as
to Karine Bates and Brian Thom for more recent administrative support.
AGREE has benefited greatly from our participation in the Centre for Soci-
ety, Technology and Development (STANDD), directed by John Galaty, and
the Programme in the Anthropology of Development (PAD), directed by
Laurel Bossen.
The original source of funding for our research and deliberations was a
strategic grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of
xii Preface and Acknowledgments

Canada (SSHRCC), 1991-4 (principal investigator C. Scott; co-investigators

H. Feit, C. Lambert, L. Müller-Wille, and A. Tanner), for the project “Aborig-
inal Government, Resource Management, and Resource-Based Economic
Development in Provincial Northern Regions.” Subsequent team funding
(1994-7) was granted by Quebec’s Fonds pour la formation de chercheurs et
l’aide à la recherche (FCAR) (principal investigator C. Scott; co-investigators
C. Lambert, M. Mulrennan, L. Müller-Wille, and J. Webber; with out-of-
province associates H. Feit, D. Soyez, and A. Tanner). Numerous individual
and supplementary team grants also contributed to the funding base for
research and conference symposia. This book has been published with the
help of a grant from the Humanities and Social Sciences Federation of
Canada, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities
Research Council of Canada.
A most gratifying aspect of working on this book has been the opportu-
nity to include case material from Aboriginal areas additional to those of
the original Aboriginal partners in our research. Thus, we are able to incor-
porate experience from Quebec Innu and Atikamekw. We are beholden to
those authors, and to the Aboriginal communities who have sponsored
their research, for contributions that materially enhance the scope and
comparative significance of the research program.
Jean Wilson, Emily Andrew, Ann Macklem, and others on the team at
UBC Press provided faith, wisdom, and meticulous assistance throughout
the publication process. Two anonymous peer reviewers, for UBC Press and
for the Aid to Scholarly Publications Program, offered encouragement and
invaluable advice.
We hope that this book may contribute to the understanding and
enhancement of Aboriginal autonomy and self-determined development
and reciprocate, in some measure, the support received from so many quar-
ters – above all from the Aboriginal participants and their communities.
Part 1
Perspectives on the General Issues
Figure 1.1 Territories of First Nations represented in this volume
1
On Autonomy and Development
Colin H. Scott

Fundamental to the idea of development is the notion of improvement, the

imagining of bettered lives, and the enactment of those imaginings in
social practices that convert dreams and visions into durable, lived realities.
Development is not managed or understood by privileged reference to a
particular subset of economic, political, or cultural practices. If the pres-
sures experienced by northern Aboriginal societies due to other peoples’
development are commonly portrayed by narrow measures of economic or
political power and interest, then Aboriginal strategies for opposing and
converting them involve a calculus more subtle and complex than is gen-
erally recognized. In northern Aboriginal societies, the projects of a hunter
or an entrepreneur, homeland ties of sentiment, knowledge and responsi-
bility, the blockage of a forestry road, and steps towards community heal-
ing are inextricably intertwined aspects of development. As Aboriginal
societies elaborate strategies for autonomous development within myriad
contexts, usually against daunting odds, they are actively challenging and
revising commonplace theories about the necessities inherent in mass mar-
ket economies and state monopolies of power.
Autonomy implies, by definition, that collectivities enact self-generated
futures, defending and creating lives that include but are not simply
reducible to hegemonic forms or counter-hegemonic responses.1 Otherwise,
such terms as “cultural survival” and “self-determination” – important as
they are in winning political allies and making moral claims against the
state – would amount to little more than the affixing of Aboriginal identi-
ties onto progressively “mainstream” lifeways. Is there scope within the
state to accommodate the “potential radical alterity” (Povinelli 1998, 587)
of Aboriginal social and cultural orders? Public and scholarly interest in
northern Aboriginal societies is due, in significant measure, to the percep-
tion that, notwithstanding increasingly complex and intensive involve-
ment with mainstream economy, politics, and culture, these societies are
composed of peoples who have a fighting chance to define themselves and
to live in substantially unique ways.
4 Colin H. Scott

The chapters in this book ask by what means and in what forms Aborigi-
nal societies resist domination and dependency to negotiate self-determined
paths of development in the contemporary world. Thus posed, it is a broad
question, demanding a broad-spectrum response. The paths negotiated cut
through all domains of social life: property and territory, law and gover-
nance, ecology and resource management, economy, knowledge, health,
schooling, gender relations, identity, and spirituality. Throughout, Aborigi-
nal cultural difference is an implicit condition and explicit symbol for insti-
tutional innovation and societal restructuring. The accommodation of
difference demands a new relatedness – one that is enacted through multi-
ple interconnected strategies: sovereignty shared between Aboriginal and
central state governments (Asch 1988, 1993; Scott 1993; Tully 1995); more
equitable distribution of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal rights and titles
(Slattery 1987; Asch 1997; Culhane 1998); resource co-management arrange-
ments (Feit 1988; Pinkerton 1989; Berkes et al. 1991; Usher 1996); creative
articulations of subsistence and cash economies (Duhaime 1990; Scott and
Feit 1992); more engaged conversations between Western science and local
environmental knowledge (Freeman and Carbyn 1988; Johnson 1992);
enhanced cultural and institutional syncretism in medicine, justice, admin-
istration, and education (Ross 1992; Niezen 1993; O’Neil 1993; Haig-Brown
1995); and redefined and realigned collective identities and alliances (Dyck
1985; Beckett 1988; Tanner 1993).
This, at least, is the optimistic vision and expectation. Sceptics will argue
that the reality is a revised subordination of Aboriginal peoples, token
accommodation in the guise of a disingenuous “multiculturalism” whose
function is to lubricate the ongoing rearrangement of Aboriginal lives to fit
the imperatives of capitalism and liberal state hegemony. Yet the Aboriginal
demand for collective material and political equity – promoted in dis-
courses of social justice, Aboriginal rights, cultural relativism, pluralistic
power sharing, and environmental responsibility – persistently contradicts
(and exposes the contradictions of) mainstream social orders. Northern
Aboriginal societies, whose marginalization can produce fierce oppositional
cohesion, are often staging grounds for change according to alternative
societal premises. As they confront and renegotiate their relationship with
the state, the fracture lines dividing the resisters from the resisted admit the
eruption (and irruption) of new (inter)cultural forms – new internal orders,
and new external articulations. In making space for themselves, they seek
no less than to transform all of “us.”

Cases at Hand
The Aboriginal peoples represented in this book comprise a significant pro-
portion of Canadian subarctic and arctic peoples. The eastern Cree, Innu,
 On Autonomy and Development 5

and Atikamekw occupy the eastern one-third of a subarctic Algonquian

cultural continuum that stretches from Labrador to the Rocky Mountains.
This continuum is marked by numerous cultural, organizational, and lin-
guistic shifts; however, historically, throughout the length and breadth of
their distribution, each adjacent community has had ties to the next via
relations of kinship and production. The Inuit of northern Quebec belong
to an arctic distribution of similar character and even broader geographic
sweep. While the political-territorial relations between Inuit and neigh-
bouring Algonquians in the eastern North American Arctic/Subarctic were
often hostile, the boundaries between these primary cultural/language
groups were also significantly permeable.
These hunting peoples reflect considerable heterogeneity with regard to
culture and history. They have responded in variable ways to distinctive
local and regional ecologies, distinctive colonialist interventions, and
uneven contemporary opportunities for fashioning “mixed economies” of
subsistence and cash and for navigating the increasing complexity of their
material and political environments.
The land and water – and associated economic and cultural activities –
remain critically important to the social animus and self-definition of all.
However, all are located in areas that central governments and corporate
capitalist developers regard as resource extractive “frontiers.” The Aboriginal
homelands and waters examined in our cases were annexed to contempo-
rary “provinces.” As such, federal, one or more provincial, and sometimes
territorial governments must be dealt with in negotiating rights to land,
water, and resources; self-government jurisdiction; and development oppor-
tunities. Several groups (Innu, Inuit, and Cree) have homelands and popu-
lations that are cloven by provincial and territorial boundaries – a
circumstance that significantly complicates the ethno-political identities,
organizations, and strategies of these First Nations.
For the past few decades, the pace of intruding industrial “development”
projects has accelerated: hydroelectric and mineral extraction affecting Cree,
Atikamekw, Innu, and Inuit peoples; extensive forest clear-cutting of Cree,
Atikamekw, and Innu territories; low-level military overflights of Innu
homelands in Quebec and Labrador; proliferating road networks; and
increasing competition with recreational hunting and fishing. These forms
of development, which are familiar throughout the Canadian provincial
north (Waldram 1988; Ashini 1989; Richardson 1989; Goddard 1991;
McCutcheon 1991; Wadden 1991; Ferreira 1992; Gagné 1994; Henriksen
1994; Notzke 1994; Niezen 1998), have caused substantial erosion of Aborig-
inal resource areas and interference with land-based subsistence and com-
mercial activities, and bring inadequate alternative employment and
entrepreneurial opportunities to local communities. All are struggling to a
6 Colin H. Scott

greater or lesser extent with problems of social stress and dysfunction that
are a legacy of domination and dependency; all are engaged in determined
efforts at social healing and cultural revitalization.
An important trend in the history of the last one-quarter century has
been the emergence of regional political organization out of formerly band-
organized communities. Opposition to Hydro-Québec’s program for hydro-
electric development at James Bay, among other factors (see Salisbury
1986), precipitated the relatively vigorous and focused Grand Council of
the Crees of Quebec (GCCQ) (as they were then known) in the early 1970s.
Something parallel emerged among Quebec Inuit with the formation of
Makivik Corporation, though a few so-called dissident communities did
not accept the legitimacy of either Makivik or the James Bay and Northern
Québec Agreement (JBNQA). The regional organization of the Innu Nation
of Labrador includes two communities, separated for many practical polit-
ical purposes from other Innu communities by the Quebec-Labrador border.
On the Quebec side of the border, Innu (Montagnais) communities allied for
a number of years with Atikamekw in the Conseil Attikamek-Montagnais
(CAM), but they separated before a joint regional comprehensive claim set-
tlement was concluded (see Paul Charest, Chapter 13, this volume).
All groups share a commitment to maintaining themselves within, and
caring for, community and homeland. All are determined to make it possi-
ble for a substantial proportion of their young people to stay home. To
secure the economic means to maintain their populations on their home
territories, Aboriginal leaders must convince central governments to
increase public spending and/or win a significant share of the resource rents
from their home territories.2 Uncompromising Aboriginal campaigns to block
unfavourable development have sometimes been the only way to demonstrate
de facto, if not de jure, ownership of the resources in question. And even if
rights to a share of royalties, employment, and entrepreneurial benefits from
industrial extraction are won, then there still remains the need for the pro-
development negotiation of resource extractive projects to be balanced with
protection of adequate lands and waters for hunting, fishing, and trapping.
Aboriginal agendas for autonomous development demand a major rede-
finition of the state-imposed regimes of political jurisdiction and property
that now severely restrict the right of Aboriginal societies to regulate or
share in the benefits of development. The pathways towards this redefini-
tion are variable. The JBNQA, signed by Quebec Cree and Inuit in 1975, is
the longest-standing example, within provincial borders, of a comprehen-
sive modern treaty negotiated with peoples not formerly covered by
late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century treaties. The agreement ad-
dresses areas that intersect broadly with state authority – lands, resource
and environmental management, self-government, financial compensa-
tion, economic development, education, health and social services, and so on.
 On Autonomy and Development 7

But as many of the chapters in this collection show, the JBNQA has produced
mixed results. While this undoubtedly will be true of all comprehensive settle-
ments, including those in exclusively federal territories, the necessity of dealing
with both provincial and federal layers of central government introduces special
obstacles and complexities.
Geo-economically and geo-politically, most provinces in Canada are sim-
ilarly constituted. The basic model includes (1) a southern industrial and
agricultural region that is quite densely settled by immigrant majorities
who have long since displaced Aboriginals from the vast majority of that
land base and (2) a northern resource extractive hinterland supporting
forestry, mineral and petroleum extraction, and hydroelectricity. In these
northern regions, extensive land use by Aboriginal occupants remains (or
has remained until very recently) an option – but one under mounting
pressure from the aforementioned industrial activities.
The tenurial configuration of provinces is a straightforward expression, in
legal proprietary terms, of the power structures imposed on northern Ab-
original peoples. While in the South the great majority of lands are in pri-
vate freehold, the vast majority of the North is designated Crown land,
ostensibly for the general benefit of the provincial “public-at-large.” To
achieve the erasure of Aboriginal property in northern as well as in south-
ern areas, either late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century treaties of ces-
sion and surrender were signed (in Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and
Ontario) or Aboriginal rights and titles were outright denied and ignored
(as in Quebec and Newfoundland-Labrador). In the mid-1970s, the James
Bay Cree and northern Quebec Inuit turned surviving Aboriginal title to
their partial advantage when they negotiated a comprehensive settlement
that was, in several respects, more satisfactory (if only because less ambigu-
ous and more enforceable) than were the historical treaties. The JBNQA rep-
resents, for better and for worse, something of a benchmark to such groups
as the Labrador and Quebec Innu and Atikamekw who, not having signed
historical treaties, have for many years been seeking to come to satisfactory
arrangements through comprehensive negotiations.

Redefining Territory
Political survival demands a dual, seemingly contradictory, strategy. On the
one hand, First Nations are impelled to enlighten and persuade outsiders
about the character and meaning, in Aboriginal cultural terms, of their rela-
tionship to homelands and waters. On the other hand, in order to create
legal and constitutional space for the defence and autonomous develop-
ment of their territories, they are forced to negotiate Aboriginal cultural
and political landscapes in relation to Euro-Canadian concepts of property
and jurisdiction. The culturally defined and locally experienced realities of
social and natural “community” are primary; yet, paradoxically, struggling
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