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Jesus Is Female
E A R LY A M E R I C A N S T U D I E S
Daniel K. Richter and Kathleen M. Brown, Series Editors

Exploring neglected aspects of our colonial, revolutionary, and early

national history and culture, Early American Studies reinterprets
familiar themes and events in fresh ways. Interdisciplinary in character,
and with a special emphasis on the period from about 1600 to 1850, the
series is published in partnership with the McNeil Center for Early
American Studies.

A complete list of books in the series is available from the publisher.

Jesus Is Female
Moravians and the Challenge of Radical
Religion in Early America

AARON SPENCER FOGLEMAN

University of Pennsylvania Press

Philadelphia
Publication of this volume was aided by a gift from Eric R. Papenfuse and Catherine A.
Lawrence

Copyright 䉷 2007 University of Pennsylvania Press

All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

Published by
University of Pennsylvania Press
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104-4112

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Fogleman, Aaron Spencer.
Jesus is female : Moravians and the challenge of radical religion in early America /
Aaron Spencer Fogleman.
p. cm.—(Early American studies)
ISBN-13: 978-0-8122-3992-8 (cloth : alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 0-8122-3992-X (cloth : alk. paper)
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
1. Moravian Church in America—History—18th century. 2. Moravian Church
in America—Relations—Lutheran Church. 3. Moravian Church in America—
Relations—Reformed Church. 4. Moravian Church in America—Doctrines—
History—18th century. 5. Lutheran Church—Relations—Moravian Church in
America. 6. Reformed Church—Relations—Moravian Church in America.
7. Sex—Religious aspects—Moravian Church in America—History of
doctrines—18th century. 8. United States—Church history—18th century. I.
Title. II. Series
BX8566.F64 2007
284⬘.67309033—dc22 2006051491
Für Vera, in Liebe
This page intentionally left blank
Contents

List of Illustrations and Tables ix

Introduction: The Challenge of Radical Religion 1

Part I: Religion and Gender

1. Radical Religion in a Colonial Context 19

2. Gender and Confessional Order in the Protestant World 34

Part II: The Moravian Challenge

3. The Challenge to Gender Order 73

4. The Ecumenical Challenge 105

Part III: Religious Violence and the Defense of Order

5. The Orthodox Response 135

6. The Confrontation in the Middle Colonies 156

7. Religious Violence Erupts 185

Conclusion: The Limits of Radical Religion in America 217

Appendices 221
1. Anti-Moravian Polemics in North America, 1741–1763 221
2. Court Cases, Arrests, Imprisonments, Pursuits of
Moravian Preachers in North America, 1742–1747 225
3. Pastors and Assistants Sent by European Religious
Centers to North America, 1726–1754 229
viii Contents

Notes 237

Bibliography 289

Index 299

Acknowledgments 329
Illustrations and Tables

Maps
1. Moravian communities, Atlantic world 6
2. British North America, 1740s 21
3. Centers of radical pietism, German territories 23
4. Moravian mid-Atlantic expansion 120
5. Centers of European religious power, Delaware Valley 167
6. Communities with religious violence involving Moravians 186

Figures
1. Mariane von Watteville 81
2. Herrnhaag in Wetteravia 88
3. Marriage of 12 couples, Marienborn 92
4. Henriette Benigna Justine von Watteville 99
5. Garrison, ‘‘A View of Bethlehem’’ 115
6. Title page, Lange polemic 140
7. Siegmund Jacob Baumgarten 142
8. Gerardus Kulenkamp 145
9. Johann Philip Fresenius 149
10. Heinrich Melchior Mühlenberg 166
11. Michael Schlatter 173
12. Israel Acrelius 181
13. Johann Christoph Pyrlaeus 194

Plates (follow p. 110)

1. Zinzendorf teaching peoples of the world
2. Moravian men and women at the Cross
3. Crucifixion, Worship of the Exalted Lamb of God
4. Erotic side wound verses
5. Miniature scenes depicted inside side wound
6. Devotional artwork depicting side wound
7. Anna Nitschmann preaching
8. Map of Delaware Valley used by itinerant ministers
x Illustrations and Tables

Tables
1. Communities where Moravians worked 114
2. German Lutheran and Reformed congregations 118
3. German Lutheran, Reformed, Moravian preachers 118
4. Lutheran congregations, Hallensian pastors 168
5. Uppsalan, Moravian, Independent pastors 178
Introduction: The Challenge of
Radical Religion

Religious freedom remains a popular, enduring image for many ordi-

nary Americans when they think about the colonial period of their coun-
try’s history. Shiploads of persecuted European religious groups found
a safe haven in North America, where they hoped to carve out an exis-
tence and worship their own way in peace. Many believe that these colo-
nists founded what became a great society based on religious and other
freedoms. Some pursued utopian, millennial experiments grand and
small, believing that English North America was a special place, chosen
by God, where special things could and would happen. Because of
founder William Penn’s policies, Pennsylvania became the place where
toleration, diversity, and opportunity were the most advanced, and it was
here that the most religious freedom could be found in the colonial era,
although it was prevalent one way or another throughout the colonies.
However, this popular image of religious freedom in colonial America
does not include the fact that a number of these small, persecuted reli-
gious groups pursued beliefs and practices regarding gender that
offended the sensibilities or awakened deep-seated fears among colo-
nists then and Americans now. These groups challenged ‘‘gender
order’’ as it was developing in most of the Protestant world in the mid-
eighteenth century. Gender order refers to a community or society’s
beliefs and commitments regarding what proper male and female rela-
tionships and attributes should be, both in the metaphysical, spiritual,
or metaphorical sense and in actual practice between men and women.
It is an important component of social order, in general, as relations
between men and women are critical to how a society or community
functions. Understandings of what proper gender order is can change
over time, but challenges by individuals or groups can provoke a rigor-
ous response by those who are committed to preserving what they
believe to be proper male and female relationships and attributes at that
time. Because religion played such an important role in shaping gender
order in early modern Europe and colonial America, the beliefs and
practices of some of the small religious movements in this period
2 Introduction

seemed threatening, especially in territories and colonies where they

appeared to flourish.
To many colonists who held orthodox Protestant beliefs, the threat to
gender and social order that they had either established or were trying
to establish appeared real, especially during the period of heavy immi-
gration during the mid-eighteenth century. Some of the new religious
groups dissolved the family and altered practice regarding marriage
itself. They explored unusual, mystical notions of sex or celibacy. They
allowed women to preach in an era when many orthodox groups
demanded that women remain silent in church. And sometimes they
made Jesus and other persons of the Christian deity female. Christ was
a woman, or in part like a woman, bleeding on the Cross through a
vagina-like side wound to give life to believers, suckling them and warm-
ing them like a mother, protecting them, and giving them sensual plea-
sure like a lover. No wonder they don’t put this in the textbooks that
shape popular images of the colonial era and explain the origins of
American freedom. Yet it happened. And while most Americans have
always been proud of their heritage of religious freedom and still are,
they are not always comfortable with its implications and at times can
and will do what is necessary to cut freedom short, to preserve social
order and what most people consider to be proper values. So while in
some ways there seems to have been more freedom in America than in
Europe and other places, and many Americans today are especially
proud of it, throughout their history there have been times when Ameri-
cans have perceived that someone or some group has threatened their
sense of values regarding the community, society, or nation, and this has
led them to take steps to limit freedom and preserve those values.
As parts of North America became a refuge for religious outcasts and
hopefuls, a growing tension emerged in colonial society when it became
clear that a number of these people were quite radical, some would say
blasphemous, in their religious beliefs. By ‘‘radical’’ I mean that these
groups deviated from traditional, core beliefs in fundamental, contro-
versial ways. Their critiques of society and alternative models of religious-
social organization addressed the roots of power, authority, and legiti-
macy that most considered normal in Christian belief and practice.
Many radical religious groups rejected traditional hierarchies in gender
and/or class relations. Others altered understandings of marriage and
the family, or economic relations within the community.1 In the mid-
eighteenth century the unusual combination of tolerance, diversity, and
opportunity in a colonial environment, especially in and around Penn-
sylvania, combined with the simultaneous pressure on many radical reli-
gious groups in Europe, meant that more than the usual amount of
religious radicalism was present in this society. Many colonists who cher-
 The Challenge of Radical Religion 3

ished unbridled freedom liked it this way, but many others who clung to
tradition and authority in a strange, new colonial environment did not.
At times these colonists were ready to take steps to limit freedom in
order to promote and preserve order. This might have been easy
enough to do under normal circumstances, but now the number of radi-
cals was growing, and what seemed most frightening was that radical reli-
gion of some form or another was beginning to look appealing to
ordinary people in the large, mainstream churches. Ultimately, radical
religious groups in British North America contributed significantly to
the rising tensions between religious freedom and order in ways that
profoundly shaped American religious culture, and still do.
And then came the Great Awakening, the grand revival movement
that swept through the British North American colonies from the 1730s
to the early 1750s and brought new religions and religious styles, and
with this even more radical religion and more tension. The Great Awak-
ening was the North American component of an international, transat-
lantic Protestant revival. Its occurrence raised questions about how far
radicalism could go in America before opponents might successfully
move to limit it, and with this religious freedom itself. In New England
the old Puritan (Congregational) church divided among those for or
against the revival, and in the fierce factional conflict that resulted some
individuals and groups drifted toward radicalism. In the Middle Colo-
nies, where tens of thousands of ethnically and religiously diverse immi-
grants arrived during the Awakening years, Presbyterians divided along
similar lines, while a number of German radical pietist groups flour-
ished. Throughout the colonies the growing Baptist and Methodist
movements pushed boundaries in their early radical phase by allowing
women to preach, by preaching to slaves and advocating their freedom,
and by promoting social leveling in general. Meanwhile the Quakers,
one of the most successful radical groups of the previous century, con-
tinued to allow women to preach and disavowed the concept of an estab-
lished church.2
This is a book about the expansion of radical religion in colonial
America during the years of the Great Awakening and the steps taken by
European religious authorities and ordinary colonists to limit it. To
many it became clear that America was a place where religious opportu-
nity existed, but European orthodoxy might also hinder opportunity.
Thus there was tension in the colonies between new, sometimes radical
movements and orthodox Protestant churches, and this tension shaped
early American religious culture. That tension was played out in reli-
gious communities, many of which were new and unstable, yet growing
rapidly in this era of heavy immigration and natural population growth.
In some ways the development of this tension between radical and
4 Introduction

orthodox religious movements in the colonies resembled similar prob-

lems in Europe, but there were important differences in North America
that potentially implied a significant threat to concepts of social order.
The inability or unwillingness of the European state churches to commit
fully themselves to North America meant that their establishments in the
colonies would be inherently weak, thus giving more opportunity for dis-
senters, pietists, and radicals of all sorts to pursue their goals in the colo-
nies than they ever would have had in Europe. Weak establishments
combined with heavy and diverse immigration to represent an inherent
challenge to religious order, as many orthodox Europeans conceived it.
Moreover, the toleration of numerous religious groups, pursuing alter-
native understandings and arrangements concerning male and female
roles in the community and family, seemed to threaten orthodox con-
ceptions of gender order. This meant that orthodox religious leaders
and communities in the colonies would have to rely on other means to
stop any aggressive radical movement that might arise in the colonies,
especially south of New England, where the state-church apparatus was
weak, or nonexistent.
This study of the challenge and limits of radical religion in America
focuses on four European groups and their supporters among the large
immigrant populations in North America during the Great Awakening
years: the Moravians, a radical group primarily from the German territo-
ries, and three of their European opponents, namely the Lutheran
pietists from Halle (in Sachsen-Anhalt, recently acquired by Prussia),
the state church of the Netherlands (which sponsored both Dutch and
German Reformed immigrants in the colonies), and the state church of
Sweden (whose authorities in Uppsala supported the Swedish Lutheran
churches in the Delaware Valley). The activities of these groups, individ-
ually, and to some extent together, have been studied by numerous
denominational historians, scholars of German pietism, or in a few cases
students of the Great Awakening in North America, but the severe con-
flict between these groups, and the extraordinary level of popular reli-
gious violence in the Reformed and Lutheran communities of the
Delaware Valley that resulted, has never been thoroughly investigated by
historians. Also, the religious and social radicalism precipitating these
conflicts has not yet been recognized by these historians. In fact, many
historians of German pietism, as well as Moravian denominational histo-
rians, do not even recognize the Moravians as radical.3 Yet their radical-
ism is apparent, especially when one considers their views on gender.
Of these four religious groups, the Moravians were at the center of
the conflict. They were a small group of ecumenical, radical pietists
known by several names, including the Unitas Fratrum, the Herrnhuters,
and the Brüdergemeine. They were descended from the old Hussite move-
 The Challenge of Radical Religion 5

ment in Bohemia and Moravia, whose roots went back to the late four-
teenth century. After enduring terrible persecution and near annihilation
in the seventeenth century during and after the Thirty Years War, some
scattered remnants assembled on the estates of Count Nicolaus Ludwig
von Zinzendorf (1700–1760) in Upper Lusatia, where they built a com-
munity called Herrnhut. In 1727 the Unitas Fratrum experienced a
‘‘rebirth’’ and quickly became a small, but important, element of the
pietist movement sweeping through the Protestant churches of north-
western Europe. They were important to the larger movement because
of their innovative spirituality, their missionary zeal, and their close con-
nections to influential German nobility in the Lutheran church, like
Count Zinzendorf, who became the leader of the movement.4
Under Zinzendorf some Moravians believed they had discovered the
femaleness or androgyny of the Trinity, including Jesus their Savior (Hei-
land), with whom they developed sensual and for some even sexual spiri-
tual relations. Zinzendorf developed an innovative spiritual view that
emphasized experience over text (even though he wrote a lot), Christ
as the central figure of the Trinity, and communal Christian living with
an active daily liturgical program. The experiential aspects of Moravian
theology included a heavy emphasis on the sensuous nature of Christ’s
death and resurrection and the enthusiastic joy this brought individuals
and the Christian community now and forever. Led by Zinzendorf (see
Plate 1), these beliefs and Moravian ecumenism fueled the group’s zeal-
ous desire to develop a mission to the peoples of the world, including
Indians, African slaves, and European colonists in the Americas, where
the Moravians sent hundreds of missionaries and supporters in the mid-
eighteenth century (see Map 1). Whether working in an overseas mis-
sion or at home in Europe, most Moravians lived in closed communities
like Herrnhut in Upper Lusatia, Herrnhaag in Wetteravia, or Bethlehem
and Nazareth in Pennsylvania. Here relatively large numbers of male
and female nobility and clergy organized and directed a communal
economy. They divided their communities by gender, age, and marital
status into groups known as ‘‘choirs,’’ in which they lived, worked, and
worshiped. A liturgy of communion, baptism, love feasts, singings, foot
washings, the ‘‘kiss of peace,’’ elaborate ritual celebrations of marriage
and sex between husband and wife, birthdays, and other special days
filled the daily, weekly, monthly, and annual calender of the group on
both sides of the Atlantic. In this sense the Moravians achieved the
pietist ideal of reforming all aspects of daily life and making them more
godly.5
None of the controversial beliefs and practices of the Moravians
regarding the Trinity were unique on either side of the Atlantic in the
eighteenth century, but the combination of a radical communal, ecu-
6 Introduction

Map 1. Moravian communities in the Atlantic world, 1727–1754. The map

depicts places where Moravians began missions or communities that became
established and the dates this happened. Attempts to establish missions or
communities that immediately failed are excluded. End dates are listed for
established missions or communities that had failed by 1754.

menical, and gender order, along with the mission impulse, was perhaps
unique in its time, or at least highly unusual. This was pietism, Moravian
style, and it both attracted and frightened the transatlantic community
of Protestant evangelicals of the period. Eighteenth-century religious
authorities were familiar with radical religious groups, challenges to
orthodoxy, and strange views about gender in the spiritual realm, but
the combination of radical gender views and ecumenism was a difficult
problem in Europe and a dangerous threat in North America, where the
church establishments and institutions were weak. Moravian violations
of gender order were especially threatening because this group was ecu-
menical and energetically proselytized among just about everyone.
 The Challenge of Radical Religion 7

Their ecumenism led the Moravians to infiltrate the fledgling establish-

ments in North America at a time when some colonists and clergy
wanted to erect orthodox denominational establishments with clear
lines of male clerical authority, in part to promote proper discipline and
to protect people from doctrinal error and threats to social and religious
order that seemed to be rampant in the colonies.
The Halle Lutheran pietists shared some characteristics with the
Moravians, but their increasing emphasis on patriarchy, doctrine, and
maintaining the proper boundaries of Lutheranism in the mid-
eighteenth century stood in stark contrast to the feminine, ecumenical
piety of Count Zinzendorf ’s group. This part of the international pietist
movement was centered at the philanthropic institutes at the university
town of Halle. (These institutes are now called the Franckesche Stiftungen,
or Francke Foundations.) In the 1690s, under the leadership of August
Hermann Francke, this group promoted a reform movement within the
Lutheran church that attacked the emphasis on dogma and formal wor-
ship in the church, and provided a high-profile public role for women
in spiritual life, something like what the Moravians would do a genera-
tion later. The Hallensians promoted the pietist ideal of a church that
became more involved in reforming individual and public life in all
respects—finishing the Reformation, in their view. This included a form
of religious life that stressed enthusiastic singing and preaching, emo-
tional individual conversion experiences, small groups of men and
women meeting regularly in conventicles, and correcting ills in society.
Their struggle against Lutheran orthodoxy was an important part of the
Protestant evangelical awakening in the early eighteenth century. After
Francke’s son, Gotthilf August, took over the leadership of the institutes
in the 1720s, the Halle pietists began moving in different directions.
These included expanding their charity schools system and worldwide
mission, but also reducing the role of women and increasingly stressing
dogma and respect for proper Lutheran creeds. In short, when their
conflict with the Moravians escalated the Halle pietists were becoming
more like the patriarchal, orthodox Lutheran church against which they
had so long struggled.6
The state church of the Netherlands, led by the Classis of Amsterdam,
paid at least some attention to the spiritual care of members in overseas
colonies. At home, state church officials had struggled throughout the
seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries to enforce church authority
and orthodox belief and practice against internal and external dissent.
In the eighteenth century they extended their support to Dutch
Reformed colonists in the Americas from Suriname to New York, and
eventually they provided ministers and other support for German
Reformed colonists in North America. The Classis of Amsterdam pro-
8 Introduction

moted a patriarchal religious and social order on both sides of the Atlan-
tic that clashed with the ecumenical, more feminine view of the
Moravians. Their struggle with the Moravians began in the 1730s, when
Count Zinzendorf ’s group moved into the Netherlands and extended to
the American colonies in the 1730s and 1740s, when Moravian mission-
aries began working there.7
The Lutheran authorities at Uppsala were the heads of the state
church in Sweden, one of the most ethnically and religious homogenous
territories in Europe. In the late seventeenth century they revived the
religious mission in the old New Sweden colony on the Delaware River
and continued to support it until the second half of the eighteenth cen-
tury. Until the era of the Moravian conflict the Swedish church had been
more tolerant than many other European state churches, but by the
middle third of the eighteenth century they too were becoming increas-
ingly patriarchal and less tolerant of dissenters, as they built one of the
strongest state churches in Protestant Europe. Like the Hallensians and
the Classis of Amsterdam, they became involved in the conflict with the
Moravians on both sides of the Atlantic in the mid-eighteenth century.8
There were other groups who contended with the Moravians on both
sides of the Atlantic during this era, but these struggles never became
violent as they did with the above groups in the North American colo-
nies. English pietists like John Wesley and George Whitefield tried to
find common ground with the Moravians as coworkers in the interna-
tional Protestant revival, but because of the radical views and activities
of Count Zinzendorf ’s group they could not maintain fellowship with
them for long. Gilbert Tennent and the New Side Presbyterians in the
Delaware Valley colonies also rejected the Moravians. Yet while these
and other revivalists condemned the Moravians and published bitter
polemics that vilified the group, the actual Moravian threat in Method-
ist, Presbyterian, and other communities was never large enough to war-
rant violence to remove it. The only other groups who felt truly
threatened by Moravians were other small German radical pietist
groups, especially in Pennsylvania, but their reaction was simply to
refuse to cooperate with the Moravians’ attempt to unify these many
diverse groups in Europe and Pennsylvania. Violence was not needed to
stop them.
This book chronicles the radical challenge of the Moravians and the
orthodox response of their major enemies in the Atlantic world, and in
doing so it explores the possible connections among three important
themes that were a part of the conflict among these groups. The first
involves confessional order.9 In some ways this is the most studied theme
to date, as historians on both sides of the Atlantic for generations have
investigated how Count Zinzendorf ’s ecumenical views clashed with the
 The Challenge of Radical Religion 9

views of Protestant orthodoxy in the period. The second major theme

involves gender order. Although recent historians have investigated the
importance of gender in their studies of pietism, especially among the
Moravians, this study finds that violations of orthodox gender order by
Moravians on both sides of the Atlantic were more extreme and contro-
versial than previously realized. The third major theme is religious vio-
lence. In recent decades early modern European and colonial American
historians have studied popular religious violence, but this study of con-
flict involving the Moravians uncovers extraordinary, heretofore undoc-
umented, levels of such violence that took place during the Great
Awakening among Lutheran and Reformed factions in North American
communities where Moravians worked.
The question is, was there a connection among these three themes?
My view is that there were important connections between beliefs and
practices regarding confessional and gender order on both sides of the
Atlantic and the religious violence that took place in the colonies. The
connections of confessional and gender order to the conflict are clear,
because religious authorities in Europe and America constantly criti-
cized the Moravians throughout the Atlantic world on these points.
Their public and private writings stress that these were the most serious
transgressions of this small, radical group. Confessional and gender
order became connected when fears of dangerous violations of spiritual
and practical gender norms by the Moravians were used to promote the
value of orthodox patriarchal and confessional boundaries. The connec-
tion of confessional and gender order to the religious violence in the
mid-Atlantic colonies of North America in the mid-eighteenth century is
less clear, primarily because ordinary people committed the violence,
and it is more difficult to establish the motivations of such people in this
era. What did they believe about gender and confessional order? Whom
did they consider to be a dangerous enemy within their communities
and why? No one of the ‘‘lower sort’’ who was directly involved in the
violence left a detailed written record of why they took part, as is often
the case when similar things happened in the early modern and colonial
era.
To help overcome the problem of the lack of sources documenting
the thoughts and motivations of ordinary Lutheran and Reformed colo-
nists involved in the anti-Moravian communal religious violence, this
book employs methodology developed by early modern cultural histori-
ans. Natalie Zemon Davis articulated the methodology well in The Return
of Martin Guerre and in a response to criticism of this work.10 If there are
no other possibilities because of a dearth of sources, historians must
work with what they have and settle for ‘‘conjectural knowledge and pos-
sible truth’’ to arrive at explanations for the behavior of men and
 Another Random Document on
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