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Imaginative Geographies of Algerian Violence
Stanford Studies in Middle Eastern and Islamic Societies and Cultures
 Imaginative Geographies
of Algerian Violence
CONFLICT SCIENCE, CONFLICT MANAGEMENT, ANTIPOLITICS

Jacob Mundy

Stanford University Press

Stanford, California
Stanford University Press
Stanford, California
©2015 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University. All rights reserved.
No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means,
electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or in any information
storage or retrieval system without the prior written permission of Stanford University Press.
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free, archival-quality paper
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Mundy, Jacob, author.
Imaginative geographies of Algerian violence : conflict science, conflict management,
antipolitics / Jacob Mundy.
pages cm--(Stanford studies in Middle Eastern and Islamic societies and cultures)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 978-0-8047-8849-6 (cloth : alk. paper)--isbn 978-0-8047-9582-1 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Algeria--History--Civil War, 1992-2006. 2. Algeria--Politics and government--1990-
3. Conflict management--Algeria. 4. Conflict management. 5. Policy sciences. 6. World
politics--1989- I. Title. II. Series: Stanford studies in Middle Eastern and Islamic societies and
cultures.
db86.m86 2015
965.05'4--dc23
2015019435
isbn 978-0-8047-9583-8 (electronic)
Typeset by Bruce Lundquist in 10/14 Minion
To Alethea
 CONTENTS

List of Abbreviations ix

Prologue: The Horror 1

Introduction: Conflict Science,
Conflict Management, Antipolitics 7
1 Civil War: A Name for a War Without a Name 31
2 Greed and Grievance: Political and Economic Agendas
in Civil War—Theirs and Ours 47
3 Identity, Religion, and Terrorism: The Islamization of Violence 65
4 Counterterrorism: Out of Sedan Comes Austerlitz 85
5 Humanitarian Intervention and the Responsibility to Protect:
United by Our Absence of Knowledge of What to Do 113
6 Truth, Reconciliation, and Transitional Justice:
History Will Judge 137
Conclusion: Conflict Science, Conflict Management, Crisis 163

Acknowledgments 171
Notes 173
Bibliography 233
Index 253
 ABBREVIATIONS

AIS Armée Islamique du Salut (Islamic Salvation Army)

CNCPPDH La Commission Nationale Consultative de Promotion et de
Protection des Droits de l’Homme
(National Consultative Commission for the Promotion and
Protection of Human Rights)
DRS Département du Renseignement et de la Sécurité
(Department of Intelligence and Security, formerly the SM)
FFS Front des Forces Socialistes (Socialist Forces Front)
FIS Front Islamique du Salut (Islamic Salvation Front)
FLN Front de Libération Nationale (National Liberation Front)
GIA Groupe Islamique Armé (Armed Islamic Group)
GSPC Groupe Salafiste pour la Prédication et le Combat
(Salafist or Salafi Group for Preaching and Combat)
HCE Haut Comité d’État (High State Council)
HCS Haut Conseil de Sécurité (High Security Council)
MIA/MAIA Mouvement (Algérien) Islamique Armé
([Algerian] Armed Islamic Movement)
ONDH Observatoire National des Droits de l’Homme
(National Human Rights Observatory)
R2P Responsibility to Protect
RCD Rassemblement pour la Culture et la Démocratie
(Rally for Culture and Democracy)
SM Sécurité Militaire (Military Security, now DRS)
TRC Truth and Reconciliation Commission, South Africa

ix
Imaginative Geographies of Algerian Violence
An official civilian militia member examines the scene of an April 1997 massacre in the Blida prov-
ince in which thirty-one people were “slain” (égorgé) by unidentified assailants. Photo by Souhil
Baghdadi. Courtesy of the El Watan archive, Algiers.
 PROLOGUE
The Horror

on august 29, 1997, various international news agencies began issuing reports
of a massacre less than thirty kilometers from central Algiers. The massacre at
Raïs (or Sidi Raïs), a small farming village in the Sidi Moussa district of Algiers,
was not the first massacre of the war but, with a reported death toll of more
than one hundred, it seemed to be the largest yet. An early dispatch indicated
that two to three hundred people had been shot, butchered, dismembered, dis-
emboweled, or burned to death.1 Survivors, emergency workers, and hospital
personnel floated even higher figures.2 The Algerian government quickly pro-
vided an official death toll of ninety-eight, plus more than a hundred wounded.
Attempting to account for such discrepancies, an Algerian paper wrote that,
in the case of severely burned corpses, several bodies were being allotted to
one coffin.3 An early outside witness to the scene, a photographer from Agence
France-Presse, described seeing dozens of bodies covered with blankets.4 A
schoolteacher who survived the massacre claimed it had started at around ten
in the evening on August 28 and lasted four to five hours. Others said the kill-
ing had started early in the morning and lasted from one to six. The number of
attackers, according to various reports, ranged from dozens to three ­hundred.
The Associated Press quoted a survivor, “Amar,” who said, “They took their
time to cut throats and to burn the bodies.”5 A resident who survived by bar-
ricading himself in his house had to listen to his neighbors die by fire. “Burn
them like rats,” he claimed an attacker said. The killers then lobbed Molotov
cocktails into homes.6 Another survivor reported seeing one of the attackers
slit his neighbors’ throats, thirteen in all. One report described a house that ap-
peared to have been in the middle of a wedding party when the door was blown
1
2 PROLOGUE

off and the attendees were all slaughtered.7 Another said that a family had been
celebrating a circumcision when they were attacked.8 After some of the villagers
were decapitated, their heads were placed in front of the doors of their homes,
according to witnesses.9 One survivor described the following scene:

My baby son Mohamed was five and they cut his throat and threw him out of
the upper window[ . . . ]. Then they cut the throat of my eldest son Rabeh and
then my brother’s throat because he saw they were kidnapping his wife and tried
to stop them. They took some of the other girls. [ . . . ] They cut my throat and I
felt the knife in my neck but I tried to shield myself and the man sliced me on the
arm. My wife was so brave. She tried to help, to fight them, to save me. So they
dragged her to the door where I was lying and slit her throat in front of me.10

A representative of the Algerian Medical Union later told a reporter, “Even

the fetuses have been taken from their disemboweled mothers to be mutilated
and massacred.”11 One witness claimed that a child of two had been baked in
an oven.12 Another survivor recalled several weeks later, “I could hear a young
woman begging to be shot in the courtyard below my house. [ . . . ] She began
screaming but the noise suddenly stopped. Yet, there was no sound of a shot.”13
The perpetrators, according to other testimonies, had also abducted some of
Raïs’s young women, taking with them as many as one hundred. Two days be-
fore the Raïs massacre, sixty-four people had met a similar fate in the mountain
town of Beni Ali. The night after the events in Raïs, a massacre of three- to four-
dozen occurred in Djelfa province, three hundred kilometers south of Algiers.
An editorial that appeared in the New York Times five days after the massacre
declared the previous week “the most violent in Algeria’s nearly six-year civil
war.”14 More was to come.
Roughly a week after Raïs, there were two consecutive nights of massacres
in Béni Messous, a district of Algiers.15 Early wire reports on September 6 indi-
cated that between sixty and ninety people had perished the previous evening.
Two leading opposition parties in Algeria—one secular, one Islamist—as-
serted that more than one hundred had died in the “shantytown” massacre of
Sidi Youcef. The killers, reportedly numbering fifty and “howling like ­jackals,”
used axes, other sharp objects, and guns during the killings. Reports from hos-
pitals indicated that many victims had been mutilated, primarily by throat
cutting. One survivor recounted seeing a nursing mother’s breast cut off after
her child was decapitated in front of her.16 Another, who had escaped into a
nearby forest, told a reporter, “They kicked the door in, took the men, forced
 PROLOGUE 3

them outside, slit their throats. [ . . . ] They came back, took out my aunt and
slit her throat, after slashing open her stomach.”17 Though the attackers ap-
parently fled when security sources arrived after several hours of killing, the
very next night, September 6–7, a massacre in the same area claimed forty-
five lives.18 After the two massacres of Béni Messous, Algeria experienced what
one international press agency called two weeks of “relative calm.”19 The death
count in each of the three massacres recorded during those fifteen days was
less than two dozen.
This relative calm broke in late September with reports of new massacres
in the Mitidja, the agricultural plain just outside Algiers. A mass slaughter in
Beni Slimane (Médéa province) on September 20, in which nearly fifty people
were killed, was followed three days later by an unprecedented killing spree mere
miles away. The site of the latter was the Bentalha quarter of Algiers’ Baraki com-
mune, specifically the neighborhoods of Boudoumi and Haï Djilali (or Djillali).
According to early reports on September 23, twelve dozen graves had already
been filled in the nearby Sidi Rezine cemetery, and more coffins were still arriv-
ing.20 The Algerian government backed a figure of eighty-five dead. Survivors,
medical personnel, and relief workers insisted that at least two hundred had
died.21 During the killing, which lasted for several hours, victims’ throats were
slit, they were burned alive, or they were shot. Several children were reportedly
thrown to their death from rooftops, and pregnant women were disemboweled;
perpetrators allegedly made bets on the gender of unborn fetuses before cutting
them out of their mothers.22 Homes were bombed with Molotov cocktails while
others were ransacked or looted. Describing the massacre to foreign journal-
ists, a survivor pointed to the spot in his kitchen where his wife had been shot,
his daughter hacked to death with an axe, and his son stabbed to death with
knives. In all, forty-one people—including neighbors to whom he had promised
­shelter—died in his house.23 Another resident recalled, “I stood here at the win-
dow and I could hear those poor people screaming and crying. When I looked
out of my window, I could see them axing the women on the roof.”24 The attack-
ers allegedly burned alive a mentally impaired man.25 Said one survivor, “It’s an
unimaginable butchery.”26 A second “relative calm” followed.27
On Christmas Eve 1997, the Algerian government announced that more
massacres had taken place. This time most of the killing was far west of the
capital, in several villages on the border between the Tiaret and Tissemsilt prov-
inces. Among the twenty-seven victims in Zouabria, one report claimed, was
a decapitated twelve-day-old baby, found still clutching his slain mother. By
4 PROLOGUE

the end of the ten days preceding Ramadan, more than three hundred deaths
had been reported, including the Tiaret-Tissemsilt massacres. Then, on the first
day of Ramadan, reports of several massacres in the western Ouarsenis moun-
tains began to circulate. Algerian state radio claimed that villages in the prov-
ince of Relizane had been targeted on the night of December 30–31, resulting
in ­seventy-eight dead.28 Subsequent reports in the independent Algerian press
offered figures three to five times higher. The Algerian daily Liberté interviewed
survivors who reported witnessing bodies being dismembered and decapitated,
as well as infants smashed against walls. For the most part, the killers had used
rudimentary weapons: knives, hoes, shovels, hatchets. The village of Kherarba
(or Khourba) was purportedly decimated; one report indicated that, of the 200
families living there, 176 had been killed; another suggested that, out of 260 res-
idents, only two had survived. One survivor claimed that he had helped remove
eighty bodies from two houses. “I leave you to imagine the extent of the catas-
trophe in four hamlets,” he said.29 Another resident of the area recounted the
death of his wife and three children, whose throats had been slashed. A young
woman described surviving an axe blow to the stomach; several other women
were seen being abducted by the attackers.30 The killing had started shortly after
sunset and ended the following dawn. Two police officers interviewed by an Al-
gerian daily, L’Authentique, claimed that they had collected nearly two hundred
bodies from two different villages.31
A week into Ramadan, a new wave of massacres was reported. One of the
first accounts claimed that more than one hundred people had been murdered
in the village of Meknessa and that a village near Had Chekala had been “razed”
during the weekend of January 3–4, 1998.32 Subsequent reports offered fig-
ures ranging between 150 and 500 killed. “The village is completely destroyed,
burned to the ground and all its residents shot dead, slaughtered or burnt
alive,” recalled one witness from a neighboring area. He added, “Bodies of men,
women and children still litter the area.”33 A witness from Meknessa said, “The
bodies were mutilated, and many disfigured by axes.”34 Others spoke of see-
ing people burned alive, pregnant women eviscerated, and a baby killed with a
hatchet. A donkey’s head was allegedly placed on the body of a decapitated vil-
lager.35 Official state radio reported three additional massacres in the same area,
adding sixty-two deaths.36
Attention quickly returned to the outskirts of Algiers with the slaughter at
Sidi Hamed on January 11–12. Sidi Hamed was not the last massacre of the war
but it was the last to carry a reported death toll of more than one hundred.
 PROLOGUE 5

Initial news reports claimed that “dozens of families” had perished, including
children, women, and the elderly.37 The killing began in the evening after the
residents had broken their fast. The Algerian government circulated an offi-
cial death toll of 103 (along with seventy wounded).38 Other domestic press
outlets put forward figures ranging from 256 (La Tribune) to 400 (Liberté and
El Watan).39 Visiting the site of the killing, a foreign correspondent wrote, “In
one corner of the village, a crowd suddenly parted as four men emerged from
one torched home, carrying the grisly blackened remains of yet another ­victim.”
He added, “Nearby, one pale villager scraped a gory mixture of flesh and bone
off the side of a hut.” A survivor told the reporter, “Look, on the other side of
the road, you can see where they shot people and cut their throats.” ­Another
said, “My cousin also managed to keep them back, but only until his ammuni-
tion ran out. Then they killed him and cut off his hands.”40 Two Algerian papers
published a photo showing the body of a child, apparently burned alive, with its
skin charred away to a bare skull.41 During the first fortnight of Ramadan, the
death toll in Algeria had reached more than one thousand.
A new kind of war? In an undated photo (courtesy of the El Watan archive, Algiers), a local militia
poses for the camera with weapons and family. By the end of the 1990s, official and informal mili-
tias (state sponsored and self-forming) were possibly the largest armed fighting force in Algeria at
half a million strong; such estimates suggest that their numbers exceeded the combined strength
of Algeria’s military and security forces. Even lower estimates of 150,000–200,000 civilian militia
members suggest that these groups were at least five times larger than the highest estimate of the
Islamist insurgency’s strength of 25,000.
 INTRODUCTION
Conflict Science, Conflict Management, Antipolitics

a new kind of war emerged in the 1990s. It emerged not in the battlefields of
the new world order but in the scientific practices and interventionary strate-
gies of those who were seeking to understand and so manage conflict at the
turn of the millennium. Little did these researchers and practitioners realize
that they had played a role in making war anew.
At the end of the Cold War, there was much speculation about the ­newness
of war and its new sources, and there were just as many policy debates about
how to prevent or interrupt these new wars. Some saw the emergence of con-
flicts out of fundamental notions of human identity that had been suppressed
during the Cold War. Others saw wayward rebellions that had become little
more than criminal enterprises wrapped in political rhetoric. Still others saw
trans­national networks instrumentalizing communal grievances for larger am-
bitions. The primary tools of war had become terror, mass atrocities, ethnic
cleansing, and genocide. The terrain of struggle was bodies, not boundaries;
resources, not ideology. There were also those who insisted that war had not
evolved at all and that what needed to change was our understanding of wars
past, present, and future. These various and often competing visions of war
all shared one conviction: even if war had not fundamentally changed in the
1990s, the effort to systematically explain and effectively engage mass violence
was now free of the political and ideational constraints that had inhibited con-
flict management and science during the Cold War. Apolitical frameworks of
management could now be based on apolitical frameworks of understanding.
These new scientific and managerial frameworks of late warfare often bore
an ambivalent relationship to the mass violence that has tormented Algeria
7
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