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SECONDARY EDUCATION
FOR ALL
A POLICY FOR LABOUR
This page intentionally left blank
SECONDARY EDUCATION
FOR ALL
A POLICY FOR LABOUR

Introduction
by
J. R. BROOKS

Edited for
THE EDUCATION ADVISORY COMMITTEE
OF THE LABOUR PARTY
by
R. H. TAWNEY

THE H A M B L E D O N PRESS
LONDON AND RONCEVERTE
Published by The Hambledon Press, 1988

102 Gloucester Avenue, London NW1 8HX (U.K.)

309 Greenbrier Avenue, Ronceverte, WV 24970 (U.S.A.)

ISBN 0907628 990

The Estate of R.H. Tawney 1988

Introduction: J.R. Brooks 1988

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Secondary education for all.

1. Education, Compulsory — Great Britain
2. Education, Secondary - Great Britain
I. Tawney, R.H. II. Brooks, J.R.
373.41 LC135.G7

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Secondary education for all: a policy for labour/ edited for

the Education Advisory Committee of the Labour Party
by R.H. Tawney; with an introduction by J.R. Brooks
p. cm.
Reprint. Originally published: The Labour Party, 1924?
Bibliography: p. xix
1. Education, Secondary - England.
2. Labour Party (Great Britain) - Platforms.
I. Tawney, R.H. (Richard Henry), 1880-1962.
II. Labour Party (Great Britain). Education Advisory
Committee
LA635.S4 1988
373.42-dcl9 88-10966 CIP

Printed and bound by Billing and Sons, Ltd., Worcester

 TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
INTRODUCTION By J.R. BROoKS ... ... ... ... ... vii
WRITINGS ON EDUCATION BY R.H. TAWNEY xix
SUMMARY OF LABOUR PARTY'S POLICY 7
I. INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER ... ... ... ... ... 15
II. THE PRESENT POSITION OF SECONDARY EDUCATION ... 34
(i) The Demand for Secondary Education 35
(ii) The Number of Children attending Public Secondary
Schools 42
(iii) The Duration of the School Life 49
III. THE PROGRAMME OF LABOUR ... ... ... ... 54
(i) The Need of Increasing the Pupils in Secondary
Schools 54
(ii) Secondary Education for all... ... ... ... 60
(iii) The Reaction on the Primary School ... ... 72
(iv) Summary of Proposals ... ... ... ... 77
IV. THE FREEING OF SECONDARY EDUCATION ... ... 79
(i) The Existing System 79
(ii) The Abolition of Fees 83
(iii) The Necessity of an Adequate System of Main-
tenance Allowances ... ... ... ... •• • 87
(iv) Teachers and Accommodation ... ... ... 92
V. THE PROPOSED SUBSTITUTES FOR SECONDARY EDUCATION 97
(i) The Main Alternatives 97
(ii) Part-time Continued Education ... ... ... 101
(iii) The Future of Central Schools and similar Institu-
tions 104
VI. THE POSITION OF THE SECONDARY SCHOOL TEACHERS ... 114
VII. THE LION IN THE PATH ... ... ... ... ... 124
(i) The Cost of our Proposals 124
(ii) Can the Nation "Afford" Education? 130
(iii) The Conclusion of the Matter 141
APPENDICES ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 149
This page intentionally left blank
 INTRODUCTION
Secondary Education for All, written in 1922, cannot be
considered independently from the life and career of its
author, R. H. Tawney. Despite the impression left by some of
the older histories,1 the book did not suddenly emerge from
the pen of a hitherto unknown author who then returned to
his main concern, economic history, to make his name four
years later with his pioneering study of Tudor and Stuart
economic history, Religion and the Rise of Capitalism. The latter,
and the debate it generated, resulted in the century 1540 to
1640 being dubbed "the Tawney century". If the same
elasticity of dates is accepted then there is as much substance
to the claim made in 1959 by Lady Simon that the previous
fifty years in education could be dubbed "Tawney's half-
century".2 Tawney did not write Secondary Education for All
and then stand back to allow others to work for free and
universal secondary education; he was involved in the reform
movement in adolescent and other forms of education before,
and long after, its publication. This introduction traces the
path of this involvement to show the variety of influences
which helped to produce Secondary Education for All, and the
part which the book and its author played in the reform of
secondary education in this country to 1947.

I
R. H. TAWNEY AND LABOUR:
ALIENATION AND RECONCILIATION 1906-1922
In his Commonplace Book of 1912 to 19143 R. H. Tawney, a
little known person outside the spheres of economic history
1
For example, H. C. Barnard A History of English Education London 1947.
2
In a letter to Arthur Creech Jones, 14 May 1959.
3
Edited by J. M. Winter and D. M. Joslin. C.U.P. 1972.
Vlll SECONDARY EDUCATION
and adult education,4 castigated the Labour party for its
gross materialism, denouced its policies of reform-by-
instalment and placed what appeared to be an unbridgeable
moral gulf between himself and what he termed this
"poodle" of capitalism. Within ten years his political stance,
though not his moral position, had been almost totally
reversed. As an eminent educationist and aspiring Labour
member of parliament, he hastily revised a pamphlet on
scholarships and free places to produce the Labour party's
first major statement on adolescent education, Secondary
Education for All, in time for the general election of 1922. His
book, reflecting the historical insights and ardent political
convictions of the economic historian recently turned
socialist, helped to bring the issue of educational reform from
the periphery of politics to a more central position. Through
the introduction of free secondary education for all he hoped
to rid education of "the vulgar irrelevancies of class
inequality" over a generation.5 Exactly a generation later, in
1947, the school leaving age was raised to 15, thus
implementing the clauses of the 1944 Education Act which
were concerned with free, secondary education for all. Yet it
would be misleading to assert any simple and direct causal
link between his book and the 1944 Education Act. To do so
is to ignore a vast range of other causal factors and the
complexity of their interconnections and interactions.
Secondary Education for All reflected the growing educational
and political debate of the early nineteen twenties as well as
acted as a springboard for educational advance.
That it was able to do the former was due in no small
measure to developments within the Labour party and
Tawney's career in the closing years of the First World War.
The political isolation which characterised Tawney's prewar
years ended shortly after July 1916. In that month The Times
reported that the former Rugby and Balliol scholar, who had
risen from the rank of private to sergeant in the Manchester
Regiment, was in hospital with machine gun wounds in the

4
See M. Stocks, The Workers' Educational Association, Allen and Unwin
1953.
5
P. 19.
 SECONDARY EDUCATION ix

chest and abdomen, received at the Somme.6 Invalided out

of the army, Tawney was soon drawn into the work of
educational reconstruction, firstly for the W.E.A., 7 then for
Addison's Ministry of Reconstruction,8 and finally for the
Labour party. The first two gave him a close understanding
of the problems of adolescent education; the last a platform
from which to campaign for educational advance.
Tawney moved from Oxford to Highgate Road, London,
at a time when the Labour party was drawing up its plans for
converting itself into a fully independent party; this involved
the creation of a series of advisory committees, Tawney was
persuaded by Webb, Cole, Laski and others to help in the
developing and effective running of these committees,
especially that on education.9 In many ways the latter, for
which he wrote Secondary Education for All, was Tawney's
creation. He drew up the memorandum on "the scope of its
work" for its first meeting in April 1918.10 Tawney was thus
at the centre of Labour's educational policy committee at the
very time when Fisher's Bill was under discussion in
parliament. He was drawn into the minutiae of the
educational debate on the Fisher Bill, and on all subsequent
educational issues, a fact which is reflected clearly in
Secondary Education for All and accounts for much of its
importance. The centrality of Secondary Education for All to the
reform movement is explained in large measure by the grasp
of the detail of the educational scene by its author and the
way in which he sees its proposals as part of an evolving
pattern in secondary education.
II
THE IMMEDIATE ORIGINS OF
SECONDARY EDUCATION FOR ALL
Tawney's was not the first extended statement on secondary
6
14 July 1916.
7
He was asked to look at the first draft of the W.E.A. programme in
September 1916 whilst convalescing near Oxford.
® Apart from a report on adult education he wrote one on Juvenile
Employment during the War and After.
9
Beatrice Webb's fiwry, p. 116-117.
10
L. P. -A. C.E. memorandum 1.
x SECONDARY EDUCATION
education for all, nor was that which provided the immediate
inspiration for his book, the Departmental Committee's
report on "Maintenance Scholarships and Free Places",
published in 1920. Several of the areas upon whose schemes
he drew heavily in Secondary Education for All, including
Bradford and Birmingham, had long put forward demands
for universal secondary schooling. The immediate force and
later significance of his book lies then not in the novelty of its
proposals, which Tawney was the first to deny, but in its
historical timing." It was not the kind of timeless statement
about the aims of education which sometimes emanate from
university academics, "the kind of literature" which he said
he could "not read".12 It resulted from, and was a directed
response to, postwar developments in education, party
politics and the economic policies of the Coalition
Government, predominantly Conservative but headed by
the Liberal, Lloyd George, The fact that it was a practical,
carefully-constructed and urgent response to developments
in these areas meant that it had an historical dynamic, unlike
abstract treatises on education, which ensured its
importance well beyond the election of 1922 for which it was
written.
Tawney stood as a Labour candidate in the Coupon
Election of 1918. Whilst his defeat at Rochdale by a Coalition
candidate dashed his immediate hopes of entering
parliament, the election result was not without
parliamentary significance for Labour. The split within the
Liberal party, deepened by Lloyd George's decision to head
a peacetime, coalition government and widened by the poor
election results of the Asquithian rump, gave Labour the
chance to become at least the official opposition after the
following election, in 1922. This depended in part upon its
abilities to put attractive and credible policies, including
those on education, before the electorate. Labour had
already taken steps to devise such policies with the creation
of a series of advisory committees. That on education was led
by Tawney.
11
P. 17.
12
The Workers' Educational Association and Adult Education, Athlone Press p.
3.
 SECONDARY EDUCATION xi
The importance of Secondary Education for All arises from
the role of the advisory committee on education within the
Labour party and Tawney's position on it. The education
advisory committee received a great volume of memoranda
about developments in education, including adolescent
education, throughout the country.13 Tawney thus had at his
disposal an up-to-date and wide review of major
developments. The committee, occupying as it did an
important position in the party's policy-making machinery,
was expected to respond, and respond quickly, to
government policy. Tawney, as the leader and editorial
writer of the Manchester Guardian and other papers, was
already well versed in the arts of immediate response.14
Given the constant flow to the advisory committee of local
and national surveys, his response could be both more
informed and more extensive.
Two developments in education during the years of
Coalition rule, 1918 to 1922, had a great influence upon
Secondary Education for All. The first of these was the report of
the Departmental Committee on Scholarships and Free
Places, published in 1920. Tawney's book began its life as "a
brief pamphlet" setting out "the Labour point of view" on the
report.15 The talk of an early general election during the
winter of 1921/1922 led the advisory committee to ask its
chairman to expand it into an election manifesto. With the
exception of Chapter VI on "The Position of the Secondary
School Teacher", written by G. S. M. Ellis of the N.U.T.,
Tawney undertook the entire work. The report of the
Departmental Committee was to provide Tawney with his
starting point and with his approach to reform, with the kind
of gradualism which he had condemned in his prewar years
and the separate-school approach, foreshadowing the much
criticised tripartitism of later years. The essential practical
nature of the task, as he perceived it, to erect "the material
13
These were received from local branches of the Labour party, from the
N.U.T., W.E.A, T.U.C. and other bodies.
14
He had written 25 editorials and articles for the Westminster Gazette,
Morning Post and Manchester Guardian by 1922 and was to write a further 153
for the latter by 1953.
15
L.P.-A.C.E. minSFeb. 1921.
xii SECONDARY EDUCATION
scaffolding of policy",16 led him to abandon the philosophical
preface which he had prepared.17 This was perhaps a wise
decision in view of the High Anglican terminology in which it
was couched, which would have been as unacceptable to
many Labour members as it would have been
incomprehensible to much of the electorate.
Secondary Education for All was ready for publication in
November 1921, a year before the Coalition staggered to its
final collapse. This leads us to the second contemporary
development in education which influenced its content and
which was to act as a focus for Tawney's involvement in
education throughout the interwar years. The last faltering
years of the Coalition government were dominated by an
economy drive. The Geddes Committee whose report in
February 1922 attacked "squanderamania" 18 in education
and elsewhere, echoed much of the government's attitude to
expenditure on education over the previous twelve months.
Whilst Tawney in the national press was concerned simply to
stop the engines of education being slipped into reverse, in
Secondary Education for All he took a more positive view.19 The
economy drive gave educationists and others the chance to
pause to consider the direction in which adolescent
education was heading, and whether this direction was
wasteful of the nation's economic and human resources. The
drive for economy had resulted in the suspension of the
continuation school clauses of the Education Act of 1918.
This was no bad thing in Tawney's view in that it gave the
opportunity to consider the more cost-effective and
economically beneficial system of secondary education for
all. He thus reserved the final and longest chapter of his book
for a consideration of "The Lion in the Path", the cost of his
proposals, in an effort to show the apostles of economy that
the nation was not "crushed by educational expenditure" 20
but was spending its monies unwisely, especially when com-

16
P. 17.
17
The Case for Secondary Education (Tawney papers, L.S.E.).
18
A term much favoured by the Daily Mail.
19
Manchester Guardian 7 March 1921, 21 and 22 Feb. 1922.
20
P. 141.
 SECONDARY EDUCATION xiii
pared with those nations which were growing more powerful
economically.

Ill
SECONDARY EDUCATION FOR ALL
AND CONTEMPORARY EDUCATIONAL
THEORY AND PRACTICE
Had Labour's advisory committee on education given the
task of drawing up its 1922 election manifesto on adolescent
education to one of its other members such as Webb, Nunn
or Leach, it is unlikely that it would have had such an impact
on the reform movement of the interwar years. This is not
because they would have come up with proposals for second-
ary education different from that of a unified system with a
break at 11+ dividing a primary from a secondary stage.
Leach, who had drafted the radical Bradford Charter which
was adopted as the Labour programme on adolescent educa-
tion in 1917, would have settled for nothing less.21 It is
because it is unlikely that they would have produced a set of
proposals, so radical yet so conservative, which suited the
British tradition of educational reform. The impatience of
Tawney, the social historian, who vehemently attacked the
gross inequalities in educational provision, and of Tawney,
the economist, who emphasised the relatively minimal cost,
compared with the national good, of their removal was
tempered by the acceptance by Tawney, the democratic
socialist, of the British tradition of piecemeal reform over a
long period. Yet the curious mixture of the radical spirit of
Secondary Education for All and the conservative nature of
many of its proposals cannot be entirely explained by
Tawney's intellectual make-up. It was in part due to the
immediate influences upon him in 1922. His progressive
comments on the secondary school curriculum owe much to
his colleague on the advisory committee, Percy Nunn,
whereas much of his orthodox thinking on the future
structure of secondary education is derived from another
influential educationist, Cyril Burt. Whatever the reasons for
21
See B. Simon Education and the Labour Movement 1870-1920 Lawrence and
Wishart 1965 p. 348.
xiv SECONDARY EDUCATION
the paradoxical nature of the book it was well-suited to the
mainstream reformist movement of the interwar years.
Tawney's "brief pamphlet" on maintenance scholarships
and free places was expanded to provide the second chapter
of Secondary Education for All. In expanding it Tawney lost
none of the vehemence which characterised the earlier work.
The statistical evidence demonstrated the gross injustices
within the existing system, not just in terms of denying a
secondary schooling to the great majority, but also of the
truncated secondary schooling of those who crossed the
"slender bridge" from the elementary school.22 Repeating
the striking metaphor of his pamphlet, he concluded that, for
them, there existed no educational ladder, only a "greasy
pole". The glaring social injustices could be removed only by
a system of free secondary education for all, not just for the
able or wealthy few, accompanied by adequate maintenance
allowances. Tawney was, however, too well versed in the arts
of pressure group politics to believe that an appeal to the
national conscience would succeed on its own. His finger was
constantly on the educational pulse of the nation as leader
writer for the Manchester Guardian, and he realised that
economic arguments would be stronger than moral ones
during the prevailing economic recession. The overlapping
systems of elementary and secondary education were seen to
be both economically wasteful and economically harmful.24
It did nothing to arrest the nation's economic slide. "The
potential scientist . . . or inventor" was "as likely to be born
in West Ham as in Westminster",25 yet if he were born in the
former "his genius was likely to be neither recognised nor
cultivated". Equally, the savage cuts in education made by
the Geddes committee hindered the task of providing a better
educated workforce. Tawney related educational issues to
the current political and economic debate of the declining
years of the Coalition government thus giving them a
centrality, immediacy and relevance unmatched in any other

22
Pp. 34-53.
23
P. 54.
24
P. 145.
25
P. 71.
 SECONDARY EDUCATION xv

educational publication.26 His final and longest chapter,

"The Lion in the Path", was devoted to showing, by
reference to the educational practices of Britain's industrial
competitors, that Britain could not "afford" its current class-
divided education system which retarded the nation's
economic growth. It was in the arena of social and economic
debate that Tawney was at his best. The economic argument
in particular became his chief concern in the second half of
the 1920s and in the 1930s.
On the matter of the secondary school curriculum
Secondary Education for All was grounded in contemporary
debate, and in its recommendations foreshadowed much of
what was to be said in the Hadow Report four years later.
The reason for this was the common and dominant influence
of Percy Nunn, Professor of Education of the London Day
Training Centre. Nunn was Tawney's close advisor on
curriculum.matters on the advisory committee. He was also
coopted on to the Hadow Committee in 1925. In Secondary
Educationfor All Tawney quotes approvingly from a report by
Nunn in 1917 that "schemes of education . . . must follow the
true lines of human nature".27 This meant recognising the
diversity of interests, especially "practical" interests, found
among adolescents. In outlining what was meant by and
contained in a "practical" education, Tawney drew heavily
on a memorandum on the content of continuation education
submitted by Nunn to the advisory committee in November
1918.28 Nunn's argument in this memorandum that "the new
Continuation schools should appeal to the interests of boys
and girls in practical work",29 was translated by Tawney, in
1922, into secondary education terms and had become
conventional wisdom by the time of Hadow. The need to
eschew vocational education in favour of a practical but
general education with a wide variety of different biases was
the very foundation of Tawney's thinking about the regraded

26
They were, however reiterated in the Manchester Guardian on 21 and 22
February 1922.
27
P. 65.
28
Part III of Memorandum 6d on Continuation Schools.
29
P. 2.
xvi SECONDARY EDUCATION
central school and Hadow's thinking on the modern school.30
Both owned Nunn a great debt.
On the matter of the timescale over which secondary
education for all could be achieved Tawney adopted a
standpoint which was leisurely almost to the point of
voluntaryism. He was guided mainly by the Report of the
Departmental Committee on Scholarships of 1920 and the
Education Act of 1921. The latter permitted local education
authorities to act individually through by-laws to raise the
school leaving age to 15. Tawney accepted the patchy
progress at best that this implied and nowhere does he urge
the universal implementation of his scheme by a set date
backed by legislation. He speaks generally of achieving his
goal over "a generation",31 and of laggardly authorities, such
as London, being encouraged by "the growing appetite for
secondary education" to follow the lead of progressive local
authorities such as the West Riding and Bradford; he
accepted unquestioningly that the precise speed at which
different stages on the road were to be reached was a question
which was to be solved in the light of the varying
circumstances of different authorities. On the matter of
immediate targets to be aimed for, Tawney took the
Departmental Committee's recommendation of "twenty per
1000 of the population"33 as the highest and at times appears
to settle for a more modest target of "sixteen per 1000".34 At
this early stage in the development of secondary education,
the general acceptance of the need to move towards the goal
was more important for Tawney than the laying down of
particular means by which it could be achieved, such as
raising the school leaving age and stipulating definite dates
by which such reforms should be achieved. The goal had
been more fully defined than in the Bradford Charter but was
still capable of fuller definition at a later date.
Tawney clung to the traditional British belief in the value
of diversity. He applied this principle not just to the progress
30
P. 110.
31
32
P. 3.
33
P. 20.
34
P. 9.
P. 57.
 SECONDARY EDUCATION xvii
of local education authorities. Instinctively, he equated the
diversity of secondary education with a diversity of
secondary schools. "The more secondary education develops
the greater the need for variety among secondary schools."35
What he objected to in the existing dual system was not the
diversity of schools but their class basis and overlapping
functions. The remodelling of the system was based upon
using existing elementary, central and other schools for a
new purpose. This implied rejection of the common
secondary school brought no protest from W. Leach, despite
Leach's advocacy of the common school in the Bradford
Charter. The problems of selection at 11+ were not
considered by Tawney. His only comment on selection was
"the younger the children, the more likely they
(classifications) are to be mistaken".36 He thus handed on
this important problem not only unsolved but unrecognised
to future reformers; with equal lack of careful thought he
accepted Burt's idea of a break at 11+ and a concept of
primary education as "preparatory" education.37 To him the
main concern was to gain wider acceptance for the idea of
free, secondary education for all. The resolution of the
problems to which it gave rise was a matter for a later date
and for the professional expertise of the educational
administrator, psychologist and teacher.

IV
SECONDARY EDUCATION FOR ALL
AND EDUCATIONAL REFORM
IN THE INTERWAR YEARS
In the general election of November 1922 Tawney stood as
Labour candidate for Tottenham in the hope of carrying the
message of Secondary Education for All into the Commons. For
the third, but not the last time, he was defeated by a
Conservative opponent thus depriving him of the
opportunity. The reform movement received help from other
more unexpected quarters. The first of these was from the
35
36
P. 96.
37
P. 111.
P. 73.
xviii SECONDARY EDUCATION
Labour party which suddenly found itself in power in 1924;
the second was from the Consultative Committee of the
Board of Education which published a report on the
"Education of the Adolescent" in January 1927. The com-
mittee in many ways went beyond what was expected of
them.
Labour's move from official opposition party to govern-
ment was swift, achieved in fact in little over two years. No
sweeping innovations or bold advances in education could be
expected from Labour, even with Charles Trevelyan at the
helm of the Board of Education. Indeed, the little that was
directly achieved during the Labour period of office from
January to October 1924 was confined mainly to the small
expansion of central and secondary schools. Tawney's
restatement of the case for free and universal secondary
education in Education, the Socialist Policy (March 1924) and in
the Manchester Guardian went unheeded largely because of the
precarious position of Labour, dependent in parliament
upon Liberal support, and the cautious conventionality of
the leadership.38 These months were noted more for a shift in
the focus on secondary education rather than for any radical
reorientation. Both of Tawney's books set the parameters of
the debate but did little directly to further the cause of
reform. The way forward was not through restating the
general arguments of Secondary Education for All but through
relating reform to particular educational issues. This was
brought about largely by Trevelyan whose encouragement of
local education authorities to raise the school leaving age by
by-law brought the issue of the school leaving age from the
periphery to the centre of the educational debate. The key to
progress towards the ultimate goal was seen to lie in raising
the school leaving age to 15. With rising adolescent
unemployment the idea gained in favour. Tawney, in
September 1924, abandoning much of his previous plea for
38
16 Feb. 19246 May 1924, 24 June 1924.
39
In a memorandum put before the W.E. A.'s Executive Committee on 27
September. MacDonald, Henderson and other leading Labour ministers
had refused to accept the Advisory Committee's proposal for a universal
raising of the leaving age. (Letter to Middleton from Milne Bailey 2 July
1924).
 SECONDARY EDUCATION xix

diversity of progress urged that all local authorities should be

made to raise the school leaving age by law by 1927 or 1928.
The main body of Tawney's earlier proposals for secondary
education were increasingly swept forward on the coat tails
of the issue of the leaving age. Many, but not all, reformers
accepted the Tawney goal as an implicit consequence of
raising the leaving age.
This was particularly true of the second unexpected
source of support, the prestigious Consultative Committee of
the Board of Education. In March 1923, the Conservative
President of the Board, A. H. Wood, accepted "the
revolutionary idea" that the Committee be allowed to
suggest its own subjects for report.40 The first to emerge
under this new scheme was that on adolescent education, put
forward not by Tawney or any other eminent educationist,
but by J. A. White, a London schoolmaster. Wood accepted
the suggestion,41 possibly agreeing with the view of
Alderman Jackson, a committe member, that an enquiry of
this kind would be useful in "dispelling the Socialist and
Labour cry of Secondary Education for All". It did not. The
report agreed in a substantial way with the proposals of
Secondary Education for All. This was not surprising. Secondary
Education for All had reflected the general consensus of
educational thinking; a similar consensus, but greater in
volume, was put before the Hadlow committee during its
investigations from 1924 to 1926. But more important than
that, the Hadlow Committee listened just as intently to Nunn
and Burt, two coopted members, as Tawney had done in
1922. Furthermore, Tawney, backed by two most influential
permanent members of the Committee, Ernest Baker and
Hadow, acted as one of the main evaluators of the evidence
which was submitted, and as one of the principal writers of
the report. It was thus extremely unlikely that any proposals
radically different from those in Secondary Education for All
would have emerged. Not surprisingly, the members of the
committee were accused of merely heaping up evidence and

40
P.R.O. Ed. 24 1226 letter dated 20 March 1923.
41
H.C. Deb 55 176 1182-1183 22 July 1924.
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