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 POWER OF SCANDAL:
SEMIOTIC AND PRAGMATIC IN MASS MEDIA

Ehrat_3133_i.indd 1 12/21/2010 9:01:55 AM

This page intentionally left blank
 JOHANNES EHRAT

Power of Scandal
Semiotic and Pragmatic in Mass Media

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS

Toronto Buffalo London

Ehrat_3133_i.indd 3 12/21/2010 9:01:55 AM

 © University of Toronto Press Incorporated 2011
Toronto Buffalo London
www.utppublishing.com
Printed in Canada

ISBN 978-1-4426-4125-9

Printed on acid-free, 100% post-consumer recycled paper with

vegetable-based inks.

Toronto Studies in Semiotics and Communication

Editors: Marcel Danesi, Umberto Eco, Paul Perron, Roland Posner,
Peter Schulz

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication

Ehrat, Johannes, 1952–

Power of scandal : semiotic and pragmatic in mass media /
Johannes Ehrat.
(Toronto studies in semiotics and communication)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-4426-4125-9
1. Scandals in mass media. I. Title. II. Series: Toronto studies in
semiotics and communication
P96.S29E37 2011   302.2’4   C2010-906758-4

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its

publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario
Arts Council.

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial support of the

Government of Canada through the Canada Book Fund for its publishing
activities.

Ehrat_3133_i.indd 4 1/19/2011 2:31:54 PM

 Contents

Preface ix
Acknowledgments xv

1 A Theoretical Approach to the Nature of Media Scandal 3

1.1 How Scandal Research Tends to Treat the Achievement of
Media Scandals 4
1.2 Scandal as Logic: Ideal and Sanction 9
1.3 Scandal as Industrial Product and Institutional Practice 15
1.4 Media Scandals and What They Are Not 18
1.5 Video-Truths 25
1.6 Comprehending Media Scandals from Media 33
1.7 Publicity Narrative as Precondition of Scandals 40
2 What Is Publicity, the Public Sphere? 48
2.1 Publicity as Methodological Construct 50
2.2 Publicity as Simulacrum 54
2.3 Publicity and Meaning as Subsistence 59
2.4 Semiotic as Theory of Formal and Concrete Meaning 70
3 Semiotic of Publicity 76
3.1 Publicity as Teleology 78
3.2 Legitimacy 83
3.3 Public Opinion as Historical-Cultural Role Relation 88
3.4 Public Opinion as Theatre 91
3.5 Public Opinion Operates by Constructing the Role of
Enunciation Instance 97

Ehrat_3133_i.indd 5 12/21/2010 9:01:56 AM

 vi Contents

4 Publicity in Media Theory 103

4.1 Media – Functional or Semiotic? 104
4.2 Is There a Need for a Separate Semiotic Media Theory? 122
4.3 Signs of Society 126
4.4 Functions of the Three Correlates in the Media Sign 147
4.5 Technological Determination or Sign Process: The Case of
Televangelism 157
4.6 Godcasting: Meaning Apparatuses of Religious Self-
Display 170
5 From Jubilation to Scandal 180
5.1 Religious Meaning outside of Public Opinion 181
5.2 Television Studies and Aesthetic Form 185
5.3 Media Construction of Religious Space and Time 188
5.4 The Call Forward 195
5.5 Witnessing 199
5.6 PrayTV Yields to PreyTV: Acts of Televangelist Authority 204
5.7 Primordial Scandal Religion 210
6 Judgment: Bringing into a Scandal-Position 215
6.1 Scandal Technique 216
6.2 Investigative Journalism and Objectivity 222
6.3 Metatexts: Simplifying Sanctions in Public Opinion Texts 236
6.3.1 Metatext I: The Permission to Act 240
6.3.2 Metatext II: The Scale of Self-Realization 242
6.4 Deduction of Classes of Scandal 249
6.4.1 Scandal of Destination 251
6.4.2 Scandal of Action 254
7 The Course of the Scandal Pro-Gram 257
7.1 Media Scandal Methods 258
7.2 Event: How Destination in the Shanley Story Created the
Scandal 260
7.3 The Role Structure of the Shanley Story 268
7.4 Two Discursive Scandal Constructions 276
7.5 Reality: News Practice between Reality Determination and
Satirical Alienation 280
8 Effect and Reality of Scandal 291
8.1 Scandal as Objectivity Effect 292

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 Contents vii

8.2 Objective Scandal Effects 294

8.2.1 Scandal as Effect 297
8.3 Critique of Subjectivity Approaches and Functionalism 303
8.4 Scandal Effect as Semiotic 307
8.5 Institutions as Pragmatic Predetermination of Purpose 311
8.6 Delegitimization of an Institution as Purpose of Media
Scandals 374
9 Conclusion 323

Notes 333
Bibliography 379
Index 403

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This page intentionally left blank
 Preface

What is public opinion? Or better: What is it not?

It is not my opinion; it is not yours. It is not even the opinion of both
of us, be it as agreement, or as sum, or as least common denominator.
Furthermore, it is not even the opinion of everyone. Public opinion,
scandals, are in reality what ‘All’ think about someone or something.
What public opinion polls turn into the object of their research is not
public opinion. It is at best a statistical abstraction, as selected by the
researcher, of the opinion of some who are thus selected to stand for all
(cf. Bourdieu 1980).
Instead, public opinion is the opinion of All. It is what I think that All
think, it is what you think that All think, and it is what all think that All
think. But no one thinks that anyone will ever be able to find out what
all think.
Public opinion is amateur sociology en miniature. All of us indulge
in it, and when we do, we encounter the same problem as professional
sociologists when they reflect on their activity (Schutz 1973, I:118–39).
That problem is, How are we to understand All? Clearly, All is not an
object in the world out there, but one that is intrinsically related to our-
selves as pragmatic subjects. Schütz, when discussing Weber’s central
tenet, made this cognitive status of society a mainstay of his theory,
with consequences we will discuss later.
Which does not mean that public opinion is merely an idea. Indeed,
it has a strong influence on which actions can be performed, and how.
The idea has real effects.
We have just noted that scandals are what All think about someone.
All recognize for themselves the right to sanction someone, but they
can act only as All. A scandal introduces a small but significant dif-

Ehrat_3133_i.indd 8 12/21/2010 9:01:56 AM

 x Preface

ference into All: that we are different from the one who is being sanc-
tioned. In other words, ‘This is the bad one – and we are the good ones.’
Religion has a special relationship with public opinion. The two are
natural enemies of sorts, and they battle on the field of authority. Public
opinion directs human actions by determining goals for them. God, as
the point of reference of religion, has a practical influence over the life
of believers when He is sought as a transcendental goal, as a source of
the good. At the same time, God is jealous (‫ ִקְנַאת‬2 Kings 19:31) and
does not tolerate other gods next to Him (‫אֹלִהים‬ ֱ ‫ֵחר ֽים‬.‫א‬
ֲ 2 Kings 17:7),
not even public opinion’s divine voice (cf. infra). In a religious media
scandal, one god tries to prevail over another in a struggle of proxies.
Methodologically, it would have had a certain ‘natural’ appeal to
approach the subject of religious scandals as a collection of historical
events in the course of which religion, and not some other grand idea,
happened to be the bone of contention. This would have meant ‘re-
narrating’ religious scandals – that is, painting narrative panoramas so
as to illustrate various facets of the subject. A number of studies have
taken this ‘natural’ approach for political scandals, sex scandals, and
so forth. For religion – in particular regarding the abuse scandals in the
United States – such treatments of the subject have already flooded the
market. Our interest is much more theoretical and general as opposed
to event-oriented. Our method, therefore, is not narratable, a history of
[whatever] in disguise.
The first four chapters of this book amount to a vast theorizing effort.
They develop initial insights from observations of media scandals; they
then reflect on theories of meaning from which communicable public
meanings can be deduced; this then leads to a semiotic theory of public-
ity.1 Finally, we test our results against the media theories of Habermas
and Luhmann.
In chapter 1 we reflect on the phenomenon of scandals and examine
how various theories grapple with it. This will serve as a platform from
which to uncover dimensions that are not obvious and that point to
deeper inquiries into broader and more general fields.
Chapter 2 approaches one of these fields: the peculiar nature of the
object itself, that is, the public opinion phenomenon. As a means to
grasp an idea so intangible, we propose two fundamentally different
figures of thought: simulacrum and subsistence. Simulacrum is a fig-
ure of thought that makes the intangible familiar as a ‘simile’ to the
experienced. The substance, or subsistence, figure procedes from the
familiar experienced to intangible principles ‘under which’ they are

Ehrat_3133_i.indd 10 1/18/2011 5:18:25 PM

 Preface xi

thought to ‘subsist.’ This discussion of ideal objectness provides an op-

portunity to debate with, among others, Habermas, the author of one
of the best-known approaches to public opinion. In order, however, to
avoid a narrow Habermasian exegesis, we will be casting a wider net.
The goal here will be to comprehend opposite approaches that address
in fundamental ways the nature of communicable meaning in se, and
how communication relates to the idea of society. Without clear ideas
about where meaning comes from and how it is constructed, all elabo-
rations about public meaning (and one of its chief condensation points,
scandal) would be left dangling. We have judged that it would be more
useful to introduce central semiotic concepts gradually into the various
debates (i.e., instead of tabling a treatise of semiotic from the ground
up). This has the advantage that semiotic as discussed in this book will
be immediately connected with concrete theory problems (and thereby
will be less abstract than it so often is). Besides, a general introduction
to semiotic has already been presented by the present author in an ear-
lier book (Ehrat 2005a).
In chapter 3, the idea and concept of sign will bear fruit for a novel
understanding of publicity. Being a product of meaning and not a tan-
gible object, its concrete mode is uniquely the process of a sign. That
said, we must avoid disconnecting public meaning from reality, as if
meaning production had to mean that the real should not play a part in
production. Furthermore, publicity is a particular kind of sign process –
one that produces teleology as both narrative text and legitimacy. While
there are many conceptualizations of narration, ancient and modern,
the ‘linguistic’ strand that leads to structuralist and semiological the-
ories has become dominant. Its latest incarnation, semionarratology,2
conceives of narration as dependent on an act of enunciation. Since,
despite various attempts at amalgamation, semiotic does not share
most basic assumptions, this draws us into an unavoidable debate,
while at the same time offering a semiotic alternative. After investigat-
ing the logic and semiosis of teleology and of legitimization, we will
consider the cultural and historical forms of public opinion. Though
an outgrowth of precise historical contingencies, publicity is nothing
new; rather, it is modelled on a pattern of spectacular meaning that
can be traced back to antiquity. Conveniently, our theatre model of
public opinion will summarize a model of meaning that is a spectacle,
or θεωρία in Greek.
Chapter 4 debates at length some key assumptions of Luhmann’s
systems theory. Here, the central topic is media theory. Semiotic is in-

Ehrat_3133_i.indd 11 12/21/2010 9:01:56 AM

 xii Preface

herently aware not just of media but of all varieties of sign. The bone
of contention with systems theory thus arises at the level of principles.
Do signs have a function? What is their business, not only in the classi-
cal Peircean domains of a cognitive grasp of the possible, existent, and
necessary being, but also in a narrower sense of the being-in-society?
Again, this provides an occasion to develop the semiotic of society and
immediately connect the results with a concrete social media being.
Here we will test a preliminary analysis of a fascinating phenomenon
of public opinion, one that encroaches on religion (and vice versa): tel-
evangelism.
In chapter 5 we strive for a theoretical clarification of the central
mechanism of meaning. Systems theory tries to conceive of this mecha-
nism as function. Does this hold more explanatory power than a theory
of the real that hinges on the triadic concept of the sign? The strength
that systems theory claims for itself is that it offers a comprehensive
theory of society, referred to non-ontically as the ‘society of society’
(Luhmann). Albeit without the same premises, we will be testing the
potential of semiotic in the same area: the challenging but central mat-
ter of the theoretical concept of society. This chapter will go on to practi-
cal considerations, towards the core issue, which is the encroachment
of public logic on forms of religious presentation. This brings us to tele-
vangelism, which as we will see, once the ‘sign of society’ sheds its light
on it, is more than an aesthetic form, or an instance of ‘television form.’
Chapter 6 looks briefly at religion as it appears before it becomes an
object of public opinion; we then examine the transformations that oc-
cur at the point where religion decides to appear as ‘public.’ Televan-
gelism is again the classic illustration of the transition from privately
religious to publicly religious. This provides an occasion to describe in
terms of semiotic processes the structural pillars of televangelist shows.
At this stage the bedrock conflict with public opinion becomes evident,
as a sort of primordial ‘scandalicity’ of all things publicly religious.
Chapter 7 examines the ‘techniques’ of narrative scandal production.
Which narrative apparatus needs to be established to produce the spe-
cific meaning (pro-gram), which becomes a scandal when turned into
a series of events? We will be guided in this and in further analyses by
the now famous early coverage of the child sexual abuse (from now on
‘CSA’) scandal in the Boston Globe. This will lead us to consider profes-
sional practices, such as investigative journalism and the ‘industrial’
production of objectivity. An important result of a semiotic analysis is
the concept of metatext, of which there are two kinds: the legitimiza-

Ehrat_3133_i.indd 12 12/21/2010 9:01:56 AM

 Preface xiii

tion of power and the realization of the Self. From there we can deduce
purely theoretically all classes of scandal.
In chapter 8, we observe the process arising from the program. The
most important aspect to be unearthed at this stage is the construction
of the event, both as a narrative and as a logical step in a processual
whole. With regard to this theoretical scaffolding, we will concern our-
selves mainly with describing one concrete series of events in the CSA
scandal.
Chapter 9 turns to the central question of reality. What is real in a
scandal? Initially we dismissed the simplicist idea that ‘real facts’ cause
scandal. Instead of causes, we investigated formal, mainly narrative el-
ements that determined almost perfectly the meaning of scandal. But
reality is intrinsic to that meaning, so that theory must find other than
naive ways to integrate the real. With the aid of metatexts, it is possi-
ble to view society as an institutional reality, not in the sense of rawly,
physically real, but as organized as reality. In this domain, scandals un-
fold by forcing real changes on institutions; that is what happens when
one social institution affects other institutions. But before effects, there
must be causes, and there must be more weight behind scandal causes
than mere ‘indignation.’ We will examine how turning the experiential
real into a problematic real is key to turning the former into a cause of
institutional effects.
When we return to our object of study, scandal, it will be clear that
increasingly it has come to define the practice and theory of journalism
tout court. Scandal is so ubiquitous and such a mainstay of the press
that we find it even at the zenith of journalism. Periodically and world-
wide, we stumble over ‘gates.’3 Yet as industry products, scandals
seem to contradict certain aspects of the ideal of objectivity, which, by
the way, was invented by the Anglo-American press (after Chalaby’s
well-known albeit somewhat extreme thesis). The ideal of objectivity
has given way to more sober characterizations of the news industry’s
products, but it still serves its purpose. The press’s self-justifications in-
exorably seem to involve an appeal to this ideal. In our analyses of the
scandal-igniting articles in the Boston Globe (around CSA), we will come
across some fascinating conflicts: troubled relationships with sources,
the public relations efforts of law firms. In this vein, problematic re-
lationships arise when the scandal target is religion, which somehow
seems to be above the tribunal of public opinion.
In prevailing approaches to communication studies, it is astonish-
ing how little attention is paid to the media themselves. Mainstream

Ehrat_3133_i.indd 13 12/21/2010 9:01:57 AM

 xiv Preface

sociology situates ‘scandal’ on the audience side. Scandal as the product

of an industrial text thus appears as a mere abstraction: the scandal’s
root is genuinely observable only as an operation of public opinion. The
‘qualitative,’ ‘active audience’ approach in cultural theory does not ac-
count for the media’s quality. It is thus confined, outside the medium,
to a social aggregate ‘readership,’ from which it reconstructs ‘normal’
expected scandal-instigated reactions. Here, the ‘real’ scandal takes
place in the everyday world of the spectators, as an indignant emotion,
a social interaction, a mind frame. Alternatively, scandal is approached
from a starting point in real-life events, and media scholars see their
task as following the events’ straight or meandering paths through the
media. This approach is quite common, yet it explains nothing. These
events owe their scandalicity to basic operations that judge them to
be scandalous – which, however, are not self-explanatory. Media are
neither transmission belts nor transparencies – they produce meaning
in their own right and with their own means. It is not helpful to mix the
various factors of the genesis of scandals. This only hides the decisive
contributions of the journalistic construction.
Scandal is not a real event as reported in the press; it is a press report
of a real event. In other words, it is through public opinion that a real
event becomes scandal. Public opinion is not anybody’s opining, nor is
it any statistical measure of it; rather, it is narrative meaning produc-
tion, and this has always been so.

Ehrat_3133_i.indd 14 12/21/2010 9:01:57 AM

 Acknowledgments

Even before they meet the readers’ eyes, habent sua fata libelluli. While
this book was being written and prepared for publication, it seemed
to me that my object of study exploded before my eyes. Scandals of
the kind on which this study focuses were bursting like bubbles, one
after another, in very different places. However diverse these events,
they all seemed as if they were being run by one and the same book
of rituals, titled The Sexual Abuse of Children by Priests. It was almost
as if I was writing a play while it was being performed on stage. This
scenario has become a well-established topos, a true commonplace. One
could become defensive, apologetic, or sarcastic when dealing with this
matter. However, the public outrage, much justified, proved also to be
very helpful and continues to have a strong impact. While the abuse
all was carried out by individuals, the scandal targeted the institution,
and the institution reacted. Did the Church react to the real suffering
of human beings or to prodding by the media? The more I understood
the nature of public opinion in this study, the more I understood this
as a moot question: institutions are almost immune to individuals; only
other institutions can force them to change. In that sense, the current
crisis serves as an illustrated volume of our descriptions. So much for
the real-world setting of the topic and the vital personal interest of this
book …
I shared an interest in this subject with a number of people, to whom
I want to express my gratitude. My students, in particular my doctoral
students from so many countries, motivated me to expand my purview.
To them, to their questions and research, I owe a sense of the real. My
colleague and friend in London, Maria Way, volunteered to correct the
manuscript’s language and style. She gave generously of her time and

Ehrat_3133_i.indd 15 12/21/2010 9:01:57 AM

 xvi Acknowledgments

energy. Humanities editor Richard Ratzlaff at University of Toronto

Press was extraordinarily kind to me and helpful. The travail has been
longer and more excruciating than we thought and hoped, but in the
end what counts is the baby (which seems now to be ‘wrapped in dry
cloth’ as Germans use to say).
For this book, and for my work among the refugees of Dzaleka,
Malawi, I received much moral and financial support from family and
friends, for which I acknowledge here my gratitude.
Abysmal evil exists that should be a scandal but is not. When we
gauge events by the measure of human suffering, we are perpetually
astonished by the diverse ways in which human beings react. Some of
these ignored events merit being treated as scandal, but directly yield
to the logic of retribution – eye for eye, rape for rape, massacre for
massacre.
While I was correcting this manuscript, I had the privilege to accom-
pany as an educator, priest, and friend many women, men, children, in
this sea of misery and violence, with stories as dramatic as only life and
death can be in Africa.
I dedicate this study to those in St Mary’s and St Étienne in the
Dzaleka, Malawi, refugee camp, who hold fast to the only treasure that
survived with them: their faith.

Kitabu hiki ni kwa ajili yenu kaka na dada zangu ambao mmekataliwa na watu
wenu na nchi zenu na bado mnakumbana na matatizo ya kimaisha kuishi
Dzaleka.
Ninahuzunishwa na hali ya wasichana na wanawake ambao wamekumbwa
na vitendo vya ukatili visivyoelezeka. Ingawa mmeepushwa kuuwawa, wengi
mmepoteza familia zenu.
Mungu wa amani na baba wa huruma awe nanyi nyote!

Ehrat_3133_i.indd 16 12/21/2010 9:01:57 AM

 POWER OF SCANDAL:
SEMIOTIC AND PRAGMATIC IN MASS MEDIA

Ehrat_3133_001.indd 1 12/21/2010 9:13:51 AM

This page intentionally left blank
 1 A Theoretical Approach to the
Nature of Media Scandal

Not every scandal is really a scandal. What those with vested inter-
ests call ‘scandalous’ often does not have a scandal’s power. It is, there-
fore, advisable to separate the wheat from the chaff. Not every piece of
‘negative press’ generates impact, just as not every successful public
relations stunt has sustainable effects. Many mini-scandals, moreover,
are products of an industry striving to have celebrities talked about by
any means. Under the rules of this ‘fame game,’ tacit agreements exist
between PR agencies (celebrity handlers) and the tabloid press; indeed,
the two have an out-and-out symbiotic/parasitical coexistence. Clearly,
then, how to define a scandal is not a moot question; rather, it is central
to any theoretical grasp. This will be discussed in section 1.1. Then in
section 1.2 we will discuss the following: the characteristics of media
scandals from the perspective of both victors or victims; the pivotal fac-
tor of how the Ideal Subject and the Ideal Object of value are construct-
ed; and how judgments or sanctions are passed. Note that none of these
operations can occur in isolation as individual operations; rather, all
are supported by the scaffolding of industrial practices, which depend
on cultural patterns of logic that have roots even in ancient rituals, as
in the (architectonic, social, meaning) form of the ancient theatre. This
is evident in the narrative form that scandals take, which we introduce
and discuss at length in section 1.3.
The ‘materiality’ of media scandals is relevant not simply because of
the pragmatic of its production. Section 1.4 contends that ‘scandal’ in its
(original) religious sense had a different meaning from the social and a
fortiori from the media setting. Notwithstanding the semantics at hand
here, there is no continuum of scandal meaning from the Torah to the

Ehrat_3133_001.indd 3 12/21/2010 9:13:51 AM

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