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critics-of-the-twentieth-century-1694216
Nazan Çiçek completed her Ph.D. at the School of Oriental and
African Studies, University of London in 2006. She currently
teaches at Ankara University in the Faculty of Political Sciences.
She has published articles on the political and intellectual history of
the Ottoman Empire and Turkish Republic in several journals
including Middle Eastern Studies and Études Balkaniques.
P1: PHB Trim: 138mm × 216mm Top: 1in Gutter: 1in
IBBK029-01 IBBK019-Serieslist-Demis ISBN: 978 1 84885 245 7 April 27, 2010 15:28

LIBRARY OF OTTOMAN
STUDIES
Series ISBN: 978 1 84885 245 7
See www.ibtauris.com/LOS for a full list of titles
16. Innovation and Empire in 23. Cities of the Mediterranean: From
Turkey: Sultan Selim III and the the Ottomans to the Present Day
Modernisation of the Ottoman Navy Biray Kolluoğlu and
Tuncay Zorlu Meltem Toksöz (Eds)
987 1 84511 694 1 987 1 84885 127 6

17. Artisans of Empire: Crafts and 24. Ottomania: The Romantics and
Craftspeople Under the Ottomans the Myth of the Islamic Orient
Suraiya Faroqhi Roderick Cavaliero
987 1 84511 588 3 987 1 84885 106 1

18. The Political Economy of 25. Stolen Boys of the Ottoman

Ottoman Public Debt: Insolvency and Empire: The Child Levy as Public
European Financial Control in the Spectacle and Political Instrument
Late Nineteenth Century Charles Argo
Murat Birdal 987 1 84885 619 6
987 1 84885 298 3
26. The Transformation of Ottoman
19. Ottoman Women: A Social Crete: Revolts, Politics and Identity in
History from the Nineteenth and the Late Nineteenth Century
Twentieth Centuries Pinar Şenışik
Duygu Koksal and 987 1 84885 541 0
Anastassia Falierou
987 1 84511 778 8 27. Foreign Investment in the
Ottoman Empire: International
20. The Young Ottomans: Turkish Trade and Relations in the
Critics of the Eastern Question in the Late Nineteenth Century
Late Nineteenth Century Necla Geyikdagi
Nazan Çiçek 987 1 84885 461 1
987 1 84885 333 1
28. Conflicting Loyalties in the
21. The British in the Levant: Trade Balkans: The Great Powers, the
and Perceptions of the Ottoman Ottoman Empire and
Empire in the Eighteenth Century Nation-Building
Christine Laidlaw Hannes Grandits, Nathalie
987 1 84885 335 5 Clayer, Robert Pichler (Eds)
987 1 84885 477 2
22. The Ottoman Origins of Modern
Iraq: Political Reform, Modernization 29. Late Ottoman Palestine: The
and Development in the Nineteenth Period of Young Turk Rule
Century Middle East Yuval Ben-Bassat and
Ebubekir Ceylan Eyal Ginio
987 1 84885 425 3 987 1 84885 631 8

ii
THE YOUNG OTTOMANS
Turkish Critics of the Eastern Question
in the Late Nineteenth Century

NAZAN ÇİÇEK

TAURIS ACADEMIC STUDIES

an imprint of
I.B.Tauris Publishers
LO N D O N
· NEW YORK
Published in 2010 by Tauris Academic Studies
An imprint of I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd
6 Salem Road, London W2 4BU
175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010
www.ibtauris.com

Distributed in the United States and Canada

Exclusively by Palgrave Macmillan
175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010

Copyright © 2010 Nazan Çiçek

The right of Nazan Çiçek to be identified as author of this work has been asserted
by the author in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patent Act 1988.

All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or any part
thereof, may not be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or
transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying,
recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher.

Library of Ottoman Studies 20

ISBN: 978 1 84885 333 1

A full CIP record for this book is available from the British Library
A full CIP record for this book is available from the Library of Congress

Library of Congress catalog card: available

Printed and bound in India by Thomson Press (India)

Camera-ready copy edited and supplied by Oxford Publishing Services, Oxford
 To my parents
Sabriye Çiçek and Mehmet Çiçek
With love and esteem
 Contents
__________

Acknowledgements ix

1. Introduction 1
Europe’s ‘Eastern Question’ or the Turks’ ‘Western Question’ 1
Historical and social setting 12
The Young Ottomans: the quest for a way out 24
The triumvirate: Namık Kemal, Ziya Bey and Ali Suavi 42
The nexus: David Urquhart and the Young Ottomans 50
The intersection: the Young Ottomans meet the Urquhartites 57

2. Teaching Unruly Greeks a Lesson and Saving the

Sultan’s Honour: The Cretan Insurrection of 1866–69 71
Cretan insurrection as the laboratory for European
intervention and Ottoman vacillation 73
The plea for fairness: convictions and criticism of the
Young Ottomans on the Cretan affair 75
Second year of the insurrection, the sultan’s visit to Europe
and a new stage of the young Ottoman opposition 86
Conclusion 107

3. The Question of Equality and Foreign Intervention

in the ‘Domestic’ Affairs of the Ottoman Empire 109
Islahat fermanı (hatt-ı humayun of 1856) and the
question of equality 109
Foreign intervention in the internal affairs of the Ottoman Empire 126
The limits of the Ottomans’ forbearance and a debate on
the remedy: usul-ü meşveret or civil disobedience? 153

vii
THE YOUNG OTTOMANS

Conclusion 168

4. The Financial Crisis of the Ottoman Empire 173

Marvels of progress, political economy and the Young Ottomans 173
Finance capital, foreign loans and the Ottoman public debt 185
Ottoman external borrowing and the Young Ottomans 190
Awakening the captain to the danger: the extravagances
of the ruling elite and the broken tacit agreement 207
Conclusion 231

5. Concluding Remarks 237

Notes 241
References 285
Index 303

viii
 Acknowledgements
______________________

This book is a revised version of my Ph.D. dissertation, completed

under the supervision of Benjamin C. Fortna at the School of
Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London. I
would like to thank Dr Fortna for his extremely professional and
helpful supervision, which never failed to give me a sense of
direction whenever I felt lost in my journey to make sense of
centuries-old documents, incidents, personalities and ideas. I also
thank Eugene Rogan of Oxford and Fred Anscombe of Birkbeck
College for their invaluable scholarly support and advice. Without
their encouragement my dissertation would never have become a
book.
There are several institutions, which, in different ways, con-
tributed enormously to the writing process of my dissertation. The
Turkish Higher Education Council and Universities UK provided
material support that enabled me to undertake my Ph.D. in London
between the years 2001 and 2005. SOAS, with its lively academic
atmosphere and specialized library, proved an ideal place to think
and write about the history of the Ottoman Empire. The British
Library and Cambridge University Library offered a very welcom-
ing environment where I held long and very productive reading
sessions without being distracted by the outside world. The Master
and Fellows of Balliol College, Oxford, kindly allowed me to
examine their collection of David Urquhart’s private papers. The
Public Record Office in Kew Gardens introduced me to a parallel
universe where I felt like a time-traveller losing myself in thousands
of well-preserved archival documents from the nineteenth century.
Atatürk Kütüphanesi in İstanbul as well as Milli Kütüphane,

ix
THE YOUNG OTTOMANS

TBMM Kütüphanesi and Türk Tarih Kurumu Kütüphanesi in

Ankara enabled me to gain access to the Young Ottoman
newspaper collections. Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi was very helpful
in locating many crucial documents that dramatically enriched my
understanding of the Ottoman statesmen’s state of mind in the
nineteenth century. I am thankful to the staff of all these
institutions and libraries.
I have been fortunate to have friends like Christopher Guyver
and Michael William Austin who not only patiently read and
commented on my manuscript but also brightened up my days in
London. I also owe a big thank you to Valerie Amar, Eyüp Sabri
Çarmıklı, Pınar Ecevitoğlu, Eric Anton Heuser, Jessie Lawson,
Annabel Mwangi and Ece Öztan for being there when they were.
Finally I would like to thank my parents Sabriye Çiçek and
Mehmet Çiçek and my sister Canan Çiçek Ülker who always
supported my academic pursuits and were very proud of my,
however humble, achievements and whose love made this book
possible.

x
 1
Introduction
_______________

EUROPE’S ‘EASTERN QUESTION’

OR THE TURKS’ ‘WESTERN QUESTION’
A brief glance at the political writing of the Western world in the
nineteenth century shows Europeans enthusiastically discussing the
Eastern Question. Between 1876 and 1885 nearly five hundred
articles exploring the different aspects of this subject appeared in
the ten most widely circulated monthly journals in Great Britain
alone.1 Even the travellers wandering across the sultan’s dominions
throughout the century could not resist the temptation to devote at
least a chapter in their diaries to the dynamics of the Eastern
Question, and they speculated about the destiny of the ‘senescent
Turkish Empire’ at some length. The scope of the Western world’s
Eastern Question loomed large, encompassing the issues from the
balance of power in Europe and the menace the ‘Russian bear’
posed to the interests of other Great Powers in the Eastern
Mediterranean to the conditions, or rather oppression of non-
Muslims, especially the Christians under the Ottoman yoke, the
nationalistic aspirations of a large group of ethno-religious
minorities inhabiting the Ottoman territory and their seemingly
endless insurrections to strip off the ‘centuries long suppression’,
from Europe’s right in interfering either by the means of armed
forces or mediation or friendly counsel in the domestic matters of
the Ottomans to the European money invested in the Turkish
bonds and the virtually virgin Ottoman market waiting for
European conquerors. But the most important question of all, one

1
THE YOUNG OTTOMANS
that summarized the Eastern Question, was as an anonymous
pamphlet asked in 1850, ‘what to do with the Turk?’2 He was the
‘sick man’ of Europe since his heydays came to an end in the late
eighteenth century, and his possible untimely death spelled a
nightmare for the crowned heads of Europe.
What was to be done, then, with the Turk? Could he be
reformed, civilized, or even, if possible, Christianized? Could he be
supported, fostered and protected? Or would it be better to leave
him alone and let him meet his fate? Great Britain and France
decided that to let the Ottoman Empire fall prey to the ambitions
of Russia, which had vowed to build a ‘universal Russian kingdom’,
was too costly an alternative and one they could ill afford, so they
opted to meddle with the destiny of the sick man. Thus, as the
century progressed, maintaining the independence and territorial
integrity of the Ottoman Empire for the sake of the balance of
power3 in Europe became the traditional policy of these two (rival)
powers, which they manifested in their alliance with the Ottomans
during the Crimean War against Russia. While they managed to
avoid engaging their armies in potentially endless wars between
Russia and the Ottoman Empire, France and Britain, obtaining the
occasional support or neutrality of Austria, Prussia and Italy, did
their best to reverse the potentially devastating results of war at the
negotiating table. Another aspect of the project of saving the Turk
was to press continuously on Ottoman governments the urgent
need for reform,4 which supposedly aimed to mould the whole
administrative and governmental system of the country along West-
ern lines and to inject European values into the veins of this
Eastern society, but it mostly took the form of demanding some
‘consents’, namely concessions, for the non-Muslims of the empire.
The allies of the Ottoman Empire thereby undertook a mission
of reforming the Turk, who was otherwise incapable of his own
preservation, and set out to teach him how to be modern and
civilized.5 Their embassies vigilantly oversaw the implementation of
a series of reform edicts the sultan promulgated to ensure that they
not remain dead letters and actively interfered in the affairs of the
2
 INTRODUCTION
Porte whenever they believed the ‘fanatical Muslim conservatism
reared its ugly head’6 and hindered the modernization project. On
the other hand, to render the sultan’s dominions as much
conducive to European commercial and financial interests as
possible, these allies of the Ottoman Empire introduced into it
such institutions as free trade, foreign loans and a modern banking
system, which had until then been largely unknown in the East.
The above description of the so-called Eastern Question demon-
strates in a nutshell how the West understood and discussed the
position of the Ottoman Empire in a Eurocentric world system, as
well as its relations with Europe, during the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries. Among the Great Powers that sided with the
Ottomans against Russia, however, it was the British who seemed
the most enthusiastic about the preservation of the Ottoman
Empire, and they continually kept the Eastern Question fresh in
their political agenda, paying the utmost attention to each new
development in the Near East, be it minor or major, that may have
an impact on the dynamics of the question. As one writer put it, ‘in
the quadrille of the balance of power, England had the special role,
she led the dance.’7 This was partly because none of the other
powers had an Indian dominion and a prime minister like
Palmerston who convinced many generations of British political
elites that unless the sultan’s authority were maintained, not only
the invasion of India but also the complete destruction of British
commerce in the Near East by Russia was imminent.
This conviction, however, did not necessarily lead the British
public to sympathize with the ‘barbarous, fanatical and slothful’
Turk, who had been oppressing their Christian brethren for
centuries and had very little in common with ‘civilized’ Europe. On
the contrary, supporting the Turk to preserve long-term British
interests in the region meant, for many in Britain, collaboration
with the avowed enemy of Christianity and civilization. This posed
a moral challenge to the Victorians, putting them in a dilemma that
lingered on throughout the century about whether Christian and
humanitarian values should be sacrificed for the sake of the
3
THE YOUNG OTTOMANS
economic and military interests of the British Empire. In some
cases, especially when the grievances of the sultan’s Christian
subjects were involved, the controversy over Britain’s traditional
Near Eastern policy became increasingly acrimonious, leaving even
the Queen in confusion about the dynamics and guiding principles
of Anglo–Turkish relations and compelling her prime minister,
Disraeli, who himself ‘would rather see both Turks and Russians at
the bottom of the Black Sea’,8 to explain that Great Britain did not
mean to protect either Turks or Christians but ‘to uphold her
Majesty’s empire’.9
While the British policy makers, Tory or Whig, then, were
following, though sometimes half-heartedly, the principles of
Palmerstonian foreign policy regarding the Ottoman Empire, the
British public were eagerly discussing their Eastern Question using
every platform possible to question or praise the government’s
conduct in the Near East, albeit always with reservations. There
were, of course, various factions within the great mass of British
politicians, academics, journalists and men of letters in the broadest
sense, each of whom purported to be an expert on Eastern matters,
who offered different scenarios on the possible ending of the
Eastern Question and cast the Turk in different roles ranging from
villain to victim. Yet, despite their differences, from the columns in
The Times to the Manchester Working Men’s Association, from the
weekly dinners of the London Statistics Society to the town hall of
Brighton, the British were asking, talking, writing about the Eastern
Question everywhere and mostly not caring much what the Turks
thought about their own Western Question.
The Turk (ironically not calling himself Turk) was, of course,
also thinking about what to do with Europe or, so to speak, with
the Ottoman Empire’s Western Question. But, unlike the British,
his thoughts did not find a place in the columns of newspapers
until a Turkish media began to germinate in the second half of the
century. Before long, however, it became evident that the Porte
dominated by Âli and Fuad Paşas was quite unwilling to listen to its
literate Muslim Turkish subjects’ opinions on the affairs and
4
 INTRODUCTION
predicaments of the Ottoman Empire. Amid a series of pressing
matters troubling the empire in the mid-1860s, such as the con-
tinuous separatist activities of the non-Muslim minorities, the
chimera of the Russian threat, ever increasing external borrowing
and a deepening financial crisis, endless intervention of the Great
Powers and a not very promising looking reform project, the
matters that were engendered by and/or contributed to reproduce
the Eastern Question, the Porte, which had been asserting the will
to monopolize the political power since the beginning of the
Tanzimat (1839–76), became increasingly intolerant of any criticism
or opposition that arose in the society, especially in its Muslim
Turkish quarters. The Porte frowned upon even light-hearted con-
versations in coffee houses or newspaper articles that hinted at a
slight criticism of the government’s conduct, and countered it with
harsh treatment by the imperial police.
Newspapers were closed, their owners were punished, and their
editors and columnists were sent into exile. Those who survived Âli
Paşa’s infamous Kararname-i Âli (1866) establishing arbitrary censor-
ship over the press were either semi-official or extremely cautious
and sycophantic. As a result, the Ottoman media under Âli and
Fuad Paşas’ strict press regime became monopolized mostly by the
newspapers run by foreigners and non-Muslims and were published
in languages other than Ottoman Turkish. This, to a certain extent,
explains why our current knowledge of the literate Ottoman Turkish
public’s opinion of political issues during that particular period is
notably scarce and accounts for the existence of the lacunae in the
politico-cultural historiography of the Ottoman Empire of that
period. Despite the firm grip of the Tanzimat regime on the
Ottoman-Turkish press, there did exist in Istanbul, however, some
journalist intellectuals who were determined to discuss the Eastern
Question from a Muslim Turkish point of view, although they were
compelled to do it as exiles in Europe. They were, as they called
themselves, the Young Ottomans, who would later come to be
known as the first organized opposition movement in the modern
sense in the history of the Ottoman Empire.
5
THE YOUNG OTTOMANS
In this book I narrate some salient features of the Eastern
Question or the Ottoman Empire’s Western Question, which a series
of Tanzimat governments strove in vain to resolve in the second half
of the nineteenth century, through the lenses of these Muslim-
Turkish journalists, namely, the Young Ottomans. The prevailing
historical treatment of the Eastern Question in Western academia
has rarely attempted to bring a detailed account of the perceptions
and reactions of the Ottomans into the picture. Even after Edward
Said’s provocative work prompted a change of paradigm in Western
scholars’ approach to the history of the East, the Eastern Question
mainly remained a Western issue, which was analysed according to its
Western actors’ thinking and policy-making patterns.
This attitude has been exquisitely revealed in the historiography
of the Eastern Question dealing with the first three quarters of the
nineteenth century, including the particular period of 1866–70
during which the Young Ottoman opposition can be observed in
its most prolific and influential form. Leaving aside the Saidian
thesis about what might have caused the European ‘un-interested-
ness’ in comprehending the Ottoman perceptions of the Eastern
Question, I argue that the aforementioned scarcity of the source
material10 that may provide first-hand information about the
intellectual patterns of the literate Muslim-Turkish Ottoman strata,
not to mention the discouraging challenges that Ottoman texts in
Arabic script might pose to those who do not master Eastern
languages, must have contributed to the prevailing reluctance of
Western scholars to explore the Ottoman side of the Eastern
Question during this period.11 Nevertheless, these excuses seem
insufficient to explain the general lack of interest in the subject
among contemporary Western historians when it comes to the
Young Ottomans, who wrote prolifically about many aspects of the
Eastern Question from an Ottoman vantage point for a
considerably long period. In the Young Ottomans’ case, I suggest
that another factor played a remarkable role in precluding the ideas
and work of these Muslim-Turkish opponents from being fully
explored by various scholars. This factor, as I venture to call it, is
6
 INTRODUCTION
the ‘authority syndrome’, which I use here to designate the situation
in which an acclaimed and seemingly exhaustive book on a certain
topic by an established scholar, who is regarded as an authority,
irreversibly changes the status of that topic and causes a false sense
of completeness, despite the writer’s claims otherwise. In the
Young Ottomans’ case, I believe, Şerif Mardin’s indisputably
monumental work, The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought, which has
received well-deserved accolades since it was first published in
1962, caused the subject of the Young Ottomans to suffer from the
authority syndrome.
Western scholars mostly tended to approach the book as a
primary source covering almost everything about the Young Otto-
mans and their thought, thereby tacitly presuming that anything
that Mardin did not include in his work did not deserve attention or
mattered little at best. In fact, Mardin focused in his book to a
noticeable degree on politico-philosophical aspects of Young
Ottoman thought, or in his own words, he set out ‘to analyse the
political system of each of the Young Ottomans’, mostly leaving
the details of their polemics on day-to-day politics, including those
about the Eastern Question, outside the scope of his study.
Understandably, a study that limits itself to the task of delineating
the main formula of a political philosophy cannot be criticized for
not giving detailed accounts of how the founders or followers of
that thought reacted to certain political issues. And, needless to say,
it is not my intention here to raise such a criticism but rather to
point out that, extremely illustrative and instructive though it is, The
Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought leaves certain aspects of the Young
Ottoman opposition unexplored; I aim to analyse them in this
book. Mardin emphasized that each section of his book ‘merely
pinpoints an approach that may be adopted in studying the Young
Ottoman movement’ and ‘the fondest hope that its writing can
elicit is that the basic facets of Young Ottoman thought and action
that are enumerated may be found to warrant more intensive
research by future students of the movement’.12 In this sense, in
this book, which Mardin’s work has largely inspired and guided, I
7
THE YOUNG OTTOMANS
hope only to make a contribution to the research of the Young
Ottoman movement that Mardin left to future scholars.
Within this framework, this book represents an attempt to
emphasize that the existing picture of the Eastern Question cannot
be considered complete without the opinions and perceptions of
Eastern actors; neither can the existing picture of the Young
Ottoman opposition movement be regarded as comprehensive
unless their approach to the Eastern Question receives an in-depth
analysis. By exploring the Young Ottomans’ convictions about and
reactions to some of the challenges the Eastern Question posed to
the Ottoman state and society, in this book I try to take a step
towards that end.
How the Young Ottomans have been understood and examined
in Turkish historiography is a different story, although, in the last
analysis, it too reinforces my assertion that the link between the
Eastern Question and the Young Ottomans intrinsically remains
inadequately established and represented. In Turkey, scholars seem
more interested in either unveiling the intricate relationships among
the members of the Young Ottoman group or detecting and
proving the existence and development of a range of abstract
concepts from Islamism and Turkism to constitutionalism,
liberalism, secularism or democracy in Young Ottoman thought in
nascent forms rather than approaching this opposition group as a
product of the Eastern Question, the reflections of which can be
clearly traced in Young Ottoman writing during the group’s active
propaganda period between the years 1866 and 1871.
Why do Turkish scholars seem to prioritize discovering the
Islamist, secularist or modernist aspects of Young Ottoman
thought at the expense of an in-depth analysis of the conditions
that the Eastern Question engendered and that contributed to the
emergence of this opposition movement? The answer to this
question, I suggest, lies partly in the Turkish Republic’s problematic
relations with its Ottoman past. The founding elite of the republic,
in a quest to find the native ideological antecedents of the new
secular/Western-oriented regime, overemphasized the patriotic,
8
 INTRODUCTION
parliamentarian, constitutionalist and liberal qualities of the Young
Ottoman movement and instrumentalized it to some extent in
order to underline the despotic, corrupt and scholastic qualities of
the Ottoman Empire, against which both the Young Ottomans and
the republicans alike fought. Mustafa Kemal reiterated on various
occasions that he owed his patriotic awakening to Namık Kemal’s
writing. During the eventful years of the Turkish resistance in
Anatolia he extensively used Namık Kemal’s poetry in his
inflammatory speeches at the Grand Turkish National Assembly. In
an interview with Italian diplomatist Sforza he was reported to have
said that ‘his biological father was Ali Rıza but the father of his
patriotic ambitions was Namık Kemal and the father of the ideas
that guided him in his nation-building was Ziya Gökalp.’13
Accordingly, the champions of the new regime praised Namık
Kemal as the oldest ideological antecedent of the Turkish
Republic.14 This idealized/stylized presentation of the Young Otto-
mans by the republican regime, which overlooked their Islamist and
pro-sultanate features, prompted an unspoken academic tension
between the supporters of the regime and its critics who set out
either to verify or to refute the claims of the official history thesis
about the Young Ottomans.
Another reason that may explain why the Young Ottomans were
almost invariably discussed on the basis of those abstract concepts
is that the new regime was not the only actor perusing Ottoman
history to discover its antecedents. The followers of a series of
political ideologies from Turkism to Islamism were equally at pains
at the beginning of the twentieth century to invent a legacy that
would stretch their history as far back as possible. The Young
Ottomans did indeed produce material that could be interpreted as
the nucleus of Turkism or Islamism along with parliamentarianism
and liberalism because ‘they were at one and the same time the first
men to make the ideas of the Enlightenment part of the intellectual
equipment of the Turkish reading public and the first thinkers to
try to work out a synthesis between these ideals and Islam’.15
Hence, they easily came to be cast as the fathers of those different
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