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 LITERARY CRITICISM/NATIVE AMERICAN STUDIES a%c+b Sh Y5
BfT @

Donohue
“Offers a powerful revisioning of the genesis of American literary history, revealing that
_
C

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from its earliest moments, American literature owes its distinctive shape and texture
to the determining influence of indigenous thought and culture.”—Joanna Brooks, O

`
San Diego State University +# 6* *si@C(

*# zh
“Partly a close, detailed analysis of the specific text and partly a broader analysis

w>#
of Native identity, literary influences, and spiritual affiliation, the book makes a
sophisticated and compelling claim for the way Indian influences permeate this Puritan
text.”—Hilary E. Wyss, Auburn University

*w>#
illiam Bradford, a leader among the Pilgrims, carefully recorded

Q[h*
the voyage of the Mayflower and the daily life of Plymouth Colony in a
work—part journal, part history—he titled Of Plimoth Plantation. This remark-
able document is the authoritative chronicle of the Pilgrims’ experiences as Being the True Roote &
well as a powerful testament to the cultural and literary exchange that existed
between the newly arrived Europeans and the Native Americans who were their
neighbors and friends. Rise of American Letters
It is well documented that Native Americans lived within the confines of

as Revealed by the

ny2FC!
Plymouth Colony, and for a time Bradford shared a house with Tisquantum
(Squanto), a Patuxet warrior and medicine man. In Bradford’s Indian Book, Betty
Booth Donohue traces the physical, intellectual, psychological, emotional, and
theological interactions between New England’s Native peoples and the Euro-
pean newcomers as manifested in the literary record.
Native Text Embedded in
Donohue identifies American Indian poetics and rhetorical strategies as well
as Native intellectual and ceremonial traditions present in the text. She also
draws on ethnohistorical scholarship, consultation with tribal intellectuals, and
Of Plimoth Plantation
her own experiences to examine the ways Bradford incorporated Native Ameri-

I#
can philosophy and culture into his writing.
Bradford’s Indian Book promises to reshape and re-energize our understand-
ing of standard canonical texts, reframing them within the intellectual and cultural

Qsh}
traditions indigenous to the continent. Written partly in the Cherokee syllabary to
express pan-Indian concepts that do not translate well to English, Donohue’s invigorat- Betty Booth Donohue

Y5
ing, provocative analysis demonstrates how indigenous oral and thought traditions have
influenced American literature from the very beginning down to the present day. 6* U( KGE

@
Betty Booth Donohue is an independent scholar and a member of
the Cherokee Nation.

L
upf

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Front, background: ©iStockphoto.com/Bill Noll. Feathers courtesy of the author.
ISBN 978-0-8130-3737-0
}s
University Press of Florida www.upf.com
#S
,!7IA8B3-adhdha! ~
*nFS~ a\#
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Bradford’s Indian Book

University Press of Florida

Florida A&M University, Tallahassee
Florida Atlantic University, Boca Raton
Florida Gulf Coast University, Ft. Myers
Florida International University, Miami
Florida State University, Tallahassee
New College of Florida, Sarasota
University of Central Florida, Orlando
University of Florida, Gainesville
University of North Florida, Jacksonville
University of South Florida, Tampa
University of West Florida, Pensacola
Br a d f o r d ’ s
Ind ia n Bo o k
Being the True Roote & Rise
of American Letters as Revealed
by the Native Text Embedded in
Of Plimoth Plantation

Betty Booth Donohue

6* U( KGE

University Press of Florida

Gainesville · Tallahassee · Tampa · Boca Raton
Pensacola · Orlando · Miami · Jacksonville · Ft. Myers · Sarasota
The frontispiece illustration is reproduced from an original pencil drawing (12" x 16")
created for this volume in 2011 by Cherokee artist Troy Anderson of Siloam Springs,
Arkansas. It depicts William Bradford with the Mayflower and Squanto behind him.

Copyright 2011 by Betty Booth Donohue

Printed in the United States of America. This book is printed on Glatfelter Natures
Book, a paper certified under the standards of the Forestry Stewardship Council (FSC).
It is a recycled stock that contains 30 percent post-consumer waste and is acid-free.
All rights reserved

16 15 14 13 12 11 6 5 4 3 2 1

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Donohue, Betty Booth.
Bradford’s Indian book : being the true roote & rise of American letters as revealed by
the native text embedded in Of Plimoth Plantation / Betty Booth Donohue.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978‑0‑8130‑3737‑0 (alk. paper)
1. Bradford, William, 1590‑1657. History of Plymouth Plantation. 2. Bradford,
William, 1590‑1657—Criticism and interpretation. 3. Indians of North America—
Massachusetts—Plymouth—History. 4. Indians of North America—Massachusetts—
Plymouth—Social life and customs. 5. American literature—Indian authors—History
and criticism. 6. Indian literature—History and criticism. 7. Massachusetts—History—
New Plymouth, 1620‑1691. I. Title.
F68.B80733D66 2011
974.4'02092—dc23
2011018981

The University Press of Florida is the scholarly publishing agency for the State Univer-
sity System of Florida, comprising Florida A&M University, Florida Atlantic University,
Florida Gulf Coast University, Florida International University, Florida State University,
New College of Florida, University of Central Florida, University of Florida, University
of North Florida, University of South Florida, and University of West Florida.

University Press of Florida

15 Northwest 15th Street
Gainesville, FL 32611-2079
http://www.upf.com
For a%c+b *nFS~ aNC* a3 b( (si@C(,
the People of the Eastern Light, and Bradford
 Contents

Acknowledgments ix
Preface xi
Prelude: The Beginning They Told 1

Part the First: Preparing the Ground

1. Land and Medicine 5
2. The Earth as Narrative Source 19
3. The Ritual Meeting of Two Cultures 39
4. Corn and Wampum 56
5. Animals and Tricksters 71

Part the Second: The People and American Literature

6. The Native Hagiography 89
7. Tisquantum 105
8. The Indeans 121
9. Of Plimoth Plantation as Medicine Text 134
Cherokee Glossary 147
Notes 151
Bibliography 163
Index 185
 Acknowledgments

For seeing me begin this journey, I want to thank the late Paula Gunn Al-
len, Michael Colacurcio, and Eric Sundquist of the University of Califor-
nia, Los Angeles. Their belief in the validity of the undertaking and their
material assistance were invaluable. For bibliographic support, I want to
thank Sue Tircuit of Cody’s Bookstore formerly in Berkeley, California.
In the age before online texts, Sue was able to locate rare and out-of-print
volumes and get them to me quickly and happily. For those who have stood
by me for the last leg of the trek, Joanna Brooks, Matt Cohen, Jason Mur-
ray, Harry Oosahwee, Karen Wallace, and Hilary Wyss, I owe a great debt
of gratitude. From the heart, vo.
 Preface
cv5S w>#GQ

When Massachusetts Natives met English settlers in 1620, literary events

took place. The American Indian oral tradition confronted English-speak-
ing immigrants and changed their discursive propensities. As the English-
speaking immigrants wrote, they produced a new literature that would
eventually be designated American, and cv5S w>#GQ, or American
literature, is different from continental British. It is a literature that reveals
an American Indian presence, a characteristic that British literature does
not have. American Indian words, characters, and actions entered Amer-
ica’s written works at Contact, and these words, characters, and actions
have become a part of a continuing European American literary tradition.
Remove the Indians, and the literature is no longer American.
Bradford’s Indian Book asserts that American Indians brought forces to
bear on the new nation’s developing literature and helped shape it. Trace
evidence of these formational dynamics can be found in most of the early
documents produced by English speakers in seventeenth-century Amer-
ica, but the highest concentration of forensic markers aggregate in William
Bradford’s history of Plymouth Colony.
+# 6* *si@C( began writing his history in 1630, and he worked
on it intermittently until 1650. He produced a vellum-bound manuscript
measuring approximately 11 ½ inches by 7 ¾ that contained 270 pages of
inaccurately numbered text. The manuscript has several blank flyleaves on
which he wrote Hebrew grammar exercises and a plea to “see” the language
of God, angels, and the Patriarchs. The manuscript’s later handlers, per-
haps to establish control of the document or to emend it, added their own
comments to these pages and thus created a palimpsest. After Bradford’s
death, the volume passed to his son William and later to his grandson
xii r Preface

John and then to his great-grandson Samuel. During this great passing,
the manuscript was borrowed by Nathaniel Morton, Increase and Cot-
ton Mather, William Hubbard, Samuel Sewell, Thomas Hutchinson,
and Thomas Prince. When Prince completed his Chronological History of
New-England (1736), he colonized the history. After pasting in his per-
sonal bookplate, underlining certain passages, inserting marginalia, and
correcting Bradford’s spelling, he appropriated the manuscript for his own
collection. He then named his holdings the New England Library and de-
posited them in the bell tower of the Old South Meeting House in Boston.
After Prince’s death, what happened to the manuscript is conjectural. Ei-
ther the very disgruntled Tory Thomas Hutchinson or a nameless biblio-
philic British soldier bivouacking in the Old South took the manuscript
to London after the Revolutionary War, and by some miraculous means
the document made its way to Fulham Palace, the residence of the Bishop
of London. It lay there in oblivion until a passage of it was quoted by the
Right Reverend Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, in his History of
the Protestant Episcopal Church in America (1844). An American scholar
recognized the quote and reported it to the president of the Massachu-
setts Historical Society, Charles Deane. After learning of its whereabouts,
Deane had an English scholar transcribe the manuscript and send the copy
to him and, in 1856, he published it in the Fourth Series of the Collections
of the Massachusetts Historical Society. For slightly more than forty years,
however, Bradford’s original manuscript remained in London, the subject
of a protracted, bilateral struggle. Finally the manuscript was repatriated
to the United States in 1897 but only after it had been reclassified as the
Mayflower’s Log, and thus by a legal technicality released.1
Even though Of Plimoth Plantation is a work of non-fiction, it is impor-
tant to American literary theory because it contains many themes, stylistic
devices, archetypal characters, and narrative techniques that later surface
in European American fiction, and these rhetorical strategies can be traced
to American Indian poetics. Why an English settler named William Brad-
ford became a conduit for the American Indian literary power informing
a new national literature will probably never be understood, but what is
certain is that his history left proof of the process.
When the passengers on board the Mayflower settled at Patuxet, they
did not find themselves in a literary or intellectual wilderness. The New-
comers had entered a land that was filled with people, thoughts, stories,
and ceremonies. Narrative, or ny2FC!, is in the earth and it was here
 Preface r xiii

before time was counted. Prior to the influx of Europeans into what is
now called the United States, literature, in oral form, was everywhere there
were people.2
Before Contact, American Indians employed most of the genres known
to Europeans. Natives produced creation accounts, histories, orations,
lyric poetry, lullabies, fables, love songs, elegies, epics, and dramatic rituals.
In addition to these familiar literary modes, American Indians composed
songs or poems designed to effect protection or success for a designated
undertaking. They composed hunting, fishing, and planting songs, travel-
ing songs, war chants, and battle narratives. Native life began and ended
with poetry. Naming songs introduced infants to the Creator; vision reci-
tations revealed a person’s life-plan or obligations, while death songs pre-
pared the singer for his spirit journey and identified him to his Maker once
again.3 The most important of all tribal compositions, however, were the
oral formulae designed to effect change or bring about healing. I call these
sacred chants medicine texts, and it is this genre with which Bradford’s
Indian Book is concerned.
At the time of Contact, literature in the Western Hemisphere was alive
and dynamic. Literature was “practiced” or engaged in by laymen and by
literary specialists who were referred to as a%*lG+CT, persons-who-
know-things, or medicine people. Literature was an action that had medi-
cal, religious, social, aesthetic, intellectual, and didactic properties. It was
an all-encompassing part of life. American Indian literature did not need
print in order to exist. Logocentric in the extreme, Native literature served
to instruct, to delight, and to effect. Generative rather than mimetic, it was,
and is, vital and puissant. Simply put, it makes things happen.
There were several paths that the oral tradition took to make its way
into American letters. One of the most common trajectories of influence
was that moving from a medicine man and his associates to the Christian
divine and from there to the writing society at large. In the Plymouth para-
digm under consideration here, this trajectory is traced from Passaconaway
and the Massasoit Osamequin to Tisquantum and Hobomok and then
to William Bradford and Edward Winslow, who, although not ordained
clergymen, were devout believers and exegetes of their faith. Bradford’s po-
etry and Winslow’s essays, Hypocrisie Unmasked (1646) and New-Englands
Salamander (1647), exhibit theological polemics. Since Bradford and Win-
slow were part of the second British settlement in North America, they are
two of our earliest writers. Of course, there were many other trajectories.
xiv r Preface

Another common course of influence was from Indian guide or Indian so-
ciety to European explorer, visitor, or immigrant. This trajectory produced
works like the Dermer letter (1620), which is embedded in Bradford’s his-
tory, William Wood’s New Englands Prospect (1634), and Thomas Morton’s
New English Canaan (1637).
Indianization is another method by which Europeans absorbed Native
culture. It has been a long-standing custom for American Indians to take
in strangers and remake them. Captives taken from other Nations were
changed to conform to the captors’ norms.4 Similarly, the Natives who in-
teracted with European immigrants attempted to Indianize them. Recent
epidemics had decimated their populations, and they needed to attract
energetic people who would contribute to the general welfare, refresh the
gene pool, and not disrupt the social order.
At Plymouth, Indianization was easily accomplished because Na-
tives and Newcomers lived as neighbors and got into each other’s minds.
The Principal Patriarch enjoyed a close relationship with Hobomok and
Tisquantum (Squanto), a Patuxet headman who had been kidnapped by
Europeans, taught to speak English, and returned to his native land. In
Saints and Strangers (1945), George Willison relates that Squanto “had
been more or less adopted by Bradford.”5 It is probable that the two
shared living quarters for a time, since housing was extremely limited dur-
ing Plymouth’s early years. Bradford’s inclusion into his history of several
pages of sympathetic biographical information about Tisquantum indi-
cates that he had a genuine affection for the man. Tisquantum’s political,
diplomatic, and theurgic powers, perhaps exemplified by his escaping the
plague that decimated most of his village and his breaking free of several
European captivities, must have touched Bradford to some degree. Both
men had survived political exile, social alienation, and the loss of close
relatives and friends to devastating diseases and sudden deaths. Each had
been a stranger in a strange land, dependent upon the kindness of persons
unknown for succor and support.
Bradford’s history invariably refers to Tisquantum as “Squanto,” and
whether that designation was a nickname or title is uncertain. The “-[h]
anto” at the end of the name, however, indicates that Squanto was a “‘Won-
der Worker,’” meaning that he had “‘mysterious, magical, . . . [and] miracu-
lous’” powers.6 Like Hobomok, who joined the Colony later and quartered
with Miles Standish, Tisquantum was a pniese, or apprentice-level medi-
cine man, dream interpreter, conjurer, and diplomat.7 Jessie Little Doe, a
 Preface r xv

Wampanoag linguist, doubts that the northern Narragansett or Kaweesuc

term “pniese” actually means medicine man in the way it is generally used
today, but the term does designate someone who defends the people, a foot
soldier, or a kind of protector.8 Of course, protection in Native societies
often refers to medicine.
Another reason that Indianization was quickly accomplished at Plym-
outh was that, at Contact, Europeans were an infinitesimal minority.
Russell Thornton estimates that there were approximately seven million
people living in what is now the United States while Henry Dobyns puts
the figure at ten million.9 America was not “the Lord’s waste” as John Win-
throp occasionally styled it, but was instead a heavily populated country.10
There were hundreds of complex civilizations here with well-organized
governmental systems. The Southwestern Pueblos, the Algonquian Con-
federacies of New England, the Mid-Atlantic Powhatan Confederacy, and
the Iroquois League were four such bodies that wielded influence over
the first European settlers in what is now the United States. The infra-
structure of American Indians provided the colonists with knowledge of
the essentials of daily life—foods, hunting methods, roads, water routes,
fighting techniques, medicines, land management, and democratic politi-
cal structures. As colonists learned the tangible details of life in the New
World, they also unknowingly absorbed the intangible aspects associated
with the acquired knowledge and were subtly changed.
To reveal the Native influence in Of Plimoth Plantation, I read closely
and give hermeneutical attention to ambiguities. Passages resistant to only
one interpretation are designated seemingly unintentional narratives. Ger-
ald Prince’s assertion that narratological analyses of texts sometimes must
include issues of “psychology, anthropology, history, literary criticism, or
esthetics” partially undergirds my approach.11
My primary methodologies, however, derive from examining the Na-
vajo sacred chants translated by Father Berard Haile; from heeding the
principles of American Indian literary theory as understood by Native
medicine people, scholars, and storytellers; and by analyzing the works of
modern Native writers. I use the Navajo chants as prototypical examples
of medicine texts only because they are intact, reliable, and accessible. It
is unlikely that similar materials from the eastern Nations now exist in
written form, but given the compositional propensities of various nine-
teenth- and twentieth-century Native writers it is possible to hypothesize
that most Native ceremonial chants shared certain characteristics. The
xvi r Preface

formularies that appear in the Navajo chants also inform nearly all modern
Native inscriptive practices regardless of a writer’s tribal affiliation. That is
to say, narrative strata observable in Louise Erdrich’s works are also visible
in Pauline Johnson’s, Alexander Posey’s, Linda Hogan’s, James Welch’s, and
David Seals,’ to name only a few. Erdrich is Turtle Mountain Chippewa;
Johnson is Mohawk; Alexander Posey is Mvskogee; Hogan is Chickasaw;
Welch is Blackfeet/Gros Ventre; David Seals is Huron.
Even though the works of the above-mentioned writers are quite dif-
ferent and span two centuries, they nevertheless share discursive charac-
teristics. These stylistic devices are not the sole property of Mohawks,
Mvskogees, Chippewas, Chickasaws, Blackfeet/Gros Ventres, or Hurons,
but can be designated American Indian as opposed to European. Because
these narrative strata are found in recorded Navajo chants, I use them as
examples of archetypal sources. Certainly, there is no connection between
Bradford and Beautyway. There is, however, a significant connection be-
tween the narrative dynamics functioning in Of Plimoth Plantation and
American Indian poetics demonstrable in a wide variety of healing chants
like Beautyway. The same poetics are discernable in recitations of vision
quests such as Black Elk’s relation of his experience recorded in Black Elk
Speaks (1932).
In the best of all possible worlds we would have hard evidence, full
texts, and indisputable facts with which to work, but the post-Contact
American Indian world is fragmented. Scholars working in Native studies
must reconstruct from shards. Much cultural knowledge has disappeared.
A significant amount of what remains is closely guarded and unavailable to
scholars or tribal outsiders. The paucity of comprehensive, authenticated,
and accessible materials about the many issues that concern Northeast-
ern tribal customs forces some upstreaming, or working back into time
from the cultural knowns of the present. Because Native influence en-
tered American letters by means of social contact, I cite ethnohistorical
and anthropological data. Even so, this volume is primarily a work of lit-
erary criticism, and upstreaming is done only to make plausible illustra-
tions for literary explication. My procedure will be to use what is acces-
sible and presently knowable without encumbering the text with constant
qualification.
American Indian history and culture is large and indeterminate in scope,
and everything that bears on American Indian exegesis cannot possibly be
contained in one theory or one volume. Paul Chaat Smith (Comanche), in
 Preface r xvii

“The Terrible Nearness of Distant Places” (2007), recognizes this problem

and points out additionally that the issue is magnified because presently
we do not have a “framework with defined meanings in which to ground
our discourse.”12 That pronouncement, however arguable, does underline
the many controversies surrounding a significant number of issues stem-
ming from American Indian cultural exposition. Some of these contro-
versies are vexed by what often appears to be semantic hairsplitting while
others are enhanced by the exploration of genuine concerns.
For example, a current trend in publications dealing with American
Indian subject matter stridently calls for tribal specificity when working
with Native materials. That highly appropriate and well-intentioned de-
mand is reasonable for critical, historical, anthropological, or ethnographic
research regarding a clearly designated Nation or tribal person, but Brad-
ford’s Indian Book is about an Englishman’s history, not indigenous writ-
ing. As apposite as the concept of tribal specificity is, the practice has very
real constraints. Comprehensive, tribally specific data for many indigenous
entities, and especially for those among the Eastern Woodlands people,
is limited given the ravages of colonization. Because Bradford dealt with
Algonquians, Algonquians figure prominently in this discussion. Scholars
can be fairly certain about superficial aspects of Algonquian material cul-
ture: foods, hunting techniques, housing, weapons, utensils, and legends.
The more abstract or metaphysical aspects of the culture cannot always be
discovered and substantiated. I try whenever possible to use Algonquian
data, but when it is impossible to find Algonquian material pertinent to
a critical issue, I use what is Native, accessible, plausible, and illustrative.
Even though American Indians differ, we also hold many ideas and cus-
toms in common. Respect for the natural world, belief in the power of the
spoken word, the ritual use of corn and tobacco, and the employment of
cedar and sage in purification rites are four shared attributes. After five
hundred years of colonization, many of us have come to realize that our
commonalities unite us as much as our differences divide us.
By bringing pan-tribal understandings to this discussion, I emphasize
the fact that many American Indian intellectual systems operated through-
out the continent. These systems did not function in tribally specific vacu-
ums; they interfaced. America’s indigenous people mingled with others;
they conversed, intermarried, exchanged information, and borrowed each
other’s customs and technologies. The continent was not static but in con-
stant motion. More important, America was not a wilderness inhabited by
xviii r Preface

non-communicative savages. It was a vibrant civilization of heterogeneous,

enlightened human beings who had intellectual curiosity and complexity.
It was filled with people who displayed scientific knowledge, artistic abili-
ties, engineering capabilities, pharmacological expertise, and agricultural
understanding. American Natives also had at their disposal rich oral com-
positions that were not confined to space and time. Some of this tradition
was/is dream-inspired or divinatory, and its range and capacity are infinite.
Smith’s contention that at Contact American Indians were not victims, but
“actors on a world stage” is one I share.13
Tribal specificity is also often problematic when applied to Bradford’s
history.14 In regard to this volume, Bradford had contact with Wampano-
ags, Abenakis, Micmacs, Narragansetts, Nausets, Nipmucks, Massachu-
sets, Niantics, Pequots, Mohegans, Patuxets, and Pokanokets, to name a
few. The weight of tribal specificity here, could it be determined, would
burden an encyclopedia. Important also is the note that nomenclature
can be slippery. For instance, the designation Algonquian refers to people
who share a language, but it includes Nations as disparate as Wampanoag,
Cree, Arapaho, Shawnee, and Miami. When using the term Algonquian in
this volume, I am referring primarily to the Eastern Algonquian Nations
who interacted with the Saints and Strangers.
Even though Bradford dealt with Eastern Algonquians, it must also
be emphasized that this book is not “about” Algonquians. It is “about” the
American Indian presence in American letters. The presence can be traced
to Bradford’s history and to the fact that Bradford was surrounded by Al-
gonquian Indians. The operative word here is Indians. Had Bradford been
surrounded by Natives from the Southeast culture group, the same thing
would likely have happened. He would have absorbed certain elements of
“Indianness,” which would have modified his thinking and writing. Refer-
entially here, Gertrude Stein’s observation that “a rose [Indian] is a rose is
a rose” is humorously meaningful. Mentioning Algonquians in this volume
honors them, and they deserved to be honored. In Native societies, the gift
of knowledge must be returned.15 Referring to Algonquians, however, does
not restrict the discussion to Algonquian material.
Using multi-tribal concepts to elucidate American Indian thought is
not new. Fiction writer N. Scott Momaday, a Kiowa/Cherokee, brings into
play materials deriving from Navajo and Jemez sources as well as the Na-
tive American Religion to fill out his novel, House Made of Dawn (1966).
 Preface r xix

Non-Indian scholars Dennis Tedlock and Barbara Tedlock, editors of

Teachings from the American Earth (1975), compile data from several tribes
to produce their work. Peggy Beck, Anna Lee Walters (Pawnee), and Nia
Francisco (Navajo) co-authored The Sacred (1992), a book that includes
spiritual traditions from myriad Nations. Clara Sue Kidwell (Choctaw),
Homer Noley (Choctaw), and George Tinker (Osage) elucidate several
tribal religious concepts in A Native American Theology (2001), and Vine
Deloria Jr. (Standing Rock Sioux) continues the practice in The World
We Used to Live In (2006). Penelope Myrtle Kelsey (Seneca descent), in
Tribal Theory in Native American Literature (2008), incorporates two Na-
tive intellectual systems in her discussion. Most of the volumes cited above
are concerned with delineating facets of an American Indian experience as
opposed to a non-Native experience.
I am a Cherokee scholar and I occasionally use the Cherokee language
in this volume for several reasons. As Daniel Heath Justice has noted,
“Our fire survives the storm,” and our language, despite centuries of as-
saults, does also.16 For reasons of respect and gratitude, Cherokee speakers
should be remembered and appreciated. Using the old language recalls
our forebears and the dark days following Removal just as it testifies to
our endurance and our hopes for the future. Equally important, writing in
BfT, or in any Native language, brings the American Indian intellectual
tradition into focus and gives it immediacy; furthermore, BfT offers
epistemological insights into Native thinking that English cannot. Finally,
Bradford’s Indian Book offers a red reading of a white book, and the Chero-
kee language underscores that point.
Another salient and essential component of this treatise is the fact that
traditional American Indians do not think or act like European Ameri-
cans. Worldviews and social values are often disparate. Richard West
(Cheyenne), the first director of the Museum of the American Indian, in
an address to the Society of Early Americanists meeting at Purdue Uni-
versity in 2008, reminded his audience of that reality.17 American Indian
epistemological systems are not like Western methodologies. The Native
mental processes determining conclusion-reaching will deviate from ac-
cepted Western norms. Native and Western responses to identical givens
will differ. The reader who sincerely wishes to learn from this volume will
do well to buy into American Indian literary conventions in the same way
that he accepts Western dramatic conventions when he attends a theatrical
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