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Aryans and British India
Aryans and
British India
Thomas R. Trautmann

U N I V E R S I T Y OF C A L I F O R N I A PRESS

Berkeley / Los Angeles / London

University o f California Press
Berkeley and L o s Angeles, California

University of California Press

L o n d o n , England

Copyright © 1997 by The Regents of the University of California

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Trautmann, Thomas R .
Aryans and British India / Thomas R . Trautmann.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
I S B N 0 - 5 2 0 - 2 0 5 4 6 - 4 (alk. paper)
1. Indo-Aryans—History. 2. I n d i a — H i s t o r y — B r i t i s h occupation,
1765-1947. I. Title.
DS425.T68 1997 96-34953
954.03'!—dc20 CIP

Printed in the United States of America

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

The paper used in this publication meets the m i n i m u m requirements

of American National Standard for Information Sciences—
Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials,
A N S I Z39.48-1984
 In memory of
A. L. Bash am
British Sanskritist
historian of India
guru
friend
 Contents

ILLUSTRATIONS IX

PREFACE xi

Chapter i

Introduction i

Chapter 2

The Mosaic Ethnology of Asiatick Jones 28

Chapter 3

British Indomania 62

Chapter 4

British Indophobia 99

Chapter 5

Philology and Ethnology 131

Chapter 6

Race Science versus Sanskrit 165

Chapter 7 Vll
The Racial Theory of Indian Civilization 190
CONTENTS

Chapter 8
Epilogue 217

REFERENCES 229

INDEX 253
 Illustrations

Figure i. Sanskrit inscription in the

Old Indian Institute Building, Oxford 5
Figure 2. Schleicher's family tree of
Indo-European languages 6
Figure 3. Map of the Indo-European languages 8
Figures 4 - 7 . Statue of Sir William Jones in
St. Paul's Cathedral 76-79
Figure 8. Map of the Indo-Aryan languages 142
Figure 9. Map of the Dravidian and Munda languages 144
Figure 10. Topinard's types of noses 201

IX
 Preface

For some years it has been my strange and agreeable destiny to teach
the history of ancient India at the University of Michigan, which is lo-
cated, roughly, on the other side of the world from India. For the most
part, the background knowledge of India my students bring with them
to my classes is fairly limited unless, as is increasingly the case, they are
themselves of Indian, or Pakistani, or Bangladeshi, or Sri Lankan de-
scent.
At an early point in the course I explain how Sanskrit entered India
from the direction of Iran, and was spoken by people who called them-
selves "Arya." Many students will not have heard of Sanskrit before,
and few of them are aware that the modern languages of North India
and Sri Lanka, descendants of the Sanskrit language in which the an-
cient scriptures of Hinduism were written, are related to the languages
of Europe including English, all of them being members of the Indo-
European family of languages. Again, few will know that Persian is also
a member of the Indo-European language family and is not closely re-
lated to Arabic, even though it is written in a version of the Arabic
script. It is only to be expected that students will be unaware of this
order of facts when the ambient information stream not only is ignorant
of them but so often supplies misinformation: Just a few weeks back I
read in a newspaper a survey of the reactions of Arab countries to re-
cent developments in the Middle East—beginning with Iran! The un-
expected grouping of languages in the Indo-European family, deriving
from the work of Orientalists of two centuries ago, is often as surpris-
ing today as it was to the pioneers of Indo-European linguistics.

xi
 PREFACE

All my students, however, have heard the name Aryan. Unfortu-

nately we do not have to leave our own country, or even our own state,
to find this name used by groups advocating the politics of racial hate.
And so I find myself having to explain, shortly into my survey course on
ancient Indian history, the following facts: Aryan is from Arya (arya),
a Sanskrit word used in early times by the Sanskrit speakers to refer
to themselves in contrast with other groups from whom they differed.
It was also used by the Iranians, the name of whose country means
"land of the Aryas." Some scholars have claimed that the name for Ire-
land, Eire, is the same word, and that given the wide and early distri-
bution of the word, Arya must be the name all the early speakers of
Indo-European languages used for themselves. This is doubtful, but
even if it is true there is no reason to think that these Indo-European
speakers formed a racially unitary and pure group. The principal mark-
ers of Aryan identity are cultural (religion and language) and not physi-
cal or racial.
My problem as a teacher of Indian history is that the fascist appro-
priation in modern times of this ancient Sanskrit word and the politics
of racial hatred with which it has become inextricably associated gives
the word a strong charge that acts as a kind of interference when one
wishes to tell the history of ancient India rather than the history of
twentieth-century European and American racial politics. But while
this prior knowledge of the modern fascist sense of the name Aryan
that my students bring to class with them has a negative effect on the
narrative of ancient Indian history, constituting a kind of distorting
magnet that has to be corrected for, in another way the need to deal
with it is an opportunity to apply historical knowledge of ancient India
to the rational illumination of contemporary life in a small but crucial
way. The Aryan idea, after all, is one rather important item of contem-
porary culture that a historian of ancient India has some special knowl-
edge of, and it offers a person in my obscure corner of the Academy an
opportunity to bring reason to bear on the problem of racial hatred,
however limited the effect is bound to be.
That said I must hasten to stipulate that the story of fascism and
racial hate groups is illuminated only indirectly in this book, and hovers
at its margins, as it were. The central story is not about how the narra-
tive of ancient Indian history and the ethnology of India relate to Na-
zism, but rather how they relate to the British of British India, more
specifically to the British Sanskritists who supervised the construction
of that history and ethnology. In the story of British colonialism the
 PREFACE

Aryan or Indo-European idea has a quite different drift, complemen-

tary to its function in the story of fascism, acting (as I shall argue in
this book) as a sign of the kinship of Britons and Indians. It is an idea
that created the history of India while it revolutionized European no-
tions of universal history and ethnology. Taken as a whole, the Aryan
idea in European thought was productive of much that is false and evil,
but also of much that is good and of lasting value. We are obliged, I
think, to recognize that these qualities do not inhere in the idea itself
but in the varying functions that the idea serves, and to be attentive
therefore to the purposes toward which, at any given time, the idea is
directed.
In writing this book I have been unusually blessed by helpful friends
and supportive institutions. Many friends offered ideas, references and
criticisms: N. J. Allen, Stephen Alter, Tom Bentley, Madhav M. Desh-
pande, Nicholas B. Dirks, Jean-Claude Galey, Richard Gombrich, Roger
Lardinois, David N. Lorenzen, Billie Melman, Peter Pels, Tapan Ray-
chaudhuri, Sanjay Subramaniam, Romila Thapar, Theodore W. Traut-
mann and James C. Turner. Figure 5 was taken by R. H. Barnes; figures
4 , 6, and 7 are courtesy The Conway Library, Courtauld Institute of
Art. John Hamer did the computer artwork in figures 2 and 3. To all
of them I offer my heartfelt thanks. I thank the University of Michigan
for sabbatical leave, the LSA Faculty Fund for research support, and the
Institute for Social and Cultural Anthropology and Wolfson College,
Oxford, for visiting fellow status in 1990-91 when the research for this
book got under way. I am obliged to the École des Hautes Etudes en
Sciences Sociales for a term of teaching there in the spring of 1993 (un-
der a faculty exchange program with the History Department of the
University of Michigan), during which I tried out the substance of the
book in Jean-Claude Galey's seminar. I am grateful to my colleague
David Bien and his counterpart at the Ecole, André Burguière, for help
in making this visit possible. In 1993-94 I held the Steelcase Research
Professorship of the Institute for the Humanities at the University of
Michigan, which enabled me to complete the research and write the
book. I am grateful to the Institute and its director, James Winn, for a
most productive and pleasant year, and to colleagues in the Fellows'
Seminar for their helpful comments on my work. Finally I should like
to thank the students of History 454, "The Formation of Indian Civi-
lization," whose interest and concern about the Aryan idea stimulated
me to write this book.
A. L. Basham, to whom the book is dedicated, was my teacher at the
xiv PREFACE

School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London.

A poet and novelist first, he became a Sanskritist and then a historian
of ancient India (see Trautmann 1988). He is a late example of the group
of which I write, the British Sanskritists, a group that took form in the
times of Charles Wilkins and Sir William Jones, in the latter half of the
eighteenth century. But Basham was also very much a transition figure,
involved in the decolonization of Indianist knowledge at the time when
British India came to an end in the creation of independent republics
of India and Pakistan. One sees this clearly in his critique of the arch-
imperialist histories of India written by Vincent Smith (Basham
1961:266-274), and in the contrast between Smith's Early history of In-
dia (1904, fourth edition 1924) and Basham's The wonder that was In-
dia (1954, third revised edition 1967) that superceded it, a book widely
read and translated into several languages, which became the standard
survey of ancient Indian history for its time. The accomplishment that
gave Basham the most satisfaction, however, was of having supervised
the Ph.D.'s of about a hundred students from South Asia who sub-
sequently occupied positions in history departments of universities all
over the Subcontinent. He died in India while holding a fellowship,
named after Sir William Jones, from the Asiatic Society, and is buried
there. Those who were privileged to be his students remember him with
deep affection.
 CHAPTER I

Introduction

For the new theory of Language has unquestionably produced a

new theory of Race. . . . There seems to me no doubt that
modern philology has suggested a grouping of peoples quite
unlike anything that had been thought of before. If you examine
the bases proposed for common nationality before the new
knowledge growing out of the study of Sanscrit had been
popularised in Europe, you will find them extremely unlike those
which are now advocated and even passionately advocated in
parts of the Continent. . . . That peoples not necessarily
understanding one another's tongue should be grouped together
politically on the ground of linguistic affinities assumed to prove
community of descent, is quite a new idea.
Sir Henry Sumner Maine,
The effects of observation of India on modern
European thought

In 1875, when Britain was at the height of its power in

India, Sir Henry Maine addressed the question of the effects of India as
object of study upon European thought in the Rede Lecture delivered
at the University of Cambridge. He opened by observing the strong
contrast in the reception of Indian matters in England and on the Con-
tinent. In England (which then ruled the whole of India, more or less)
Indian topics were regarded as the epitome of dullness, while in other
European countries (excluded from colonial rule of India by England's
monopoly) India was regarded as providing the most exciting of new
problems, holding out the promise of new discoveries. The source of

1
z INTRODUCTION

this intellectual effervescence was the new theory of language that arose
from acquaintance with Sanskrit, the ancient language of India—which
is to say, the theory of an Indo-European language family comprising
(roughly) Sanskrit and its descendants in North India and Sri Lanka,
Persian, and the languages of Europe. But what was at issue was more
than language—it was ethnology. Modern philology, Maine argued,
had suggested a grouping of peoples quite unlike anything that had
been thought of before—before, that is, Europeans began to study
Sanskrit in the eighteenth century. The bases proposed for common
nationality prior to the European study of Sanskrit were very different
from those which were now passionately advocated in parts of the Con-
tinent. The new ethnology was led by the classifications of languages.
Sir Henry's own work in comparative jurisprudence was based upon
this ethnological idea, for his researches were directed to the compari-
son of the laws of Indo-European-speaking peoples in ancient times.
Increasingly it was race that appeared to be the object of the ethnology
of Indo-Europeans: "For the new theory of language has unquestion-
ably produced a new theory of Race" (Maine 1875:9). The people who
were the first speakers of languages of the Indo-European language
family had long since come to be called, by a name taken from Sanskrit,
Arya (arya) or Aryan.
The Indo-European or Aryan concept is the focus of this book. This
concept has certain formal properties of its own that have been more
or less stable from its inception in the eighteenth century to the present,
as I shall shortly describe. But the premise from which this book sets
out is that, notwithstanding this stability of form, the concept has a
very different aspect when it is looked upon from different perspectives;
specifically that it has a different meaning for the British, their gaze
directed toward their empire in India, than it does for those elsewhere
in Europe. This requires us to take not only a "formalist" but also a
"perspectival" approach to the matter; that is, we must not only analyze
the structure of the Indo-European conception as a perduring object
but also consider the different readings of it, looking especially at En-
gland and the Continent as different readers of a text or having varying
perspectives on the same object. Maine puts the Indo-European idea at
the center of the excitement about India he perceives on the Continent,
and we would be right to infer that in England, where Indian subjects
were regarded as dull, it was comparatively neglected. That is true, but
there is much more to be said about the British "take," which had its
own twist.
 INTRODUCTION 3

The special character of the British concept of the Aryan came to

me as an epiphany from a stone inscription written in Sanskrit, which
I found in a most unexpected place: Oxford, where I had been reading
for many weeks in the Bodleian Library. I was looking at eighteenth-
and nineteenth-century British writings on the non-European world,
but I began to focus more and more on writings about India, the subject
in which I am most at home. Following their conquest of Bengal in the
middle of the eighteenth century—the beginnings of their Indian em-
pire—the British had urgent need to answer certain questions: Who are
the Indians? What is their place among the nations of the world? What
is their relation to us? These are questions that had belonged to the
realm of universal history and that would come to belong to an inquiry
named ethnology. Conquest provoked the questions, and it also pro-
vided the means for a more intimate knowledge of India by which they
could be answered. A new Orientalism came into being that was cen-
tered on India and, for a few decades, the production of it was practi-
cally a monopoly of the scholars of British-Indian Calcutta before it was
established in Europe.
Increasingly I had been thinking that India was, for the development
of ethnology in Britain, not merely a source for British ethnological
discourse which the accidents of history had put in its way, but the very
center of its debates. In British eyes India presented the spectacle of a
dark-skinned people who were evidently civilized, and as such it con-
stituted the central problem for Victorian anthropology, whose project
it was to achieve classifications of human variety consistent with the
master idea of the opposition of the dark-skinned savage and the fair-
skinned civilized European. 1 To this project India was an enigma, and
the intensity of the enigma deepened in the course of the nineteenth
century, bursting into scholarly warfare over the competing claims of
language and complexion as the foundation of ethnological classifica-

1 . This notion and the problematic place of India in it appears to have a very long
genealogy, extending back to Islamic writers of an early period, for whom Indians were
a source of wisdom and science as well as black descendants of Ham. For example, Sacid
ibn Ahmad AndalusI, in his eleventh-century ethnology (1068:11), says that the Indians
were the first nation to have cultivated the sciences, and that although black, Allah ranked
them above many white and brown peoples. The opposition of negritude to science
doubtless has to do with the darkening face of slavery in the international slave trade, both
European and Middle Eastern, as elucidated in a masterly article by William McKee Evans
(1980), "From the land of Canaan to the Land of Guinea: The strange odyssey of the
'Sons of Ham.' " We will return to this problem and these authors in the concluding
chapter.
4 INTRODUCTION

tion. India, thus, was the site of a Methodenstreit among Victorian Brit-
ons who were in the process of creating a "science of man" that con-
cerned the respective claims of language and physique. By century's
end a deep and lasting consensus was reached respecting India, which I
call the racial theory of Indian civilization: that India's civilization was
produced by the clash and subsequent mixture of light-skinned civiliz-
ing invaders (the Aryans) and dark-skinned barbarian aborigines (often
identified as Dravidians). The racial theory of Indian civilization has
proved remarkably durable and resistant to new information, and it per-
sists to this day. It is the crabgrass of Indian history, and I should like to
uproot it.
It seemed to me that there might be more than the obvious to be
found in an examination of British ethnologies of India in the period
of empire and the creation of anthropology as a specialized science. It
seemed possible, if one respected the tension between the cognitive and
the ideological, the scientific and the political (instead of simply reduc-
ing the one to the other), to make discoveries—to find new things that
were not merely answers contained in the question.
There was first, though, the question of a cup of tea. This was not
to be had, I soon decided, from the machine in the gloomy readers'
common room in the bowels of the nearby Clarendon Building. The
History Faculty Library, in the Old Indian Institute Building, offered
better tea, amiable porters, and history students for company. As it
happens, there is a foundation stone with Sanskrit verses inscribed in
modern Nagari script at the entryway, but it was only after passing it
many times that I stopped to read it. The first and last verses struck me
forcibly:

saleyam pracyasastranam jnanottejanatatparaih I

paropakaribhih sadbhih sthapitaryopayoginl 11 I 11
[ ...]
isanukampaya nityam aryavidya mahiyatam I
aryavartanglabhumyos ca mitho maittri vivardhatam 11 4 11

Beneath the stone inscription is a brass plate, inscribed with the official
English translation:

This building, dedicated to Eastern sciences, was founded for the use of
Aryas (Indians and Englishmen) by excellent and benevolent men desirous
of encouraging knowledge. . . . By the favour of God may the learning and
literature of India be ever held in honour; and may the mutual friendship
of India and England constantly increase!
 INTRODUCTION 5

m^nrrwuri " : i

n f ^ : W ^ m r ^ m t ^ r f t t <\ n

<^"¿4 të facial ^TTgft 1

^ s p r i ^FHX ^ ^ f M v R T j f ^ 11 ? »

f^mrraf^rr 'rfNrrm; 1
wm^r^r^Rfra fïmt n

This Building, dedicated to Eastern sciences, was founded for the use of
Aryas (Indians and Englishmen) by excellent and benevolent men desirous
of encouraging knowledge. The High-minded Heir-Apparent, named Albert
Edward, Son of the Empress of India, himself performed the act of inaugu-
ration. The ceremony of laying the Memorial Stone took place on Wednes-
day, the tenth lunar day of the dark half of the month of Vaisâkha, in the
Samvat year 1939 (= Wednesday, May 2, 1883). By the favor of God may
the learning and literature of India be ever held in honour; and may the mu-
tual friendship of India and England constantly increase!

Figure 1. Sanskrit inscription in the Old Indian Institute Building, Oxford.

What is so curious about this inscription is the use of the Sanskrit

word drya in novel and contradictory ways that repay a closer look. To
begin, the building is "for the use of Aryas" (aryopayogini), and the
official translation instructs us that this is to be taken in an inclusive
sense, to mean both Indians and Englishmen. In other European set-
tings and in other times a sign saying "for the use of Aryas" would
be taken to have an exclusive sense, denying entry to Jews, Gypsies,
and non-whites generally. Yet both senses of Arya or Aryan, the inclu-
sive one of the Oxford inscription and the exclusive one of the ideolo-
gists of racial hatred, come from different perspectives on the same con-
struct, the idea of an Aryan people (whether conceived as a race or not),
which is the human substrate of the family of languages called Indo-
European. 2

2. Joan Leopold was the first to see the significance of the Oxford inscription. Her
articles speak directly to several of the issues of this book and have been helpful guides to
the sources (Leopold 1970, 1974a, 1974b).
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