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US Taiwan Policy

The relationship between the United States and China is one of the most important
issues in the twenty-first century, and is, ultimately, hostage to conditions across
the Taiwan Strait. This book is the first to attempt to trace the historical origin of
what is known as the ‘Taiwan issue’ in US–China relations from a constructivist
perspective, based on detailed archival research.
The analysis used supplements the mainstream rationalist approach by
developing a new theoretical perspective on US Taiwan policy that incorporates
constructivism’s emphasis on identity, norms and discourse analysis. Whilst the
potential utility of such an approach has been gestured towards in the past, scholars
have never previously developed or elaborated upon it to any significant extent.
Here, this approach is used to re-examine the Truman administration’s decision
to protect Taiwan by military means following the outbreak of the Korean War,
and to investigate how the ‘one China’ policy was established in relation to the
process of rapprochement during President Nixon’s first term in office. The book
also considers the contemporary challenges posed to the ‘one China’ policy by the
increased importance of promoting human rights and democracy in US foreign
policy, arguing that the current US China policy is guided by a new strategy based
on ‘engagement plus hedging’.
This book will appeal to students of US foreign policy, discourse analysis,
Asian security, international security and IR theory in general.

Øystein Tunsjø is a Senior Research Fellow, Norwegian Institute of Defence

Studies, Oslo, Norway. He holds a PhD in International Relations from the
University of Wales, Aberystwyth, UK.
Asian Security Studies
Series Editors: Sumit Ganguly, Indiana University, Bloomington and
Andrew Scobell, US Army War College

Few regions of the world are fraught with as many security questions as Asia.
Within this region it is possible to study great power rivalries, irredentist
conflicts, nuclear and ballistic missile proliferation, secessionist movements,
ethno-religious conflicts and inter-state wars. This book series publishes the best
possible scholarship on the security issues affecting the region, and includes
detailed empirical studies, theoretically oriented case studies and policy-relevant
analyses as well as more general works.

China and International Institutions Religion and Conflict in South and

Alternate paths to global power Southeast Asia
Marc Lanteigne Disrupting violence
Linell E. Cady and Sheldon W. Simon (eds)
China’s Rising Sea Power
The PLA navy’s submarine challenge Political Islam and Violence in Indonesia
Peter Howarth Zachary Abuza

If China Attacks Taiwan US–Indian Strategic Cooperation into

Military strategy, politics and economics the 21st Century
Steve Tsang (ed.) More than words
Sumit Ganguly, Brian Shoup and
Chinese Civil–Military Relations Andrew Scobell (eds)
The transformation of the People’s
Liberation Army India, Pakistan and the Secret Jihad
Nan Li (ed.) The covert war in Kashmir, 1947–2004
Praveen Swami
The Chinese Army Today
Tradition and transformation for the 21st China’s Strategic Culture and Foreign
century Policy Decision-Making
Dennis J. Blasko Confucianism, leadership and war
Huiyun Feng
Taiwan’s Security
History and prospects Military Strategy in the Third
Bernard D. Cole Indochina War
The last Maoist war
Edward C. O’Dowd
Asia Pacific Security China’s War on Terrorism
US, Australia and Japan and the new Counter-insurgency, politics and internal
security triangle security
William T. Tow, Satu Limaye, Martin I. Wayne
Mark Thomson and Yoshinobu Yamamoto
US Taiwan Policy
China, the United States and South-East Constructing the triangle
Asia Øystein Tunsjø
Contending perspectives on politics,
security and economics
Evelyn Goh and Sheldon W. Simon

Conflict and Cooperation in Multi-

Ethnic States
Institutional incentives, myths and counter-
balancing
Brian Dale Shoup
US Taiwan Policy
Constructing the triangle

Øystein Tunsjø
First published 2008
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
270 Madison Ave, New York, NY 10016

This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2008.

“To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s
collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.”
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa
business
© 2008 Øystein Tunsjø
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Tunsjø, Øystein.
US Taiwan policy : constructing the triangle / Øystein Tunsjø.
p. cm. – (Asian security studies)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. United States–Foreign relations–Taiwan. 2. Taiwan–Foreign
relations–United States. 3. United States–Foreign relations–China.
4. China–Foreign relations–United States. 5. Taiwan–Foreign relations–
China. 6. China–Foreign relations–Taiwan. I. Title.
JZ1480.A57T28 2008
327.7305124’9–dc22 2007036112

ISBN 0-203-93035-5 Master e-book ISBN

ISBN10: 0–415–45202–3 (hbk)

ISBN10: 0–203–93035–5 (ebk)
ISBN13: 978–0–415–45202–1 (hbk)
ISBN13: 978–0–203–93035–9 (ebk)
For Hege and Axel
Contents

Acknowledgements x
Abbreviations xii

1 Refocusing the study of US Taiwan policy 1

2 Discourses and the origins of the ‘Taiwan issue’ 1949–50 20

3 Opening space on the Taiwan question 1969–72 51

4 Contemporary challenges in US Taiwan policy 76

5 Debating US strategy towards China 101

6 Understanding US Taiwan policy: the linkage between

history and theory 120

Notes 129
Bibliography 170
Index 190
Acknowledgements

My sincere thanks are owed to many people who either directly or indirectly have
proved invaluable to the process of researching and writing this book. I began
working on this project as a PhD student at the University of Wales, Aberystwyth
and I owe a particular debt of gratitude to my PhD supervisors, Patrick Finney
and Ian Clark, whose support, advice and assistance have been invaluable to this
study. To be a recipient of their knowledge, insight, encouragement and advice
has been a privilege, and has pushed me far beyond what I could have achieved
alone.
I am also grateful to others who have generously given of their time and
expertise. Colin Mackerras, who first introduced me to China’s fascinating history,
has shared with me his exceptional knowledge and experience. Ulla Holm, Phil
Cunliff, Patricia Bradshaw, Christopher Coker, Johannes Rø, Stein Tønnesson and
Cian O’Driscol have read various drafts and provided valuable feedback. Will
Bain and Jan Selby provided guidance and pushed me in the right direction while
the project was in its initial stages. I would also like to thank the Department of
International Politics, Aberystwyth, Lise and Arnfin Hejes Fond and the Eckbo
legat for their financial support. To all my friends and peers at Aberystwyth I am
very grateful. In particular I would like to thank Wayne, Phil, Scott, Sara, Cian,
Nick, Rens, Tom, Ching Chang, Jay, Adam, Carl, Darren, Seb, Columba, Dick
and the Harriers and many others besides who all made my stay in Aberystwyth
enjoyable and enriched my time as a PhD student.
The book has been completed while working as a researcher at the Norwegian
Institute for Defence Studies. I was extremely fortunate to be able to join this
Institute and I would like to thank my colleagues there for creating such a hospitable
climate for research and writing. Anna Therese Klingstedt, the Institute’s editor,
has guided me through the most frustrating parts of preparing a manuscript for
publication. It has also been a pleasure working with Routledge and I have been
very impressed by their professionalism, feedback and speedy turnaround. I would
especially like to acknowledge Andrew Humphrys, the military and strategic
editor, for being so approachable and supportive. Thanks are also due to three
anonymous reviewers who provided concise and constructive suggestions.
While writing this thesis, I was grateful to have the support of Ragnhild Evjen
Andersen who employed her English language editing skills. Moreover, it gives me
 Acknowledgements xi
great pleasure to acknowledge the support of those individuals who helped during
my research at libraries and archives in the United States. I am indebted to Jan
Cornelius for his hospitality while I was staying in Washington. The staffs at the
National Archives and the Library of Congress in Washington were professional
and always willing to give generously of their time. At the Truman Presidential
Library I was received with a spirit of generosity and enthusiasm that still takes
my breath away. The Harry House, in Independence, Missouri, not only provided
me with excellent accommodation, it was also an inspiration to know that I was
staying at the childhood home of President Truman.
It seems almost customary to leave them until the end, but it goes without
saying that my biggest debt is to my family who have lived this project with
me. The Tunsjøs, the Smiths, the Smedstads and the Leinaas have supported me
through seemingly endless years of education. Even if they have been far away,
their affection never felt distant and while somewhat in wonder at the length
of time the project has required, they have all continued to be supportive. I am
especially indebted to my father for providing me with the opportunity to study
for so many years. Without his relentless encouragement, patience, humour and
enduring support this book might never have seen the light of day.
Writing a monograph has its pleasures, but they pale before the other rewards
that life has to offer. I have dedicated this book to my wife, Hege, and my son,
Axel. Although Hege and Axel have not received the attention they deserve,
Hege’s patience, love and companionship have been unwavering. Hege’s loving
and caring personality has soothed the wounds inflicted by times of yearning and
has made me able to go through the process of writing this book. I could not have
done it without her.
Abbreviations

AIT American Institute in Taiwan

APEC Asian-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum
ARF ASEAN Regional Forum
ASEAN Association of South East Asian Nations
CCNAA Coordination Council for North American Affairs
CCP Chinese Communist Party
CIA Central Intelligence Agency
CRS Congressional Research Service
CTC Congressional Taiwan Caucus
DNSA Digital National Security Archive
DoD Department of Defense
DPP Democratic Progressive Party
EU European Union
FRUS Foreign Relations of the United States
GRC Government of the Republic of China
HAK Henry A. Kissinger
HSTL Harry S. Truman Library
IGO Intergovernmental organisations
INGO International non-governmental organisations
IR International Relations
JCS Joint Chiefs of Staff
KMT Kuomintang
MDT Mutual Defense Treaty
MFN Most Favoured Nation
NARA National Archives and Record Administration
NK North Korea
NPM Nixon Presidential Material
NSA National Security Archive
NSC National Security Council
NSSM National Security Study Memorandum
QDR Quadrennial Defense Review
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
PRC People’s Republic of China
 Abbreviations xiii
RG 59 Record Group 59
RN Richard Nixon
ROC Republic of China
ROK Republic of Korea
SCO Shanghai Cooperation Organization
Telecons Telephone Conversations Transcripts
TRA Taiwan Relations Act
UN United Nations
UNSC United Nation Security Council
1 Refocusing the study of US
Taiwan policy

United States (US)–China relations today encompass a broad range of issues

essential to the peace, prosperity and stability of East Asia and the world.
Undoubtedly, the question of US–China relations is one of the most important
issues that will shape international politics in the twenty-first century. As many
writers have argued, US–China relations are, ultimately, hostage to the conditions
across the Taiwan Strait and the ‘Taiwan issue’ remains one of the few potential
areas of conflict where US preponderance could be challenged militarily by
another major power.
Taiwan’s successful transition to democracy and its pride in its achievements
have deprived Taiwan and China of their common objective of a unified one-
China and increased Taiwanese impulses towards independence. Conversely,
China views Taiwan as a renegade province and has, as evidenced by its most
recent anti-secession law, threatened to use force if the island takes steps towards
establishing formal independence. Although since 1972 US policy has recognised
that Taiwan is part of China, Washington has indicated it would intervene if China
tried to take Taiwan by force. It is therefore essential to broaden our understanding
of this pivotal relationship and examine historically the shifting foundations for
Taiwan’s independence and the adherence of the US to the one-China principle.
My key research question asks to what extent the Taiwan issue in US China
policy is a shifting discursive construct tied to US identity and American
representations of China and Taiwan. To date there has been no attempt to trace
from a constructivist perspective the historical origin of what is known in US–
China relations as the ‘Taiwan issue’. Accordingly, this study’s main claim to
originality is to offer the first rigorous and detailed critical constructivist analysis
based on original and detailed archival research of the construction of the Taiwan
issue in US China policy.
In the official documents and records examined, I have identified four
discursive representations of the Taiwan issue since 1949: Taiwan as representing
all of China (the ‘red menace’ discourse), the status of Taiwan as ‘undetermined’,
Taiwan as ‘independent’, and the status of Taiwan as ‘determined’ (meaning
there is one-China and that Taiwan is part of China). Although labels such as
‘determined’ and ‘undetermined’ may seem awkward to a discourse analyst, they
have been chosen because they have been articulated by state officials, elaborated
2 Refocusing the study of US Taiwan policy
on in key documentary sources and identified through discursive practices. They
are therefore not replaced by labels more easily grasped by discourse analysis.
Similarly, because I work with different source material in Chapters 4 and 5, I do
not keep to the labels identified in Chapters 2 and 3.
However, this does not imply that there is no relation between the discursive
representations of the Taiwan issue throughout this study. On the contrary, when
juxtaposing these different periods, there is something similar about the discursive
representations which highlights how the ongoing process of constituting an
American identity constructs a particular US Taiwan policy and how the practices
of US Taiwan policy produce and reproduce US identity. For instance, the
underlying representations that guide the contemporary engagement discourse
in US China policy, which acknowledges the one-China principle, resemble
previous discursive practices of the ‘determined’ discourse which has its roots in
the Truman and Nixon administrations’ position that Taiwan was part of China,
and an emphasis on China’s vital and constructive role in world affairs. Equally,
the current containment discourse shares similarities with the ‘red menace’ and
the ‘independence’ discourses in its focusing on the threatening aspects of the
Communist regime and the binary opposites that differentiate the political systems
on either side of the Taiwan Strait. Finally, the nuances in contemporary US
Taiwan policy can be traced back to the ambiguity embedded in the ‘undetermined’
discourse, a central aspect of US Taiwan policy since 1949.
Thus, by problematising the origins of the Taiwan issue in US China policy and
focusing on the discursive representations that produce meanings and possibilities
within the situation statesmen face, this analysis draws attention to the way US
Taiwan policy shapes and impinges on the status of Taiwan in international affairs.
Building on the premises of constructivist international relations theory, which take
the contingent and social construction of policy more seriously than do rationalist
approaches, I aim to illuminate the processes through which the architects of US
Taiwan policy produced and reproduced identities, constituted new knowledge
and pursued new meanings to construct and sustain particular representations of
China, the US, Taiwan and the relations between these countries.1
In other words, this study endeavours to investigate the discourses that enable
US decision-makers to represent the world in specific ways. It also aims to discuss
the emergence of different discourses of US Taiwan policy which have been
pertinent in structuring the possibilities that facilitated certain courses of action
and to rediscover what made a particular action more reasonable, imaginable and
desirable.
By representation I mean the ways in which the Taiwan issue has been
represented discursively by policymakers, scholars and others in the US. Critical
constructivists do not deny the existence of a material world outside their heads,
but they oppose the notion that ‘phenomena can constitute themselves as objects
of knowledge independent of discursive practices’.2 Thus, representations are
always the result of an interpretive construction of the world out there, which
cannot be known purely and directly, but only grasped through lenses which are
based on language, categories and social practices. Representations sustain a
 Refocusing the study of US Taiwan policy 3
particular discursive understanding but they are inherently unstable and always in
the process of being produced and reproduced.
To scrutinise the prevailing discourses and representations within a particular
decision-making environment and encourage greater reflexivity about how
identities help to specify which objects are to be protected and which constitute
threats, a critical constructivist approach aspires to explore how discursive
representations, which are seen as a priori and constitutive for action, shape
identities and interests. Such an analysis, then, opens up the possibility of new
kinds of questions and answers, allowing us to deal with US Taiwan policy and
the complexity of the Taiwan issue with fresh insight.
To contextualise my research project, the introduction starts by looking
at the literature on US–China relations to question the rationalist assumptions
underpinning this scholarship and point out that, despite a number of excellent
studies examining US–China relations since 1949, few analysts have focused on
US Taiwan policy. Indeed, rarely does any study of US–China relations examine
the effects US Taiwan policy has had on the status of Taiwan. In the second section
of the chapter, the work of various constructivists is introduced and this study’s
main theoretical and methodological assumptions are laid out. The final section
provides some background on the main sources used, presents a chapter outline,
and offers a brief preview of the overall argument of the book.

Challenging mainstream approaches

For an overall picture of US–Chinese relations, Harry Harding’s A Fragile
Relationship and Rosemary Foot’s The Practice of Power stand out as the major
contributions to the field. Harding’s analysis emphasises the different cycles in
US–China relations between 1972 and 1992, which he characterises as a pattern
of ‘progress and stagnation, crisis and consolidation’.3 According to Harding,
the most significant dynamics which push the relationship in different directions
are found in geopolitical and strategic concerns, ideological differences and
economic interests. While acknowledging the influence of all these three elements,
Harding believes that ideology and economics remain subordinate to geopolitical
concerns.4
Foot takes a broader perspective and examines the relationship from 1949
onwards in a predominantly thematic overview, which focuses on the diplomatic,
economic, strategic and domestic political aspects of the relationship. Although
she recognises the powerful influence of the realist perspective and the important
strategic underpinnings of US–Chinese relations in this period, Foot dissociates
herself from the central assumption of Harding’s assessment. As Foot argues,
‘American relations with China were embedded in a wider structure of relationships
at the global and domestic levels; they also embraced areas other than bilateral
concern about the global strategic balance’.5
Adopting a similar approach, David Shambaugh utilises international relations
theory and the ‘level of analysis’ approach to US–Chinese relations.6 Recognising
the lack of primary data, Shambaugh leaves out the so-called ‘idiosyncratic/
4 Refocusing the study of US Taiwan policy
individual’ level and focuses instead on global systemic, societal and governmental
levels of analysis.7 Noting the dramatic shift within the relationship from war
and hostility on the Korean peninsula during the 1950s, to coming close to a de
facto alliance after normalisation of relations in 1979 and then a sharp downturn
after the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989, Shambaugh acknowledges that it
is difficult to find a ‘consistent equilibrium’. As he argues, ‘[i]t is a relationship
fraught with high emotions, misperceptions, and considerable historical baggage.
Even when the two nations’ objective national interests coincided, these subjective
factors eventually tended to introduce tensions into the relationship’.8
Taking up the issue of ideology, Richard Madsen concurs that perceptions held
within the broader American public indeed played a role in shaping US–China
policy. Assumptions derived from Americans’ own moral values and expectations
have been projected onto China, and intensified disputes over human rights issues,
political liberalisation and independence movements.9 To search for the place of
ideology in American foreign policy, Michael H. Hunt’s Ideology and US Foreign
Policy provides the best introduction, and his book also contains several sections
on the approach of the US to China.10 As an account of Chinese perceptions of
Americans, David Shambaugh’s Beautiful Imperialist, China Perceives America,
1972–1990, stands out as a unique and substantial study of Chinese interpretations
and images of the United States.11
Though various accounts emphasise ideological, cultural, societal and
economic issues, the theme that has enjoyed most prominence within the literature
on Sino-American relations throughout the Cold War, and especially since the
rapprochement in 1971–2, has been strategic considerations and balance of power
logic. The strategic aspects of US foreign policy which focused on containing
Communist China prior to the process of rapprochement can be followed in the
groundbreaking work of John L. Gaddis, while Harding provides a starting point
for a realist account of US–China relations since rapprochement.12
Although these studies provide useful insights into US–China relations
during the Cold War and the early 1990s and, when supplemented with more
contemporary analyses, undoubtedly broaden and enrich our understanding, it
should be noted that they do not draw extensively on archival material.13 More
importantly, few studies have been written on US–China–Taiwan relations and
most scholars have tended to focus on particular crises.14 Tucker’s contribution is
still the major exception, although recently available accounts have supplemented
Tucker’s analysis of what Bush has declared to be still ‘relatively unstudied
issues’.15 Not previously examined, however, is the way in which discourses and
representations work to construct a particular status for Taiwan.
As members of the Allied coalition during the Second World War, the heads of
state of China, the US and the United Kingdom (UK) jointly signed on 1 December
1943 the Cairo Declaration stipulating that ‘all the territories Japan has stolen from
the Chinese, such as Formosa, Manchuria, and the Pescadores, shall be restored
to the Republic of China’.16 In October 1949, after several years of civil war, the
victorious Communist forces established the People’s Republic of China (PRC)
in Beijing while Chiang Kai-Shek and his defeated Kuomintang (KMT) withdrew
 Refocusing the study of US Taiwan policy 5
to Taiwan, and proclaimed Taipei the temporary capital of the Republic of China
(ROC). The Truman administration was initially interested in some form of
reconciliation with the newly established PRC regime. However, stalemate across
the Taiwan Strait was solidified when the United States dispatched its Seventh
Fleet to the Taiwan Strait in June 1950 in the aftermath of the Korean War.
Small-scale fighting in the Taiwan Strait continued throughout the 1950s and
1960s over a string of islands (Quemoy and Matsu), but the situation eventually
settled into deadlock. Through a number of historic visits in 1971 and 1972, Nixon
and Kissinger laid the foundations for rapprochement and later normalisation of
US–China relations and shifted US Taiwan policy towards acknowledging the
one-China principle, which saw Taiwan as part of China. The Republic of China
was expelled by the United Nations National Assembly and simultaneously the
PRC was admitted to the United Nations (UN) in 1971 as representing China.
Despite a number of communiqués acknowledging the importance of improving
US–Chinese relations and reaffirming the one-China principle, the ‘Taiwan
issue’ has developed into one of the most enduring stand-offs originating in the
Cold War.
The reversals and shifts in US Taiwan policy have generally been explained in
terms of strategic calculations and balance of power logic. On this view, with war
on the Korean Peninsula, Taiwan became strategically important as an essential
link in the offshore island chain of bases and key to the southern flank of US
operations.17 The balance of power, however, had changed by the late 1960s and
early 1970s with the animosity in Sino-Soviet relations escalating into border
clashes and US military superiority waning in relation to the Soviet Union. The
structural imperatives of the international system, therefore, prompted the rationale
to overcome conflicting interests in US–China relations, and accordingly the US
changed its Taiwan policy.18 Although the contemporary picture is more mixed, a
number of studies emphasise the strategic value of Taiwan and the need to support
Taiwan as an independent entity in any attempt to contain the ‘rise of China’.19
Unsatisfied with the kind of interest-based, balance of power explanations in
mainstream literature that ‘treat interests and structures as if they were objective,
hard, substantial realities of the kind that are uncovered and explained by natural
science’, I would instead argue that the current theoretical understanding of the
rationalist approach is insufficient and that we now have other theoretical tools
with which to re-examine current literature on US–Chinese relations and the
Taiwan issue.20
As Ninkovich has observed, ‘as objects of study, interests are slippery because
they have no objective existence apart from the way people constitute and interpret
them’.21 Noting that a concern with the way identities are constantly constituted
and reconstituted in social interaction has not been central to dominant approaches
examining US Taiwan policy, this study explores the central role of discourses
and emphasises the effects of a contingent construction of US identity and the
representations which constituted its ‘national interests’.
There are significant analytical and methodological differences between an
analysis inspired by constructivism and the rationalist assumptions underpinning
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